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HARPER’S CLASSICAL LIBRARY. 





XENOPHON’S ANABASIS, 


AND THE 


MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES, 


TRANSLATED LITERALLY. 








THE ANABASIS, 


OR 


EXPEDITION OF CYRUS, 


AND THE 


MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. 


LITERALLY TRANSLATED FROM THE GREEK 


oF 


XENOPHON. 


BY THE 


REV. J. 5. WATSON, M.A. M.R.S.L. 


WITH 
A GEOGRAPHICAL COMMENTARY, 


BY W. F. AINSWORTH, ESQ. 


F.S.4., F.R.G.S., F.G.S. 


NEW YORK: 


HARPER ἃ BROTITIERS, 
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1818. 


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PREFACE. 


Or the two works of Xenophon, contained in the 
present volume, English translations have already 
appeared. 

The only version of the Anabasis, on which the 
public could look with any favor, was Spelman’s, which 
certainly has spirit, and is in general not unfaithful, 
but is not sufficiently close for the scholar or student. 
Spelman has some knowledge of Greek, but was de- 
ficient, as is proved by his notes, in that intimate ac- 
quaintance with the language which is necessary to 
the production of an exact version. 

The best previous translation of the Memorabilia 
was that by Sarah Fielding, the sister of the novelist ; 
a performance, however, extremely verbose and licen- 
tious. Its authoress had not sufficient knowledge of 
Greek to justify her in undertaking it. Harris of 
Salisbury gave her some help, as she says in a note 
near the commencement, but assuredly not much. 
She had been preceded by Bysshe, the author of the 


2025120 


ti PREFACE. 


Art of Poetry, a free translator, many of whose 
phrases she adopted. 

The present translator has endeavored to preserve 
the sense and spirit of the original, in language which 
may satisfy both the English reader and the scholar. 

, in the Anabasis, the text of Dindorf has been fo}- 
lowed ; in the Memorabilia, that of Kiihner. 

The Geographical Commentary, by Mr. Ainsworth, 
author of ‘‘ Travels in the Track of the Ten Thousand 
Greeks,” has been added at the wish of the publisher, 
and will, without doubt, be regarded as an acceptable 
illustration of the Anabasis. 


J. 8& W. 


REMARKS 


ON 


THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE ANABASIS. 





A Broerapuicat Notice of Xenophon will be prefixed to another 
volume. Some remarks are here offered on the authorship of the 
** Anabasis.” 

A passage of the “ Hellenica,” in which it is said that a narra- 
tive of the Expedition of Cyrus was written by Themistogenes of 
Syracuse, has given rise to the question’ whether the account of 
that expedition which we now have is that of Xenophon or that 
of Thethistogenes. 

When Xenophon, in the course of his narrative of events relat. 
ing to Greece, comes to the time at which the expedition of 
Cyrus took place, he says,? “How Oyrus collected an army, how 
he marched up the country with it against his brother, how the 
battle was fought, how Cyrus was killed, and how the Greeks 
afterward effected a safe retreat to the sea, has been written by 
Themistogenes the Syracusan.” 

Suidas* also says that “ Themistogenes, a Syracusan historian, 
wrote the Anabasis of Oyrus, ἦτις ἐν τοῖς Ξενοφῶντος ᾿Ελληνικοῖς 
φέρεται, and some other things concerning his own country.” 
What sense is to be given to the word φέρεται in this passage, has 


1 Morus in Dissert. Hellenicis ρων ce. 6. Kiihner Prolegom. in 
Anab. p. xviii. 


2 Hellen. iii. 1, 2. 3 vy. Θεμεστογενῆς. 


viii ON THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE ANABASIS. 


been a subject of much doubt. If the phrase containing it be 
translated, with Morus, gue nominatur aut laudatur in Historia 
Grecd, a sense is given to the verb for which there is no author- 
ity; and if it be rendered, with most interpreters, gue inserta 
legitur historiis Grecis, that is said which is not true. Kuster* 
end Dindorf,? therefore, suggest that the word ‘EAAgvixoic, which 
is not found in the Paris manuscripts, should be struck out. The 
sense will then be, ‘‘which is inserted among the writings of 
Xenophon.” 

Suidas being thus interpreted, the two passages will concur 
in showing that a narrative of the “ Anabasis” was written by 
Themistogenes. The next point to be considered~is, whether 
that narrative which we now have is, or is not, the work of 
Themistogenes. 

Plutarch, in his Considerations whether the Athenians were more 
renowned in Arms or in Letters,* observes, in alluding to the his- 
torians, that ‘‘ Xenophon was a subject of history for himself, for 
he wrote an account of the military matters which he successfally 
conducted, but represents that the account was written by The- 
mistogenes the Syracusan, in order that he might have more 
credit if he spoke of himself as another person, giving to another 
the reputation of the work.” The passage is somewhat obscure, 
for there is a word, such as 2éyet, wanting; I translate it in the 
sense in which it is taken by Leunclavius and Wyttenbach. 

In agreement with this passage of Plutarch, Tzetzes, in his 
Chiliads,* after observing that Phidias made two statues for a 
young man of whom he was fond, and for whose workmanship, 
it appears, they were to pass, says that ‘ Xenophon did the same 
with regard to the Anabasis of Cyrus; for he set a certain name 
to the work to please one whom he loved; *° * * itis the 
book of Themistogenes the Syracusan, and afterward came to be 
commonly called the work of Xenophon; so Plato the philosopher 
wrote his Dialogues under the names of his friends; and other 
writers have composed innumerable things in a similar way.” 
When he says that “it is the book of Themistogenes,” τὸ βιβλίον 


ἃ Ad Suidam, v. Οεμιστογενῆης. 2 Preef. in Anab. p. vii. ed. 1825, 
ΔῸΣ ἢ ; 4 vil. 930, 


ON THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE ANABASIS. ix 


Οεμίστογένους ἐστι, he can have no other meaning but that it was 
given tothe world by Xenophon under the name of Themisto- 
genes.:. A Scholium, which is appended to the passage by an un- 
known author, states the matter more briefly and clearly: “ Xeno- 
phon inscribed the Anabasis of Cyrus with the name of Themis- 
togenes, yet it came to be commonly called afterward the work 
of Xenophon.” 

‘From these writers, then, Plutarch, Ti and his Scholiast, 
it would appear that the “ Anabasis,” or account of the éxpedi- 
tion of Cyrus, was written by Xenophon, and published as the 
work of Themistogenes. But from the passage of Xenophon, to 
which we ought to attribute more authority than to any other, 
as also from that of Suidas, we may rather cenceive, as Dindorf 
suggests, that there were two Anabases, the one written by The- 
mistogenes, before Xenophon wrote the third book of the Telle- 
ni¢ay and to which Xenophon was then content to refer, and the 
other written by Xenophon himself subsequently to that time. 
Under. this supposition, indeed, we must believe that’ Xenophon 
published the Anabasis at a very advanced period of life, while 
the composition seems to be that of a man in the full vigor of his 
faculties ; but Sophocles, as Kiihner’ observes, wrote with great 
spirit after he was eighty years of age; and the Anabasis might 
liave-been written some years before Xenophon sent it out of his 
diands.: If there were two, that of Themistogenes, from what 
Xenophon says of it, may have brought the Greeks only to thie 
sea,’ or ‘to Trebisond; that of Xenophon is continued to their 
.junction with Thibron. If there were but one, Xenophon may 
have published the first four-books, at-an earlier period, under the 
name of Themistogenes, and have afterward added the three 
other books, and signified that the whole was his own. 

One object of the author of the work which we have, ob- 
serves Mitford,’ was to apologize for the conduct of Xenophon ; 
in the latter part the narrativé is constantly accompanied with a 
studied defense of his proceedings; the circumstances that pro- 
duced his banishment from Athens,.and whatever might excite 
jealousy against him at Lacedwmon, have been carefully con- 


1 Prolegom. in Anab, p. xix. ° 2 Tlist. of Greece, vol. v. p. 333. 


x ON THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE ANABAGXIS. 


sidered; if, therefore, Themistogenes wrote it, he may have 
written under the direction of Xenophon, if Xenophon wrote it, 
there may have been good reasons why, at the time of its pub- 
lication, he should have wished it to pass under another person’s 
name. 

If there were two Anabases, we may suppose that Xenophon’s 
superseded that of Themistogenes, and caused it to be lost. 
The name of Themistogenes, as an author, is mentioned by ro 
writer besides those whom we have noticed; while that of 
Xenophon, as the author of the Anabasis, is specified, as Mitford 
and Kriiger’ observe, by Dionysius of Halicarnassns, Strabo, 
Cicero, Diogenes Laertius, Lucian, Ailian, and Atheneus, besides 
the grammarians and lexicographers, Hesychius, Pollux, Harpo- 
eration, and Ammonius. 

But no decisive opinion can be pronounced. The statement 
of Plutarch, which he gives, not as a conjecture of his own, but 
as ἃ matter of general belief in his day, and which is supported 
by Tzetzes and his Scholiast, may induce many readers, if not 
the majority, to suppose, with Weiske* and Kihner, that there 
was probably but one Anabasis, that which we now have, and 
which, though the work of Xenophon, was, for whatever reasons 
on the part of the author, sent into the world as the composition 
of Themistogenes, The attractions of the subject, as Dr. Smith* 
observes, might have induced more than one or two persons to 
write upon it. 

Of the other work translated in this volume, no doubt has been 
expressed that. Xenophon was the author. It shows what were 
the habits and conversation of him who taught that 


To know 
That which before us lies in daily life 
Ts the prime wisdom ; 
who brought philosophy down from heaven to dwell with men; 
and who was pronounced the wisest of men by the Delphic 


1 De Authent. Anab. p. 18." 
3 Tractat. de sestimanda Cyri Exped. p. xvii. seq¢ 
3 Note on Xen. Hellen. iii. 1. 


ON THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE ANABASIS. xi 


oracle, “ because he judiciously made choice of human nature for 
the object of his thoughts, an inquiry into which as much ex- 
ceeds all other learning as it is of more consequence to adjust 
the true nature and measures of right and wrong than to settle 
the distances of the planets, and compute the time of their cir- 
cumvolutions.”* Ilis doctrine was, 


Ταῦτ᾽ εἰδως, σοφὸς ἴσϑι μάτην 0 ‘Exixovpov ἔασον 
Ποῦ τὸ κενὸν ζητεῖν, καὶ τίνες αἱ μονάδες." 


On life, on morals, be thy thoughts employed ; 
Leave to the schools their Atoms and their Void. 


He gave, indeed, it may be thought, too little encouragement 
to investigations in physical science. How far he recommended 
that mathematical studies should be pursued, may be seen in B, 
iv.c. 7. The best specimen of Socratic reasoning in the Memo- 
rabvilia is the philosopher’s conversation with Euthydemus in B. 
iv. 6. 2. 


1 Spectator, No. 408. 
? Automedon. Anthol. Gr. Rambler, No, 180. 


P ae Ἢ nate ἢ : 
oh tive sees pus: ; Estee oak 


ἣν 


ae | ote Olt. 
stoi bes oh at ae 


ts 

















CONTENTS. 


PAGH 
REMARKS 2 χ < . ° . . . “5 ΣᾺ - Vii 
ANABASIS, BookKL . ὦ P ¢ a Ρ' ὸ 2 ᾿ Ἰ 
ANABASIS, Book IT. : P ‘ . ᾽ ᾿ ‘ . 45 
ANABASIS, Book ΠῚ... ‘ ὃ ᾽ ὺ : Α 75 
ANABASIS, Boox IV. 4 7 - 2 ὰ . ἥ : . 106 
ANABASIS, Book V. . y : ἢ ‘ ᾿ ὼ Pee ee 
ANABASIs, Book VI... 5 . Ε A ‘ : ε Se (9 
ANABASIS, Boox VII. : j F : ᾿ ‘ τὸ, 108: 
TABULAR VIEW OF THE MARCHES, ETC., IN THE ANABASIS . . 259 
GEOGRAPHICAL COMMENTARY, BY Mr. AINSWORTH . ; ἕν ας 265 
GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX . F . : : 3 - 3 ς 888 
MEMORALILIA, ΒΟΟΚ I. ἢ i - ; F " 3 ei BAD 
MEMORABILIA, Book II. . ; ν᾽ : : 3 : ; . 385 
MEMORABILIA, Book III. . : a : Ἷ ; 2 ay 428 
MEMORABILIA, Book IY. P Ἶ : - ᾿ : . 468 
INDEX sok Se wets potas : Ἢ ἐτῶν ρον ἢ eee ΞΒΘΛΗ 


NoTANDA j ὃ : ἕ ᾿ ) Ξ ᾧ ὶ Σ . 519 


ΜΕ . 


ἐδ πεσε Ὁ 





XENOPHON’S 


ANABASIS, 


OR 


EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. 





BOOK IL—CHAPTER I. 


Parentage of Cyrus the Younger. After the death of his father he is ac- 
eused of plotting against his brother Artaxerxes, who imprisons him, but 
releases him on the intercession of his mother, and sends him back to his 
province, where he secretly collects forces, of which a large proportion 
are from Greece, to make war on his brother. 


1. Or Darius’ and Parysatis were born two sons,’ the elder 
Artaxerxes, and the younger Cyrus. After Darius had fallen 
sick, and suspected that the end of his life was approaching, 
‘he was desirious that both of his sons should attend him. 
2. The elder then happened to be present; Cyrus he sent for 
from the province of which he had made him satrap. He had 
also appointed him commander of all the forces that muster in 
the plain of Castolus.* 


1 Darius 17., surnamed Nothus, who’ reigned from B.c. 423 to B.c. 
404, the year in which Cyrus went up to Babylon. 

2 Several children of his are mentioned by Plutarch, Life of Artax. 
οὐ 27. 

3 Afterward Artaxerxes IL, surnamed Mnemon; he began his reign 
B.C. 405. 

4 Eig Καστωλοῦ rediov.] In each of the provinces of the Persian 
empire, certain open places, plains or commons, were appointed for the 
assembly and review of troops. See i. 2. 11; 9. 7; Hellen. i. 43. 
Heeren, Jdeen, vol. ii. p. 486. Castolus is mentioned as a city of Lydia 
by Stephanus of Byzantium. Kiihner. 

VOL. I. 1 


2 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK I. 


Cyrus accordingly went up, taking with him Tissaphernes as 
a friend, and having also with him three hundred heavy-armed 
Greeks,’ and Xenias of Parrhasia,’ their captain. 

8. But when Darius was dead, and Artaxerxes was placed 
upon the throne, Tissaphernes brought an accusation against 
Cyrus before his brother, saying that he was plotting against 
him. Artaxerxes was induced to give credit to it, and had 
Cyrus arrested with the intention of putting him to death ; but 
his mother, having begged his life, sent him back to his provy- 
ince. 

4. When Cyrus had departed, after being thus in danger 
and disgrace, he began to consider by what means he might 
cease to be subject to his brother, and make himself king, if he 
could, in his stead. Parysatis, their mother, was well disposed 
toward Cyrus,*° as she loved him better than Artaxerxes, who 
was on the throne. 5. Whatever messengers from the king* 
came to visit him, he let none of them go till he had inclined 
them to be friends to himself, rather than the monarch.’ He 
also paid such attention to the barbarians® that were with him, 
that they were in a condition to take the field, and well inclined 
toward himself. 6. His Greek force he collected as secretly as 
he could, that he might surprise the king as little prepared as 
possible. 

He collected troops in the following manner. Whatever 
garrisons he had in his towns, he sent orders to the com- 
manders of them to procure respectively as many Peloponne- 
sians as they could, of the best class of soldiers, on pretense 
that Tissaphernes was forming designs upon those towns. 

1 Τῶν Ἑλλήνων---ὁπλίτας---τριακοσίους.) Three hundred of the 
Greeks that were in his pay, or of such as he could then procure. 

2 A city and district in the south-western part of Arcadia. - 

3 Ὕπῆρχε τῷ Κύρῳ.] “Partibus et consiliis ejus [Cyri] favebat.” 
Schneider. ‘“‘Cyro addicta et adjumento erat.” . Kiihner. Compare v. 
6. 23; Hellen. vii. 5. 5. 

4 “Ὅστις---τῶν παρὰ βασιλέως. We must understand those who aro 
called ἔφοδοι, Cyrop. viii. 6.16: compare (Eicon. iv. 6. Zeune. They 
were officers appointed to visit the satrapies annually, and make a report 
respecting the state of them to the king. 

5 Οὕτω διατιϑεὶς ἀπεπέμπετο, x. τ. 2.) “He sent them all away 
(after) so disposing them, that they were friends rather to himself than 
the king.” 

6 By this term are meant chiefly the Asiatics that were about Cyrus. 


The Greeks called all people Barbarians that were not of their own 
nation. 


CHAP. I. .. CYRUS COLLECTS FORCES. - 3 


For the cities of Ionia had formerly been under the govern- 
ment of Tissaphernes, having been assigned to him by the 
king, but had at this time all revolted to Cyrus except Miletus. 
7. Tissaphernes, discovering that the people of Miletus were 
forming.a similar design, [to go over to Cyrus,’] put some of 
them to death, and sent others into banishment. » Cyrus, receiv- 
ing the exiles under his protection, and assembling an army, 
laid siege to Miletus by land and sea, and used every exertion 
to restore these exiles; and he had thus another pretext for 
augmenting the number of his forces. 8. He then sent to the 
king, and requested. that, as he was his brother, these cities 
should. be given to him rather than that Tissaphernes should 
govern them; and in this application his mother supported him. 
Thus the king had no suspicion of the plot against him, but 
supposed that Cyrus from being at war with Tissaphernes was 
spending the money upon troops ; so that he was not at all con- 
cerned at the strife between them, especially as Cyrus remitted 
to him the tribute arising from the cities which Tissaphernes 
had had. 

9. Another army was collected for him in the Chersonesus 
opposite Abydos, in the following method. Clearchus, a Lace~ 
dzmonian, happened to be in exile. Cyrus, having met with 
him, was struck with admiration for him, and made him a 
present of ten thousand darics.*  Clearchus, on receiving the 
gold, raised by means of it a body of troops, and making excur- 
sions out of the Chersonesus, made war upon the Thracians 
that are situated above the Hellespont, and was of assistance to 
the Greeks ; so that the towns on the Hellespont willingly con- 
tributed money for the support of his men. This too was a force 
thus secretly maintained for Cyrus. 

10. Aristippus, also, a Thessalian, happened to be a guest- 
friend® of Cyrus, and, being pressed by an adverse faction at 

1 ’Arootivat πρὸς Kipov.] These words are regarded as spurious 
by Schneider, on the suggestion of Wolf and Wyttenbach. Kriiger and 
Kiihner retain them, as added explicationis causd. — - 

2 The daric was a Persian gold coin, generally supposed to have 
derived its name from Darius I. ; but others think this doubiful From 
6. vii. 18, it appears that three hundred darics were equal to a talent. 
If the talent be estimated therefore, as in Mr. Hussey’s Essay on 
Ane. Weights and Money, ch. iii. sect. 12, at £243 15s., the value of 
the daric will be 16s. 3d.. The sum given to Clearchus will then be 
£8125. - : 

- 8 Ξένος. I have translated this word by guest-friend, a conven- 


ἣἝ THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK I. 


home, came to him, and asked him for two thousand mercen- 
ary troops, and three months’ pay for them, representing that 
he would thus be enabled to overpower his enemies. Cyrus 
granted him four thousand, and six months’ pay, desiring him 
not to terminate the strife until he should consult him. Thus 
another body of troops was clandestinely supported for him in 
Thessaly. 

11. He then requested Proxenus a Beeotian, who was also 
his guest-friend, to join him with as many men as he could 
procure, stating that he intended to make war on the. Pisi- 
dians, as they molested his territories. He also desired 
Sophzenetus of Stymphalus,’ and Socrates, an Achzan, both of 
them his guest-friends, to come to him, and bring as many men 
as possible, pretending that he was going to war with Tissa- 
phernes on behalf of the Milesian exiles; and they acted as he 
wished. 





CHAPTER IL. 


Cyrus begins his march, proceeding from Sardis through Lydia into Phry- 
gia, Phebe he is pba new forces. The city of Celene ; the plain of 
aystrus, where the soldiers demand their arrears of pay, which Cyrus 
discharges with money received from the queen of Cilicia. The town of 
Thymbrium ; the fountain of Midas. Cyrus enters Cilicia, and is meé at 

_ Tarsus by Syennesis, the king of the country. 


1. Wuen it seemed to him time to march up into the coun- 
try, he made it his pretext for doing so that he wished to 
expel the Pisidians entirely from the territory, and mustered, 
as if for the purpose of attacking them, the whole of the troops, 
as well barbarian as Greek, that were on the spot.’ He also 


ient term, which made its appearance in our language some time 
ago. The ξένοι were bound by a league of friendship and hospital- 
ity, by which cach engaged to entertain the other, when he visited 
i i m.° 


1 A town of Arcadia, on the borders of Achaia. 

2 To τε βαρβαρικὸν καὶ τὸ Ἑλληνικὸν τὸ ἐνταῦϑα στράτευμα. There 
has been much dispute about the exact signification of ἐνταῦϑα in this 
- place. Zeune would have it mean “illuc, in illum locum ubi sunt 

Piside;” and Kriiger thinks that “toward Sardis” is intended. But 
this is to do violence to the word; I have followed Weiske and Kiihner, 
who give it its ordinary signification. “Barbarorum et Grecorum 


CHAP, II. THE TROOPS MEET AT SARDIS. 5 


sent word to Clearchus to join him, bringing whatever force was 
at his command; and to Aristippus, as soon as he had come to 
terms with the party at home, to send him back the troops that 
he had. He also desired Xenias the Arcadian, who commanded 
for him the mercenaries in the several towns, to bring him all 
his men except such as would be required. to garrison the cit- 
adels. 2. He summoned, too, the army that was besieging 
Miletus, and invited the exiles to accompany him on his expedi- 
tion; promising them that if he successfully accomplished the 
objects for which he undertook it, he would never rest till he 
had re-established them in their country. They cheerfully con- 
sented, as they had confidence in him, and, taking their arms, 
joined him at Sardis. 

3. To Sardis also came Xenias, bringing with him the 
troops from the several towns, to the number of four thousand 
heavy-armed men. ‘Thither came also Proxenus, with heavy- 
armed men to the number of fifteen hundred, and five hun- 
dred li-lt-armed ; Sophznetus the Stymphalian with a thou- 
sand .heavy-armed; Socrates the Achzan with five hundred; 
and Pasion of Megara with three hundred heavy-armed, and 
the same number of peltasts." Both Pasion and Socrates were 
among those serving in the army at Miletus. 

4, These joined him at Sardis. ‘Tissaphernes, observing these 
proceedings, and considering the force to be greater than was 
necessary to attack the Pisidians, set out, with all possible 
speed, to give notice of the matter to the king, taking with him 
about five hundred cavalry; 5. and the king, as soon as he 
heard from Tissaphernes of the preparation of Cyrus, made ar- 
rangements to oppose him. 

Cyrus, at the head of the force which I have stated, com- 
menced his journey from Sardis,* and proceeded through 


[exercitum], says Kiihner, “quem Cyrus ibi, ubi versabatur, collectum 
habebat.” ‘The τὸ before ἐνταῦϑα is an addition of Dindorf ’3, which 
Kiihner pronounces unnecessary. 

1 The πελτασταὶ were troops armed with a light shield, called πέλτη, 
holding a middle place between the ὁπλῖται and ψελοί. They were first 
made an efficient part of the Greek forces by Iphicrates: see his Life 
in Corn. Nep.; and Xen. Hellen. iv. 4.16; 3. 12. 

2 Xenophon begins his account οἵ. the expedition from Sardis, 
because he there joined the army, but. afterward constantly computes 
from Ephesus, the sea-port from whence he began his journey. Stan- 
sord, 


6 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. — “BOOK L. 


Lydia, three days’ march,’ a distance of twenty-two parasangs,” 
as far as the river Meander. The breadth of this river is two 
plethra,* and a bridge was thrown over it, constructed of seven 
boats. 6. Having crossed the stream, he went forward through 
Phrygia, one day’ s march, cight parasangs, till he reached 
Colossz, a populous city, wealthy, and of considerable mag- 
nitude. Here he halted seven days; when Menon the Thes- 
salian joined him with a thousand heavy-armed troops and five 
hundred peltasts, consisting of Dolopians, A®inianes, and Olyn- 
thians. 

7. Hence he proceeded in three days’ march, a distance of 
twenty parasangs, to Celenz, a populous, large, and rich city 
of Phrygia. Here Cyrus had a palace, and an extensive park 
full of wild beasts, which he was accustomed to hunt. on 
horseback whenever he wished to give himself and his horses 
exercise. Through the middle of this park flows the river 
Meander ; its springs issue from the palace itself; and it 
runs also through the city of Celene. 8. There is also at 
Celzenz a palace of the Great King,* situated near the source 
of the river Marsyas, under the citadel. This river too 
runs through the city, and falls into the Meander. The 
breadth of the Marsyas is twenty-five feet. Here Apollo is 
said to have flayed Marsyas, after conquering him in a trial 
of musical skill, and to have hung up his skin in the cave, 
where the source of the stream rises: and on this account 
the river is called the Marsyas. 9. Xerxes is said to have 


1 Σταθμούς.] The word σταθμός means properly a station or halting- 
place at the end of a day’s march, of which the length varied, but was 
ΒΡΒΟΓΆΙΥ about five parasangs. 

2 The parasang in Xenophon is equal to thirty stadia; sce ii 2. 6. 
So Herodotus, ii. 6; v. 53. Mr. Ainsworth, following Mr. Hamilton 
and Colonel Leake, makes the parasang equal to 3 English miles, 180 
yards, or 3 geographical miles of 1822 yards each. Travels in the 
Track, pref. p. xii. Thus five parasangs would be a long day’s march; 
these marches were more than seven; and the next day’s was eight. 
But Rennell thinks the parasang not more than 2.78 English miles. 
Mr. Hussey, Ane. Weights, etc., Append. sect. 12, makes it 3 miles, 
787% yards. 

3 The plethrum was 100 Greek or 101.125 English feet. See Hussey, 
Append. sect. 10, p. 232. 

4 The king of Persia was called the Great King by the Greek writers, 
on account of the great extent of his dominions, or of the number of 
kings subject to him; a title similar to that of the successors of Mo- 
hammed, Grand Signior. 


CHAP. Il. CYRUS IS JOINED BY CLEARCHUS. 7 


built both this palace and the citadel of Celenz, when he was 
returning from Greece after his discomfiture in battle. 

Cyrus remained here thirty days; during which time Cle- 
archus, the Lacedemonian exile, joined him with a thousand 
heavy-armed men, eight hundred Thracian -peltasts, and two 
hundred Cretan archers. At the same time Sosis’ of Syra- 
¢cuse arrived with three hundred heavy-armed men, and So- 
pheenetus, an Arcadian, with a thousand. Here Cyrus held 
a review of the Greeks in the park, and took their number; 
and they were in all eleven thousand heavy-armed troops, and 
about two thousand peltasts.? 10. Hence he proceeded two 
days’ march, a distance of ten parasangs, to Pelt, a well- 
peopled city, where he halted three days, during which Xenias 
the Arcadian celebrated the sacred rites of Lyczan Jove,* and 
held public games on the occasion; in which the prizes were 
golden strigiles.*. Cyrus was present at the games as a spectator. 
Thence he proceeded, two days’ march, twelve parasangs, to 
Ceramon Agora, a populous city, the last on the side of Mysia. 

11. Hence he proceeded, in three days’ march, the distance 
of thirty parasangs, to the Plain of Caystrus, a populous 
city. Here he halted five days; and at this time more than 
three months’ pay was due to the troops, which they frequently 
went to his tent to demand. Cyrus put them off, giving them 


+ This is the reading of the name adopted by Dindorf and Kiihner; 
most other editors have Socrates, which occurs.in four manuscripts ; two 
have Sosias, and one Sostes. 

? The word is here used, as Spelman observes, in a more general sense 
than ordinary, to signify all that were not heavy-armed. 

3 Ta Λύκαια. The festival of Lyczan Jove is mentioned by Pausanias, 
viii. 2, 1, and the gymnastic contests held in it by Pindar, Ol. ix. 145; 
xiii. 153; Nem. x. 89. Schneider—Mount Lyczeum was sacred to both 
Jupiter and Pan. Kiihner. 

4 Στλεγγίδες.] Generally supposed to be the same as the Latin strigi- 
lis, a flesh-scraper; an instrument used in the bath for cleansing tho 
skin. To this interpretation the preference seems to be given by Kiihner 
and Bornemann, to whom I adhere. Schneider, whom Kriiger follows, 
would have it a head-band or fillet, such as was worn by women, and 
by persons that went to consult oracles. Poppo observes that the 
latter sort of prizes would be less acceptable to. soldiers than the 
former. There were, however, women in the Grecian camp, as will 
afterward be seen, to whom the soldiers that gained the prizes. might 
have’ presented them. The sense of the word must, therefore, be left 
τωρ The sense of sqilis is supported by Suidas; see Sturz’s 

x. 8. V. : 


8 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK 1; 


hopes, but was evidently distressed; for it was no part of 
his character not to pay when he had the means. 12. 
But while he was there, Epyaxa, the wife of Syennesis king 
of the Cilicians, paid him a visit, and was said to have pre- 
sented him with a large sum of money. He in consequence 
ve the troops pay for four months. The Cilician queen 
with her a body-guard of Cilicians and Aspendians; and 
it was reported that Cyrus had connection with her. 
_- 18. Hence he proceeded two days’ march, ten parasangs, to 
Thymbrium, a populous city. Here, by the road-side, was a 
fountain, called the fountain of Midas, king of Phrygia; at 
which Midas is said to have captured the Satyr,’ by mixing 
wine with the water. 

14. Hence he proceeded, two days’ march, ten parasangs, 
to Tyrizeum, a well-peopled city, where he staid three days. 
The Cilician queen is said to have requested Cyrus to show her 
his army. With the desire therefore of exhibiting it to her, 
he reviewed his troops, as well Greek as Barbarian, in the plain. 
15. He ordered the Greeks to be marshaled, and to take their 
places, as they were accustomed to do for battle, each captain 
arranging his own men. They were accordingly drawn up four 
deep; Menon and his troops took the right wing ; Clearchus and 
his men the left; and the other captains occupied the center. 
16. First of all, then, Cyrus reviewed the Barbarians, who 
marched past him, drawn up in troops and companies;? and 
afterward the Greeks, riding -by them in his chariot, with the 
Cilician queen in her car.’ They had all brazen helmets, scarlet 
tunics, greaves, and polished shields. 17. When he had ridden 
past them all, he stopped his chariot in front of their phalanx, 
and sent Pigres the interpreter to the Greek officers, with 
orders for them to present arms,* and to advance with their 
whole phalanx. The officers communicated these orders to 


3 Τὸν Σάτυρον.] Silenus. See Servius ad Virg. Ecl. vi. 13. 

3 Κατὰ ἴλας καὶ κατὰ τάξεις.] "An signifies properly a troop of horse, 
consisting of 64 men; and τάξίς, a company of foot, which Xenophon, in 
the Cyropzedia, makes to consist of 100 men. 

3 "E@’ ἁρμαμάξης. The harmamazxa was a Persian carriage, probably 
covered, for women and children. See Q. Curt. iii, 3, 23; Wesseling ad 
Herod. vii. 41. 

4 Προθάλεσθαι τὰ ὅπλα.} ‘To hold out the shield and the spear, the 
one to defend the person, and the other to repel or attack an acversary.” 
Kiihner. 


CHAP. Il. CYRUS ADVANCES INTO CILICIA. . 9 


their soldiers; and, when the trumpeter gave the signal, they: 
presented arms and advanced. Then, as they proceeded with 
a quicker pace and loud shouts, the soldiers of their own ac- 
cord took to running, bearing down upon the tents of the Per- 
sians. 18. Upon this, there arose great terror among the rest 
of the Barbarians; the Cilician queen fled from her car; and 
the people in the market deserted their goods and took to their 
heels; while the Greeks marched up to the tents with laugh- 
ter. The Cilician queen, on beholding the splendor and dis- 
cipline of the army, was struck with admiration; and Cyrus 
was delighted when he saw the terror with which the Greeks 
inspired the Barbarians. 

19. Hence he advanced, three days’ march, a distance of 
twenty parasangs, to Iconium, the last town of Phrygia; where 
he halted three days. He then went forward through Lycao- 
nia, five days’ march, a distance of thirty parasangs; and this 
country, as being that of an enemy, he permitted the Greeks to 
ravage. 

20. From hence Cyrus dispatched the Cilician queen, by the 
shortest road, into Cilicia; and sent with her the troops which 
Menon had, and Menon himself. Cyrus, with the rest of the 
army, proceeded through Cappadocia, four days’ march, a dis- 
tance of twenty-five parasangs, to Dana, a populous, large, and 
wealthy city. Here he staid three days; in the course of which 
he put to death a Persian, named Megaphernes, a wearer of the 
royal purple,’ and a certain other person in power, one of the 
ee governors having accused them of conspiring against 


m. 

21. They then made an attempt to enter Cilicia; but the 
sole entrance was a road broad enough only for a single car- 
riage, very steep, and impracticable for an army to pass, if 
any one opposed them. Syennesis, besides, was said to be 
stationed on the heights, guarding the defile; on which ac- 
count Cyrus halted for a day in the plain. The next day, a 


? Φοινικιστὴν βασίλειον. Aumilius Portus, on the authority of Zonaras, 
Lex. p. 1818, interprets this “dyer of the king’s purple;” an interpreta- « 
tion repugnant to what follows.. Morus makes it purpuratus; Larcher, 
vexillarius, because in Diod. Sic. xiv. 26, a standard is called φοινικίς : 
Brodzus gives ‘unus ἃ regiis familiaribus, punicea veste indutus, non 
- purpurea.’ Without doubt he was one of the highest Persian nobles, as 

he is joined with the ὕπαρχοι Sonera. Kiihner. 

1 


10 -  .HE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK 1. 


Messenger came to inform him that Syennesis had quitted the 
heights, on receiving information that Menon’s army was 
already in Cilicia within the mountains, and hearing that 
Tamos had a number of galleys, belonging to the Lacedx- 
monians and Cyrus himself, sailing round from Ionia to Cilicia. 
22. Cyrus accordingly ascended the mountains without any 
opposition, and saw* the tents in which the Cilicians kept 
guard. Hence he descended into a large and beautiful plain, 
well watered, and abounding with all kinds of trees, as well 
as vines. It also produced great quantities of sesamum, 
panic, millet,? wheat, and barley. A chain of hills, strong 
and high, encompasses it on all sides from sea to sea. 23. De- 
scending through this plain, he proceeded, in four days’ march, 
a distance of twenty-five parasangs, to Tarsus, a large and 
opulent city of Cilicia. Here was the palace of Syennesis, 
the king of the Cilicians; and through the midst of the city 
Tuns a river, called the Cydnus, the breadth of which is two 
plethra. 24. This city the inhabitants, with Syennesis, had 
deserted for a stronghold upon the mountains, except those 
who kept shops.’ Those also remained behind, who lived 
near the sea at Soli and at Issi. 

25. Epyaxa, the wife of Syennesis, had arrived at Tarsus five 
days before Cyrus. But in passing over the mountains which 
skirt the plain, two companies of Menon’s troops had perished ; 
some said that they had been cut to pieces by the Cilicians, 
while committing some depredations; others, that being left 


1 Eide.] This seems to be the reading of all the manuscripts, and is 
retained by Poppo, Bornemann, Dindorf, and Kiihner. But Schneider 
and Weiske read «ids, “took possession of,” on the suggestion of Mure- 
tus, Var. Lect. xv. 10, who thought it superfluous for Xenophon to say 
that Cyrus merely saw the tents. Lion, however, not unreasonably sup- 
poses this verb to be intended to mark the distance at which Cyrus 
passed from the tents, that is, that he passed within sight of them, the 
Cilicians having retired only a short space to the rear. 

2 Σήσαμον καὶ μελίνην καὶ κέγχρον.] Sesamum is a leguminous plant, 
well known in the East; the seeds of it resemble hemp-seed, and are 
boiled and eaten like rice. Μελένη, panicum, is a plant resembling 
millet. Kéyypoc, milium, millet, is far the best known of the three te 
Europeans. Panic bears its grain in ears; millet, in bunches. 

3 Καπηλεῖα.] Καπηλεῖον is often used in the sense of a tavern; some- 
times in a more general sense, as any kind of shop. We may supposo 
that all those remained behind who had any thing to sell, with the hope 
of getting profit. 


cuar.ut | THE GREEKS REFUSE TO PROCEED. li 


behind, and unable to find the rest of the army or their road, 
they had been destroyed while wandering about. They 
amounted to a hundred heavy-armed men. 26, When the rest 
of Menon’s troops came up, full of resentment at the fate of their 
comrades, they plundered both the city of Tarsus and the pa- 
lace in it. Cyrus, on entering the city, sent for Syennesis to 
come to him; but Syennesis answered, that he had never yet 
put himself in the power of one stronger than himself; 
nor would he then consent to go to Cyrus, until his wife pre- 
vailed upon him, and he received solemn assurances of safety. 
27. Afterward, when they had met, Syennesis gave Cyrus a 
large sum of money for the support of his army, and Cyrus in 
return presented him with such gifts as are held in estimation 
by a king, a horse with a golden bit, a golden chain and brace- 
lets, and a golden cimiter and Persian robe. He also enga 
that his country should no more be plundered, and that he 
should receive back the captured slaves, if they any where 
met with them. 





CHAPTER II. 


Cyrus is forced to stay twenty days at Tarsus by a mutiny of the Greek 
soldiers, who, suspecting that sg were led against the king, refuse to 
go further, and offer violence to Clearchus, who endeavors to force them 
to proceed. But being told by Cyrus that the expedition is directed 
against Abrocomas, and promised an increase of pay, they agree to con- 
tinue their march. 


1. Here Cyrus and the army remained twenty days; for 
the soldiers refused to proceed further, as they now began to 
suspect that they were marching against the king, and said 
that they had not been hired for this purpose. Clearchus, 
first of all, endeavored to compel his soldiers to proceed; but, 
as soon as he began to advance, they pelted him and his 
baggage-cattle with stones. 2. Clearchus, indeed, on this 
occasion, had a narrow escape of being stoned to death. At 
length, when he saw that he should not be able to proceed by 
force, he called a meeting of his soldiers; and at first, stand- 
ing before them, he continued for some time to shed tears, 
while they, looking on, were struck with wonder, and re- 
mained silent. He then addressed them to this effect : 


12 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK I. 


8. “ Wonder not, soldiers, that I feel distressed at the 
present occurrences; for Cyrus engaged himself to me by ties 
of hospitality, and honored me, when I was an exile from my 
country, both with other marks of esteem, and by presenting 
me with ten thousand darics, On receiving this money, | 
did not treasure it up for my own use, or squander it in 
luxury, but spent it upon you. 4. First of all, I made war 
upon the Thracians, and, in the cause of Greece, and with 
your assistance, took vengeance upon them by expelling them 
from the Chersonesus, when they would have taken the coun- 
try from its Grecian colonists. When Cyrus summoned me, 
I set out to join him, taking you with me, that if he had need 
of my aid, I might do him service in return for the benefits 
that I had received from him. 5. But since you are unwill- 
ing to accompany him on this expedition, I am under the ob- 
ligation, either, by deserting you, to preserve the friendship of 
Cyrus, or, by proving false to him, to adhere to you. Whether 
I shall do night, I do not know; but I shall give you the pref- 
erence, and will undergo with you whatever may be neces- 
sary. Nor shall any one ever say that, after leading Greeks 
‘into a country of Barbarians, I deserted the Greeks, and 
adopted, in preference, the friendship of the Barbarians. 

6. “ Since, however, you decline to obey me, or to follow 
me, I will go with you, and submit to whatever may be des- 
tined for us. For I look upon you to be at once my country, 
my friends, and my fellow-soldiers, and consider that with you 
I shall be respected, wherever I may be: but that, if separated 
from you, I shall be unable either to afford assistance to a 
friend, or to avenge myself upon an enemy. Feel assured, 
therefore, that I am resolved to accompany you wherever 

ou go.” 
, 7. Thus he spoke; and the soldiers, as well those under 
his own command as the others, on hearing these assur- 
ances, applauded him for saying that he would not march 
against the king; and more than two thousand of the troops of 
Xenias and Pasion, taking with them their arms and baggage, 
went and encamped under Clearchus. 

8. Cyrus, perplexed and grieved at these occurrences, sent 
for Clearchus; who, however, would not go, but sending a 
messenger to Cyrus without the knowledge of the soldiers, 
bade him be of good courage, as these matters would be ar- 


OHAP. III. SPEECH OF CLEARCHUS. 13 


ranged to his satisfaction. He also desired Cyrus. to send for 
him again, but, when Cyrus had done so, he again declined to 
go. 9. Afterward, having assembled his own soldiers, and 
those who had recently gone over to him, and any of the rest 
that wished to be present, he spoke to the following effect : 

“Tt is evident, soldiers, that the situation of Cyrus with 
regard to us is the same as ours with regard to him; for we 
are no longer his soldiers, since we refuse to follow him, nor is 
he any longer our paymaster. 10. That he considers himself 
wronged by us, however, I am well aware; so that, even 
when he sends for me, I am unwilling to go to him, princi- 
pally from feeling shame, because I am conscious of having 
been in all respects false to him; and in. addition, from being 
afraid that, when he has me in his power, he may take vengc- 
ance on me for the matters in which he conceives that he 
has been injured. 11. This therefore, seems to me to be no 
time for us to sleep, or to neglect our own safety; but, on the 
contrary, to consider what we must do under these circum- 
stances.’ As long as we remain here, it seems necessary to 
consider how we may best remain with safety; or, if we de- 
termine upon going at once, how we may depart with the 
greatest security, and how we may obtain: provisions; for 
without these, the general and the private: soldier are alike 
inefficient. 12. Cyrus is indeed a most valuable friend to 
those to whom he is a friend, but a most violent enemy to 
those to whom he is an enemy. He has forces, too, both in- 
fantry and cavalry, as well as a naval power, as we all alike 
see and know; for we seem to me to be encamped at no great 
distance from him. It is therfore full time to say whatever 
any one thinks to be best.” Having spoken thus, he made a 
pause. 

13. Upon this, several rose to speak; some, of their own 
accord, to express what they thought; others, previously in- 
structed by Clearchus, to point out what difficulty there would 
be either in remaining or departing, without the consent of 


? He himself, the very person who had desired Cyrus to send for kim, 
refused to go; this refusal being given for the sake of keeping up ap- 
BOAT anes, 

2 ’Ex τούτων. “Ex his, secundum hee, ἢ. 6. in hac rerum conditione.” 
Kihner. Bornemann interprets simply post hec. 

3 Οὗτε στρατηγοῦ οὔτε ἰδιώτου ὄφελος οὐδέν.] “ No profit (or use) either 

of a general or private soldier.” 


14 THE ἘΧΡΕΡΙΤΙΟΝ.- OF CYRUS. - BOOK 1, 


Cyrus. 14, One of these, pretending to be eager to proceed 
with all possible haste to Greece, proposed that they should 
choose other commanders without delay, if Clearchus were un- 
willing to conduct them back; that they should purchase pro- 
visions, as there was a market in the Barbarian camp, and pack 
up their baggage; that they should go to Cyrus, and ask him 
to furnish them with ships, in which they might sail home; 
and, if he should not grant them, that they should beg of him 
a guide, to conduct them back through such parts of the 
country as were friendly toward them:’ But if he would not 
even allow ihem a guide, that they should, without delay, form 
themseves in warlike order, and send a detachment to take 
possession of the heights, in order that neither Cyrus nor the 
Cilicians (“of whom,” said he, “we have many prisoners, and 
much money that we have taken”) may be the first to occupy 
them. Such were the suggestions that he offered; but after 
him Clearchus spoke as follows : 

"15. * Let no one of you mention me, as likely to undertake 
this command ; for I see many reasons why I ought not to do 
80; but be assured, that whatever person you may elect, I shall 
pay the greatest possible deference to him, that you may see 
that I know how to obey as well as any other man.” 

16. After him another arose, who pointed out the folly of 
him who advised them to ask for ships, just as if Cyrus were 
not about to sail back,* and who showed, too, how foolish it 
would be to request a guide of the very person “ whose plans,” 
said he, “we are frustrating. And,’ he added, “if we 
should trust the guide that Cyrus might assign us, what will 
hinder Cyrus from giving orders to occupy the heights before 
we reach them? 17. For my own part I should be reluctant 


᾿ 3 Διὰ φιλέας τῆς χώρας.) The earlier editions have ὡς before διὰ, of 
which, as being «useless, Schneider first suggested the omission; and 
which has accordingly been rejected by subsequent editors. The guide 
was to conduct them only through regions that were friendly to Cyrus, 
or where he could procure them a friendly reception. 

2 “Ὥσπερ πάλιν τὸν στόλον Κύρου μὴ ποιουμένου.) About the mean- 
ing of these words there has been much dispute. The translation which 
I have given is that of Bornemann, “quasi retro Cyrus navigaturus non 
esset,” which is adopted by .Kiihner. “The speaker assumes,” says 
Bornemann, “that Cyrus is directing his march against the Pisidians or 
some other rebellious -people, and that, when he has reduced them, he 
will return to his province.” 


CHAP. III. "CYRUS STILL DISSEMBLES. - 1p 


to embark in any vessel that he might grant us, lest he 
should send us and the galleys to the bottom together; I 
should also be afraid to follow any.guide that he may ap- 
point, lest he should conduct us into places from whence 
there would be no means of escape; and I had rather, if I 
depart without the consent of Cyrus, depart without his 
knowledge; but this is impossible. 18. I say then that such 
proposals are absurdities; and my advice is, that certain per- 
sons, such as are fit for the task, should accompany Clearchus 
to Cyrus, and ask him in what service he wishes to employ 
us; and if the undertaking be similar to that in which he be- 
fore employed foreign troops,’ that we too should follow him, 
and not appear more cowardly than those who previously 
went up with him. 19. But if the present design seem greater 
end more difficult and more perilous than the former, that 
that they should ask, in that case, either to induce us to accom- 
pany him by persuasion, or, yielding himself to our persuasions, 
to give us a passage to a friendly country; for thus, if we 
accompany him, we shall accompany him as friends and zeal- 
ous supporters, and if we leave him, we shall depart iz 
safety ; that they then report to us what answer he’ makes to 
this application; and that we, having heard his reply, take 
measures in accordance with it.” 

20. These suggestions were approved ; and, having chosen 
certain persons, they sent them with Clearchus to ask Cyrus 
the questions agreed upon by the army. Cyrus answered 
that he had heard that Abrocomas, an enemy of his, was on the 
banks of the Euphrates, twelve days’ march distant; and it was 
against him, he said, that he wished to march; and if Abroco- 
mas should be there, he said that he longed to ‘take due venge- 
ance on him; but if he should retreat, “we will consider 
there,” he added, “ how to proceed.” 

21. The delegates, having heard this answer, reported it to 
the soldiers, who had still.a suspicion that he was leading them 
against the king, but nevertheless resolved to accompany him. 
They then asked for an increase of pay, and Cyrus promised to 
give them all half as much again 85. they received before, that 
is to say, instead of a daric, three half-darics a month for every 


1 The reference is to the three hundred Greeks that went up with 
Cyrus’ to Abert bos under the command of ‘Xenias the Parrhasian, / 
ἃς 2. 


16 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK: I. 


soldier: But no one heard there, at least publicly, that he was 
leading them against the king. 





CHAPTER IV. 


The army reaches Issi, the last city in Cilicia, at which the fleet then ar- 
rives. Cyrus proceeds into Syria, where two of the Greek captains, 
Xenias and Pasion, desert the expedition; the good feeling of Cyrus, in 
oer, a bag them, renders the other Greeks more willing to ac- 
company im. He arrives at Thapsacus, on the Euphrates, where he dis- 
closes the real object of his expedition to the Greek troops, who express 
discontent, but are induced by fresh promises, and the example of Menon, 
to cross the river. 


1. Hence he proceeded, two days’ march, a distance of ten 
parasangs, to the river Psarus, the breadth of which was three 
plethra. He then went forward, one days’ march, five para- 
sangs, to the river Pyramus, the breadth of which is a stadium. 
Hence he advanced in two days’ march, a distance of fifteen 
parasangs, to Issi, the last city in Cilicia, situate upon the sea- 
coast, a populous, large, and rich place. 

2. Here Cyrus remained three days, in which time the ships 
from Peloponnesus, thiry-five in number, arrived, Pythagoras 
the Lacedemonian being their commander. But Tamos, an 
Egyptian, had conducted the fleet from Ephesus, who had also 
with him five-and-twenty other ships, belonging to Cyrus, with 
which he had blockaded Miletus when it was in the interest of 
Tissaphernes, and had fought against him on behalf of Cyrus. 
8. In these vessels came also Cheirisophus the Lacedemonian, 
‘who had been sent for by Cyrus, and who had with him seven 
hundred heavy-armed troops, which he commanded as part of 
the army of Cyrus. The ships were moored opposite Cyrus’s 
tent. Here, too, the Greek mercenaries, who were in the pay 
of Abrocomas, four hundred heavy-armed men, deserted him 
and came over to Cyrus, and joined in the expedition against 
the king. 

4. Hence he proceeded, one day’s march, five parasangs, to 
the Gates of Cilicia and Syria. These were two fortresses τ᾿ 


1 Ἦσαν δὲ ταῦτα δύο τείχη. As the fem. πύλαι precedes, and as the 
gates were not properly the τείχη, but the space between them, Weisko 


CHAP. ΤΥ. CYRUS ENTERS SYRIA. 17 


of the part within them, toward Cilicia, Syennesis and a 
guard of Cilicians had the charge; the part without, toward 
Syria, a garrison of the king’s soldiers was reported to oc- 
cupy. Between the two runs a river, called Carsus, a pleth- 
rum in breadth. The whole space between the fortresses was 
three stadia; and it was impossible to pass it by force ; for the 
passage was very narrow, the walls reached down to the sea, 
and above were inaccessible rocks. ‘At each of the fortresses 
were gates. 5. It was on account of this’ passage that Cyrus 
had sent for the fleet, that he might disembark heavy-armed 
troops within and without the gates,’ who might force a pass- 
age through the enemy, if they still kept guard at the Syrian 
gates; a post which he expected Abrocomas would hold, as 
he had under his command a numerous army.’ Abrocomas 
however did not attempt this; but, when he heard that Cyrus 
was in Cilicia, retreated out of Phoenicia, and proceeded to 
join the king, having with him, as was said, three hundred 
thousand men. 

6. Hence he proceeded through Syria, one day’s march, 
five parasangs, to Myriandrus, a city near the sea, inhabited 
by Phoenicians: this place was a public mart, and many 
merchant-vessels lay at anchor there. 7. Here they remained 
seven days; and here Xenias the Arcadian captain, and 
Pasion the Megarean, embarking in a vessel, and putting on 
board their most valuable effects, sailed away; being actu- 
ated, as most thought, by motives of jealousy, because Cyrus 
had allowed Clearchus to retain under his command their sol- 
diers, who had seceded to Clearchus in the expectation of 
returning to Greece, and not of marching against the king. 
Upon their disappearance, a rumor pervaded the army that 


conjectures ἦσαν δὲ ἐνταῦϑα, x. τ. 2., which Kiihner and others approve, 
but have not admitted into the text. Kihner interprets reiy7 “cas- 
tella,” and I have followed him. When Xenophon speaks, a little below, 
of τείχη εἰς τὴν ϑάλατταν καϑῆκοντα, he seems to mean walls attached 
to the fortress nearest to the sea. So when he says that at each of the 
fortresses, ἐπὶ τοῖς τείχεσιν ἀμφοτέροις, were gates, he ‘appears to signify 
that there were gates in the walls attached to each of the fortresses. 
“ At a distance of about six hundred yards, corresponding with the three 
stadia of Xenophon, are the ruins of a wall, which can be traced amid a 
dense shrubbery, from the mountains down to the sea-shore, where it 
terminates in a round tower.” Ainsworth, Ὁ. 59. 

δ: That is, within the two fortresses and beyond them, viz., in Syria.” 

iihner. : : 


1g THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. ~ BOOK 1 


Cyrus. would pursue them with ships of war; and some 
wished that they might be taken, as having acted per- 
fidiously; while others pitied their fate, if they should be 
caught. 

8. But Cyrus, calling together the captains, said to them, 
“Xenias and: Pasion have left us: but let them be well as- 
sured that they have not fled clandestinely; for I know 
which way they are gone; nor have they escaped beyond my 
reach ; for I have triremes that would overtake their vessel. 
But, by the gods, I shall certainly not pursue them; nor shall 
any one say that as long as ὃ "τη remains with me, I make 
use of his services, but that, when he desires to leave me, I 
seize and ill-treat his person, and despoil him of his property. 
But let them. go, with the consciousness that they have acted 
a worse part toward us than we toward them. I have, in- 
deed, their children and wives under guard -at Tralles; but 
not even of them shall they be deprived, but shall receive them 
back in consideration of their former service to me.” 9. Thus 

spoke ; and the Greeks, even such as had been previously 
disinclined to the expedition, when they heard of the noble 
conduct of Coens accompanied him with greater pleasure and 
alacrity. ᾿ 

After these occurrences, Cyrus proceeded four days’ march, 
a distance of twenty parasangs, to the river Chalus, which is 
a plethrum in breadth, and full of large tame fish, which the 
Syrians looked upon as gods, allowed no one to hurt either 
them or the pigeons. The villages, in which they fixed their 
quarters, | belonged to Parysatis, having been given her for her 

le.’ 
ere Thenee he cauasices five days’ march, a distance of 
thirty parasangs, to the source of the river Dardes, which is a 
plethrum in breadth. Here was the palace of Belesys, the 
governor of Syria, and a very large and beautiful garden, con- 
taining all that the seasons produce. But Cyrus laid it waste, 
and burned the palace. 


1 Bic ξώνην. Nominally to farnish her with girdles, or to aor or- 
naments for her girdle, it being the custom with the Persian kings to 
‘bestow places on their queens and other favorites, ostensibly for the pur- 
pose of furnishing them with articles of dress, food, or other conven- 
‘ences. See Herod. ii. 98; Plato, Alcib. I. c. 40; Cie. in Verr. iii. 23; 
Corn. Nepos, Life of Themistocles, c. 10. 


CHAP. IY. CYRUS DECLARES HIS OBJECT. 19 


11. Hence he proceeded, three days’ march, a distance of 
fifteen parasangs, to the river Euphrates, which is there four 
stadia in breadth, and on which is situated a large and rich 
city, named Thapsacus. The army remained there five days; 
and Cyrus sent for the Greek captains, and told them, that 
his march was directed to Babylon, against the Great King ; ; 
and he desired them to make this announcement to the soldiers, 
and to persuade them to accompany him. 

12. The leaders, assembling their troops, communicated thic 
information to them Ὁ . and the’ soldiers expressed themselves 
much displeased with. their officers, and‘ said that they had 
long known this, but concealed it; and they refused to go, un- 
less such a donative was granted ‘them as had. been given to 
those who had before gone up with Cyrus to his father, and 
that, too, when they did not go to fight, but merely attended 
Cyrus when his father’summoned him. 13. This state of 
things the generals reported to Cyrus; who in consequence 
promised to give every man five mine of silver,’ when they 
should arrive at Babylon, and their full pay besides, until he 
should bring back the Greeks to: Ionia ‘again. The greatest 
part of the Grecian force was thus prevailed upon to accom- 
pany him. But before it was certain what the other soldiers 
would do, whether they would accompany Cyrus or not, Menon 
assembled. his ‘own troops, apart from the rest, and spoke as 
follows: 

14. “If you will follow my advice, soldiers, you will, with- 
out incurring either danger or toil, make yourselves honored 
by Cyrus beyond the rest of the army. What, then, would 
[ have you do? Cyrus is at this moment urgent with the 
Greeks to accompany him against the king; I therefore sug- 
gest that, before it is known how the other Greeks will an- 
swer Cyrus, you should cross over the river Euphrates. 15. 
For if they should determine upon accompanying him, you will 
appear to have been the cause of it, by being the first to pass 
the river; and to you, as being most forward with your 
services, Cyrus will feel and repay the obligation, as no one 
knows how to do better than himself. But if the others should 
determine not to go with him, we shall: all of us return) back 
again; but you, as having alone complied with’ his wishes, 


1 Reckoning the talent at £243 15s., the mina (60 = a talent), wil 
be £4 1s. 3d,, and five mine £20 6s. 3d. 


20 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK 1 


and as being most worthy of his confidence, he will employ in 
᾿ς garrison duty and posts of authority ; and whatever else you 
may ask of him, I feel assured that, as the friends of Cyrus, 
you will obtain it.” 

16. On hearing these proposals, they at once complied with 
them, and crossed the river before the others had given their 
answer. And when Cyrus perceived that they had crossed, 
he was much pleased, and dispatched Glus to Menon’s troops 
with this message: “I applaud your conduct, my friends; 
and it shall be my care that you may applaud me; or think 
me no longer Cyrus.” 17, The soldiers, in consequence, being 
filled with great expectations, prayed that he might succeed; 
and to Menon Cyrus was said to have sent most magnifi- 
cent presents. After these transactions, he passed the. river, 
and all the rest of the army followed him; and, in crossing 
the stream, no one was wetted by its waters above the breast. 
18. The people of Thapsacus said, that this river had never, ex- 
cept on that occasion, been passable on foot, but only by means 
of boats; which Abrocomas, going before, had burned, that 
Cyrus might not be able to cross. It seemed, therefore, that 
this had happened by divine interposition, and that the river 
had plainly made way for Cyrus as the future king. 

19. Hence he advanced through Syria, nine days’ march, a 
distance of fifty parasangs, and arrived at the river Araxes, 
where were a number of villages, stored with corn and wine. 
Here the army remained three days, and collected provisions. 





CHAPTER VY. 


The army proceeds through Arabia, having the Euphrates on the right. 
They suffer from want of provisions, and many of the beasts of burden 
perish ; but supplies are procured from the opposite bank of the Euphra- 
tes. A dispute occurs between Clearchus and Menon, which is quelled 
by Cyrus. 


1. Cyrus now advanced through Arabia, having the Eu- 
phrates on his right, five days’ march through the desert, a 
distance of thirty-five parasangs. In this region the ground 
was entirely a plain, level as the sea. It was covered with 


ΘΗΆΡ.ῪΥ. MARCH THROUGH ARABIA. 21 


wormwood, and whatever other kinds of shrub or reed grew 
on it, were all odoriferous as perfumes. But there were no 
trees. 2. There were wild animals, however, of various kinds ; 
the most numerous were wild asses; there were also many 
ostriches, as well as bustards and antelopes; and these ani- 
mals the horsemen of the army sometimes hunted. The wild 
asses, when any one pursued them, would start forward a con- 
siderable distance, and then stand still; (for they ran much 
more swiftly than the horse;) and again, when’ the horse ap- 
proached, they did the same; and it was impossible to catch 
them, unless the horsemen, stationing themselves at intervals, 
kept up the pursuit with a succession of horses. The flesh of 
those that were taken resembled venison, but was more ten- 
der. 3. An ostrich no one succeeded in catching; and those 
horsemen who hunted that bird, soon desisted from the pur- 
suit; for it far outstripped’ them in its flight, using its 
feet for running, and its wings, raising them like ἃ sail.” The 
bustards might be taken, if a person started them suddenly ; 
for they fly but a short distance, like partridges, and soon 
tire. Their flesh is very delicious. 

_ 4, Marching through this region, they came to the river 
Mascas, the breadth of which is a plethrum. Here was a 
large deserted city, of which the name was Corsote, and 
which was entirely surrounded by the Mascas.. Here they 
staid three days, and furnished themselves with provisions. 

5. Thence ne proceeded, thirteen days’ march through 
the desert, a distance of ninety parasangs, still keeping the 
Euphrates on the right, and arrived at a place called the 
Gates.’ In this march many of the beasts of burden perished 
of hunger; for there was neither grass, nor any sort of tree, 


Ὁ »Ἀπέσπᾶτο.] “Drew itself away from” its pursuers. There aro 
various readings of this word. Kiihner adopts ἀπέσπα, in the sense of 
2 drew off his pursuers from the rest of the huntsmen.” Bornemann reads 
“TET TATO. 

? It would be needless to repeat all that has been said as to tho 

construction of this passage; I have adopted’ the explication of 
Kiihner. 
- 3 Ext Πύλας. A strait‘or defile through which the road lay from Me- 
sopotamia into Babylonia; hence called the Pyle Babylonia. — It is men- 
tioned by Stephanus Byzantinus sub voce Xapuavdn. Ainsworth, p. 80. 
places-it fourteen miles north of Feliéjah, and’a hundred and eight miles 
north of Babylon. 


922 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. - BOOK L 


but the whole country was completely bare. The inhabitants, 
who quarried and fashioned millstones near the river, took 
them to Babylon, and sold them, and lived upon corn which 
they bought with the money. 6. Corn, too, failed the army, 
and it was not possible to buy any, except in the Lydian 
market among Cyrus’s Barbarian troops, where they -pur- 
chased a capithe’ of wheat-flour or barley-meal for four sigli. 
The siglus is equivalent to seven Attic oboli and a half and 
the capithe contains two Attic chcenices. The soldiers 
therefore lived entirely upon flesh. 

7. There were some of these marches which he nade ex- 
tremely long, whenever he wished to get to water or forage. 
On. one occasion, when a narrow and muddy road presented 
itself, almost impassable for the wagons, Cyrus halted. on 
the spot with the most distinguished and wealthy of his train, 
and ordered Glus and Pigres, with a detachment of the Bar- 
barian forces, to assist in extricating the wagons. 8. But 
as they appeared to him to do this too tardily, he ordered, as 
if in anger, the noblest Persians of his suite to assist in ex- 
pediting the carriages. Then might be seen a specimen of 
their ready obedience; for, throwing off their purple cloaks, 
in the place where each happened to be standing, they rushed 
forward, as one would run in a race for victory, down an ex- 
tremely steep declivity,- having on those rich vests which 
they wear, and embroidered trowsers, some too with chains 

about their necks and bracelets on their wrists, and, leaping 
with. these equipments straight into the mud, brought the 
wagons up quicker than any one ‘would have imagined. 

9. On the whole, Cyrus evidently used the greatest speed 
throughout the march, and: made no delay, except where 
he halted in order to obtain a supply of provisions, or for 
some other necessary. purpose; thinking that. the quicker 
he went, the more unprepared he should find the king when 
he engaged him, and that the more slowly he proceeded, 


1 Kazidy.] A measure, as is said below, equal to two Attic cheenices. 
The Attic chcenix is valued by Mr. Hussey, Essay on Ancient Weights, 
etc., ch. 13, sec. 4, at 1.8467 pint. 

? The siglus is regarded by some as the same with the Hebrew 
shekel, but erroneously, as the siglus was of less value than the shekel. 
The obolus is valued by Mr. Hussey. at something more than three 
halfpence; seven oboli and a half would therefore be about a shil 
ing. “ : 


cuap.v. DISPUTE BETWEEN CLEARCHUS AND MENON. 23 


the more numerous would be the force collected by the king. 
And an attentive observer might see that the empire of the 
king was strong indeed in extent of territory and number of 
inhabitants, but weak through the length of the roads, and 
the dispersion of its forces, if an’ enemy invaded it with rapid 
movements. 

10. On the other side of the Euphrates, over against their 
course through the desert, was an opulent and extensive city, 
called Charmande; from this place the soldiers purchased 
provisions, crossing the river on rafts in the following manner. 
They filled the skins, which they had for the coverings of 
their tents,‘ with dry hay, and then closed and: stitched them 
together, so that the water could not touch the hay. Upon 
these they went across, and procured necessaries, such as -wine 
made of the fruit of the palm-tree, and panic* corn; for this 
was most plentiful in those parts. 11. Here the soldiers of 
Menon and those of Clearchus falling into a dispute about 
something, Clearchus, judging a soldier of Menon’s to be in 
the wrong, inflicted stripes upon him, and the’ man, coming to 
the quarters of his own troops, told his comrades what had 
occurred, who, when they heard it, showed great displeasure 
and resentment toward Clearchus. . 12. On the same day, 
Clearchus, after going to the place where the river was crossed, 
and inspecting the market there, was returning on horseback 
to his tent through Menon’s camp, with a few attendants. 
Cyrus had not yet arrived, but was still on his way thither. 
One of Menon’s soldiers, who was employed in cleaving wood, 
when he saw Clearchus riding through the camp, threw his 
ax at him, but missed his aim; another then threw a stone 
at him, and another, and afterward several, a great uproar 
ensuing. 13. Clearchus sought refuge in his own camp, and 
immediately called his men to arms, ordering his heavy-armed 
troops to remain on the spot, resting their shields against their 
knees, while he himself, with the Thracians, and the horse- 


? Σκεπάσματα is the reading of Dindorf, but it ought rather to be 
στεγάσματα, if the distinction of Kriiger and Kiihner, who adopt the 
latter, be right; viz. that σκέπασμα signifies a covering to wrap round 
the body, and στέγασμα a shelter against sun or rain. - See Arrian, iii. 
29. - This mode of crossing rivers, we learn from Dr. Layard, is still 
practiced in Armenia both by men and women- 

- 3. See note oni. 2, 22. ᾿ 


94 - THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK L. 


men that were in his camp, to the number of more than forty, 
(and most of these were Thracians), bore down toward the 
troops of Menon, so that they and Menon himself were struck 
with terror, and made a general rush to their arms; while 
some stood still, not knowing how to act under the circum- 
stances. 14. Proxenus happened then to be coming up be- 
hind the rest, with a body of heavy-armed men following 
him, and immediately led his troops into the middle space be- 
tween them both, and drew them up under arms, begging 
Clearchus to desist from what he was doing. But Clearchus 
was indignant, because, when he had narrowly escaped stoning, 
Proxenus spoke mildly of the treatment that he had received ; 
he accordingly desired him to stand out from between them. 

15. At this juncture Cyrus came up, and ἐν Ty: into the 
affair. He then instantly took his javelins in his hand, and 
rode, with such of his confidential officers as were with him, into 
the midst of the Greeks, and addressed them thus: 16. 
“Clearchus and Proxenus, and you other Greeks who are 
here present, you know ποῦ what you are doing. For if you 
e in any contention with one another, be assured, that 
this very day I shall be cut off, and you also not long after me ; 
since, if our affairs go ill, all ‘these Barbarians, whom you see 
before you, will prove more dangerous enemies to us than 
even those who are with the king.” 17. Clearchus, on hear- 
ing these. remonstrances, recovered. his self-possession; and 
both parties, desisting from the strife, deposited their arms in 
their respective encampments. 





CHAPTER VI. 


[races of the king’s troops are perceived. Orontes, a Persian nobleman, a 
relation of Cyrus, offers to go forward with a body of cavalry, and lay an 
ambush for the king’s army. Before he sets out, cate er, @ is found to 
be in correspondence with the king, and is put to death 


1. As they advanced from this place, the footsteps and dung 
of horses were observed, and the track was conjectured to be 
that of about two thousand eavalry. These, as they went be- 
fore, had burned all the fodder, and whatever else might have 
been of use to Cyrus. And here Orontes, a Persian, by birth 


CHAP, VI. TREACHERY OF ORONTES. 25 


connect2d with the king, and reckoned one of the ablest of the 
Persians in the field, turned traitor to Cyrus; with whom, indeed, 
he had previously been at strife but had been reconciled to 
him. 2. He now told Cyrus, that if he would give him a 
thousand horse, he would either cut off, by lying in ambush, the 
body of cavalry that were burning all before them, or would take 
the greater number of them prisoners, and hinder them from 
consuming every thing in their way, and prevent them from 
ever informing the king that they had seen the army of Cyrus. 
Cyrus, when he heard his proposal, thought it advantageous ; 
and desired him to take a certain number of men from each 
of the different commanders. : 

3. Orontes, thinking that he had secured the cavalry, 
wrote a letter to the king, saying that he would come to 
him with as many horse as he could obtain; and he de- 
sired him to give directions to his own cavalry to receive 
him as a friend. There were also in the letter expressions 
reminding the king of his former friendship and _ fidelity 
to him. .This letter he gave to a man, upon whom, as he 
believed, he could depend, but who, when he received 
it, carried it to Cyrus. 4. Cyrus, after reading the letter, 
caused Orontes to be arrested, and summoned to his own tent 
seven of the most distinguished Persians of his staff, and de- 
sired the Greek generals to bring up a body of -heavy-armed 
men, who should arrange themselves under arms around his 
tent. They did as he desired, and brought with them about 
three thousand heayy-armed soldiers. 5. Clearchus he called 
in to assist at the counc’l, as that officer appeared, both to him- 
self and to the rest, to be held most in honor among the 
Greeks. Afterward, when Clearchus left the council, he re- 
lated. to his friends how the trial of Orontes: was conducted ; 
for there was no injunction of secrecy. He said, that 
Cyrus just opened the proceedings : 

6. “I have solicited your attendance, my friends, in order 
that; on consulting-with you, I may do, with regard to Orontes 
here before you, whatever may be thought just before gods 
and men. In the first place, then, my father appointed him: to 
be subject to me. And when afterward, by the command, 
as he himself states, of my brother, he engaged in war against 
me, having possession of the citadel of Sardis, I, too, took up. 
arms against him, and made him resolve to desist from 


VOL. 1. = 


26 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK L 


war with me; and then 1 received from him, and gave him 
in return, the right-hand of friendship. 7. And since that 
occurrence,” he continued, “is there anything in which I have 
wronged you?” Orontes replied that there was not. Cyrus 
again asked him,“ And did you not then subsequently, when, 
as you own yourself, you had received no injury from me, go 
over to the Mysians, and do all the mischief in your power to 
my territories?’ Orontes answered in the affirmative. “ And 
did you not then,” continued Cyrus, “when you had thus 
again proved your strength, come to the altar of Diana, and 
say that you repented, and, prevailing upon me by entreaties, 
give me, and receive from me in return, pledges of mutual 
faith?” This, too, Orontes acknowledged. 8. “ What. in- 
jury, then,” continued Cyrus, “have you received from me, 
that you are now, for the third time, discovered in traitorous 
designs against me?” Orontes saying that he had received 
no injury from him, Cyrus asked him, “ You confess, then, 
that you have acted unjustly toward me?” “T am_ necessi- 
tated to confess it,” replied Orontes. Cyrus then again in- 
quired, “ And would you yet become an enemy to my brother, 
and a faithful friend’ to me?” Orontes answered, “ Though 
I should become so, Ὁ Cyrus, I should no longer appear so to 
you.” 9. On this Cyrus said to those present, “Such are this 
man’s deeds, and such his confessions. And now, do you first, 
O Clearchus, declare your opinion, whatever seems right to 
you.”. Clearchus spoke thus: “ I advise, that this man be put 
out of the way with all dispatch; that so it may be no longer 
necessary to be on our guard against him, but that we may 
have leisure as far as he is concerned, to benefit those who are 
willing to be our friends.” 10. In this opinion, Clearchus 
said, the rest concurred. Afterward, by the direction of 
Cyrus, all of them, even those related to the prisoner, rising 
from their seats, took Orontes hy the girdle,’ in token that he 
was to suffer death ; when those to whom directions had been 
given, led him away. And when these saw him pass, who 
had previously been used to bow before him, they bowed be- 
fore him as usual, though they knew that he was being led to 
execution. : : ; δι 


1 ‘This was a custom among the Persians on such occasions, as is ex- 
pressly signified by Diodorus Siculus, xvii. 30, in his account of the con- 
demnation of Charidemus, at the command of Darius. 


σπαΡ. VII. REVIEW IN BABYLONIA. 24 


11. After he had been conducted into the tent of Artapatas, 
the most confidential of Cyrus’s scepter-bearers,’ no one from 
that time ever beheld Orontes either living or dead, nor could 
any one say, from certain knowledge, in what manner he died. 
Various conjectures were made; but no burial-place of him was 
ever seen. 





CHAPTER VIL 


Cyrus enters Babylonia, and reviews his troops; he addresses the Greeks, 
and promises them great rewards in case of victory. He advances in order 
of battle, but afterward, supposing that his brother had no immediate 
intention to engage, proceeds with less caution. 


1. Hence Cyrus proceeded through Babylonia, three days’ 
march, a distance of twelve parasangs: and at the end of the 
third day’s march, he reviewed his army, both Greeks and Bar- 
barians, in the plain, about midnight; for he expected that with 
the ensuing dawn the king would come up with his army to of- 
fer him battle. He desired Clearchus to take command of the 
right wing, and Menon the Thessalian that of the left, while he 
himself drew up his own troops. 

2. After the review, at the dawn of day, some deserters from the 
Great King came and gave Cyrus information respecting the 
royal army. © Cyrus, assembling the genetals and captains of 
the Greeks, consulted with them how he should conduct the 
engagement, and then encouraged them with the following ex- 
hortations: 3. “It is not, O Greeks, from any want of Barbarian 
forces, that I take you with me as auxiliaries; but it is because 
I think you more efficient and valuable than a multitude of Bar- 
barians, that I have engaged you in my service. See, then, that 
you prove yourselves worthy of the liberty of which you are 
possessed, and for which I esteem you fortunate; for be well as- 
sured, that I should prefer that freedom to all that I possess, and 
to other possessions many times as great. 

4, But that you may know to what sort of encounter you are 
advancing, I, from my own experience, will inform you. The 


τ Σκηπτούχων.Ἴ “ Eunuchs, who, by the institution of Cyrus the elder, 
formed the king’s body-guard. See Cyrop. vii. 5, 58.” Zeune. 


28 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK L 


enemy’s numbers are immense, and they make their onset with 
a loud shout; but if you are firm against this, I feel ashamed 
to think what sort of men, in other respects, you will find 
those in the country to be. But if you are true men, and prove 
yourselves stout-hearted, I will enable those of you who may 
wish to go home, to return thither the envy of their fellow-coun> 
trymen ; but I think that I shall induce most of you to prefer 
the advantages of remaining with me to those in your own 
country.” 

5. Upon this, Gaulites, an exile from Samos, a man in the 
confidence of Cyrus, being present, said, “Yet some say, Ὁ 
Cyrus, that you make many promises now because you are in 
such a situation of approaching danger; but that if things 
should turn out well, you will not remember them ;’ and some, 
too, say, that even if you have both the memory and the will, 
you will not have the power of bestowing all that you promise.” 
6. Hearing this, Cyrus said, “We have before us, my friends, 
the empire that was my father’s, extending, on the south to the 

where men can not live for heat; and on the north, to the 
parts where they can not live for cold; and over all that lies 
between these extremes, the friends of my brother are now satraps. 
7. But if we conquer, it will be proper for us to make our own 
friends masters of these regions. So that it is not this that I 
fear, that I sball not have enough to give to each of my friends, 
if things turn out successfully, but that I shall not have friends 
enough to whom 1 may give 10. And to each of you Greeks, I 
will also give a golden crown. 

8. The Greeks who were present, when they heard these assur- 
ances, were much encouraged, and reported what he had said to 
the rest. The captains, too, and some others of the Greeks, went 
into his tent, desiring to know for certain what would be their 
reward if they should be victorious; and he did not let them go 
without satisfying the minds of all. 

9. But all who conversed with him, urged him not to en- 
gage in the battle personally, but take his station behind their 
line. About this time, also, Clearchus put a question to Cyrus 
to this effect: “And do you think, Cyrus, that your brother 


1 Οὐ μεμνῆσθαι. This is the reading in all the books and manuscript. 
But a future seems to be wanted rather than a perfect. Hutchinson 
and others render it “te non fore memorem.” Should we read 
μεμνήσεσθαι δ _ 


OHAP. VII. NUMBER OF TROOPS ON EACH SIDE. 29. 


will come to battle with you?” “By Jupiter,” replied Cyrus, 
“if he be indeed the son of Darius and Parysatis, and my 
brother, I shall not gain possession of these dominions without a 
struggle.” 

10. In mustering the Greeks under arms, their numbers were 

found to be ten thousand four hundred heavy-armed men, and 
two thousand four hundred peltasts; of Barbarian troops under 
Cyrus, there were one hundred thousand, with about. twenty 
chariots armed with scythes. 
' 11. Of the enemy the number was said to be one million two 
hundred thousand, with two hundred scythed chariots. There 
were, besides, six thousand cavalry, of whom Artagerses had 
the command ; these were drawn up in front of the king him- 
self. 12, Of the royal army there were four commanders, or 
generals, or leaders,’ over each three hundred thousand men; 
that is to say, Abrocomas, Tissaphernes, Gobryas, and Arbaces. 
But of this number only nine hundred thousand were present at 
the battle, and one hundred and fifty seythed chariots; for Abro- 
comas, who was marching from Pheenicia, did not arrive till 
five days after the battle. 

13. This information was brought to Cyrus by some of the 
enemy who deserted from the Great King before the battle; and 
such of the enemy as were taken prisoners after the battle gave 
the same account. 

14. Hence Cyrus proceeded one day’s march, a distance of 
three parasangs, with all his forces, as well Greek as Barbarian, 
drawn up in order of battle: for he expected that on this day 
the king would give him battle; as about the middle of the 
day’s march, there was a deep trench dug; the breadth of it 
was five fathoms,’ and the depth three. 15. This ditch extend- 
ed up through the plain, to the distance of twelve parasangs, as 
far as the wall of Media.* Here are the canals which are sup- 


1 "Hoav ἄρχοντες καὶ στράτηγοι καὶ ἡγεμόνες τέτταρες.) Weiske 
considers the words καὶ στράτηγοι καὶ ἡγεμόνες spurious; and Schneider 
and some others are of his opinion. Kiihner thinks that they are genu- 
ine, and explicative of the more general term ἄρχοντες. 

2 ’Opyuviai.] The ὀργυιά was equal to 6.0675 English feet. See Hussey 
on Ancient Weights, etc., Append. sect. 10. 

3 Tod. Μηδίας τείχους. As many of the best manuscripts have 
Μηδείας, in this passage as well as in ii. 4, 12; ii. 4, 27, and vii. 8, 25, 
Kibner adopts that reading, under the notion that the wall was pamed 


30 - THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. — BOOK τ 


plied from the river Tigris;' there are four of them, each a 
plethrum in beadth, and very deep; boats employed in convey- 
ing corn sail along them. They discharge themselves into the 
Euphrates, are distant from each other one parasang, and there 
are bridges over them. Near the Euphrates was a narrow pas- 

between the river and the trench, about twenty feet in 
breadth. 16. This trench the Great King had made to serve as 

a defense, when he heard that Cyrus was marching against him. 
By this passage Cyrus and his army made their way, and got 
within the trench. 

17. On this day the king did not come to an engagement, 
but there were to be seen many traces of men and horses in re- 
treat. 

“18. Cyrus sent for Silanus, the Ambracian soothsayer, and 
gave him three thousand darics,* because on the eleventh day 
previous, while sacrificing, he had told Cyrus that the king 
would not fight for ten days; when Cyrus exclaimed, “ He will 
not then fight at all, if he does not fight within that time; but 
if you shall prove to have spoken truly, I promise to give you 
ten talents.” This money, therefore, he now paid him, the ten 
days having elapsed. 

19. As the king made no attempt at the trench, to prevent 
the passage of Cyrus’s army, it was thought both by Cyrus 
and the rest that he had given up the intention of fighting; 
so that on the day following Cyrus proceeded on his march 
with less caution. 20. Oa the day succeeding that, he pur- 


from Medea, the wife of the last king of the Medes, whom the Persians 
conquered and despoiled of his dominions. ‘Those who defend the 
reading Μηδίας," continues Kiihner, “suppose the name to be derived 
from the country of Media, and believe, with Mannert (Geog. i. p. 330), 
that it is the same wall which Semiramis built to defend her kingdom on 
the side of Media; but this opinion rests on very weak arguments.” 
Ainsworth, p. 180, thinks that it extended from the Tigris to the Eu- 
phrates, and that the site of it is indicated by the ruins now called Sidd 
Nimrud, or “the Wall of Nimrod.” ᾿ 

“ἢ “hese canals, however, flowed, not from the Tigris into the Eu- 
phrates, but from the Euphrates into the Tigris, as is shown not only by 
Herodotus, Diodorus, Arrian, Pliny, Ammianus, but by later writers.” 
Kiihner. But “the difference in the level of the rivers is so slight that 
—it is probable that by merely altering the diagonal direction of a canal, 
the waters could be made to flow either way; certainly so at certain 
seasons.” Ainsworth, Ὁ. 89. 

- 2 See note oni. 1. 9. 


«ὍΠΑΡ, VIIL THE KING ADVANCES TO BATTLE. 81 


sued his journey seated in his chariot, and having but a small 
body of troops in line before him; while the far greater part 
of the army observed no order on their march, and many of the 
soldiers’ arms were carried on the wagons and beasis of bur- 
den 





CHAPTER VII. 


The enemy are seen advancing in order of battle, and the army of cee 
hastily prepare for action. The Greeks, in the right wing, put to flight 
the troops 5 ore to them, and pursue them some distance. Cyrus, in 
the center, directs his attack against’the king, and is killed. 


1. Ir was now about the time of full market,’ and the 
station, where he intended to halt, was not far off, when 
Pategyas, a Persian, one οὗ Cyrus’s confidential adherents, 
made hi; appearance, riding at his utmost speed, with his 
horse in a sweat, and straightway called out to all whom he 
met, both in Persian and Greek, “that the king was approach- 
ing with a vast army, prepared as for battle.”. 2. Immediately 
great confusion ensued ; for the Greeks and all the rest imag- 
ined that he would fall upon them suddenly, before they could 
form their ranks; 8. and Cyrus, leaping from his chariot, put 
on his breast-plate, and, mounting his horse, took his javelin 
in his hand, and gave orders for all the rest to arm themselves, 
and to take their stations each in his own place. 4. They 
accordingly formed with all expedition; Clearchus occupying 
the extremity of the right wing close to the Euphrates, Proxe- 
nus being next to him, and after him the other captains in suc- 
cession. Menon and his troops occupied the left wing of the 
Greeks. 

5. Of the Barbarian forces, about one thousand Paphlago- 
nian cavalry were stationed near Clearchus, and the Grecian 
peltasts on the right; and on the left was Arizus, Cyrus’s 
lieutenant, with the rest of the Barbarian troops. 6. In the 
eenter* was Cyrus, and with him about six hundred cavalry, the 


1 "Audi ἀγορὰν πλήθουσαν. The time from the tenth hour till noon. 
The whole day was divided by the Greeks into four parts, πρωὶ, ἀμφὶ 
ἀγορὰν πλήθουσαν, μεσημύρία, deiAn. Kiihner. 

: 5. ΤῊ words κατὰ τὸ μέσον, which were introduced into the text by 
Leunclayius, as if absolutely necessary, and from a comparison of 


89 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS BOOK I. 


men all armed with breast-plates, defenses for the thighs, and 
helmets, except Cyrus alone; for Cyrus presented himself for 
battle with his head unprotected. [It is said, too, that the other 
Persians expose themselves in battle with their heads uncov 
ered.|* 

7 An the horses of the cavalry, that were with Cyrus, had 
defensive armor on the forehead and breast; and the horsemen 
had also Grecian swords 

8. It was now mid-day, and the enemy was not yet in sight. 
But when it was afternoon,* there appeared a dust, like a 
white cloud, and not long after, a sort of blackness, extending 
to a great distance oyer the plain. Presently, as they ap- 
proached nearer, brazen armor began to flash, and the spears 
and ranks became visible. 9. There was a body of cavalry, 
in white armor, on the left of the enemy’s line; (Tissa- 
phernes was said to have the command of them;) close by 
these were troops with wicker shields; and next to them, 
heayy-armed soldiers with long wooden shields reaching to 
their feet; (these were said to be Egyptians;) then. other- 
cavalry and bowmen, These all marched according to their 
nations, each nation separately in a solid oblong.* 10. In front 
of their line, at considerable intervals from each other, were 
stationed the chariots called scythed chariots; they had 
scythes projecting obliquely from the axletree, and others un- 


Diod. Siculus, xiv. 2, Bornemann and others have omitted. I have 
thought it well to express them in the translation. Compare sect 
22, 23. 

1 The words in brackets, as being at variance with what is said 
immediately before, that the Persians had helmets on their heads, 
Wyttenbach, Weiske, and most other critics have condemned as an 
interpolation of some copyist. Kiihner defends them on the ground that 
they do not interfere with what precedes, but merely express a general 
custom of the Persians. Jacobs for ἄλλους conjectures παλαιούς, which 
Lion has received into his text; but παλαετύς does not suit well with 
the present διακινδυνεύειν. . For my own part, I would rather see the 
words out of the text than in it, if for no other reason than that they 
break the current of the narrative. Dindorf very judiciously leaves them 
‘in brackets. 

2 Δείλη.] See note on sect. 1. of this chap. ‘ This division of the day 
was also distinguished into two parts, deiAn mpwia, and δείλη owia, the 
carly part of the afternoon (which is here meant), and the evening.” 
Kiihner. 

3 Ἔν πλαισίῳ πλήρει ἀνθρώπων. “Tn an oblong full of men,” ἃ 6. the 
men being close together. 


CHAP. VIII. PREPARATIONS FOR ENGAGING. 33 


der the driver’s seat, pointing to the earth, for the purpose 
of cutting through whatever came in their way ; and the 
design of them was to penetrate and divide the ranks of the 
Greeks. 

11. As to what Cyrus had said, however, when, on calling 
together the Greeks, he exhorted them to sustain unmoyed the 
shout of the Barbarians, he was in this respect deceived; for 
they now approached, not with a shout, but with all possible 
silence, and quietly, with an even and slow step. 12. Cyrus in 
the mean time, riding by with Pigres the interpreter, and three 
or four others, called out to Clearchus to lead his troops against 
the enemy’s center, for that there was the king; “and if,” said 
he, “ we are victorious in that quarter, our object is fully ac- 
complished.” 13. But though Clearchus saw that close collec- 
tion of troops in the center of the enemy’s line, and heard from 
Cyrus that the king was beyond the leit of the Greeks (for so 
much the supezior was the king in numbers, that, while occupy- 
ing the middle of his own line, he was still beyond Cyrus’s left), 
nevertheless he was vowilling to draw off his right wing from 
the river, feating lest he should be hemmed in on both sides ; 
and in answer to Cyrus he said, “that he would take care that 
all should go well.” 

14. During this time the Barbarian army advanced with a 
uniform pace: and the Grecian line, still remaining in the 
same place, was gradually forming from those who came up 
from time to time. Cyrus, riding by at a moderate distance 

rom his army,’ surveyed from thence both the lines, looking 
2s well toward the enemy as to his own men. 15. Xenophon, 
an Athenian, perceiving him from the Grecian line, rode up 
to meet him, and inquired whether he had any commands; 
when Cyrus stopped his horse, and told him, and desired him 
to tell every body, that the sacrifices and the appearances of 
the victims were favorable? 16. As he was saying this, he 
heard a murmur passing through the ranks, and asked what 


| + Ob πάνυ πρός αὐτῷ τῶ στρατεύματι. “Satis longinquo ἃ suis inter- 
vallo.” Weiske. 

2 Ta ἱερὰ---καὶ τὰ σφάγια καλά. The ἑερά are omens from the entrails 
of the victims; the σφάγια were omens taken from the appearance and 
motions of the animals when led to sacrifice. This is the explanation 
given by Sturz in the Lexicon Xenophonteum, and adopted by Kiihner. 
Compare ii. 1. 9. 

Qe 


34 “THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK I. 


noise that was. Ile answered,’ “that it was the watchword, 
passing now for the second time.”* At which Cyrus won- 
dered who had given it, and asked what the word was. He 
replied that it was, “Juprren THE Preserver and Victory.” 
17. When Cyrus heard it, “I accept it as a good omen,” said 
he, “and let it be so.” Saying this, he rode away to his own 
station ; and the two armies were now not more than three or 
four stadia distant from each other, when the Greeks sang the 
prean, and began to march forward to meet the enemy. 15. 
And as, while they proceeded, some part of their body fluctu- 
ated out of line,* those who were thus left behind began to run: 
and at the same time, they all raised just such a shout as they 
usually raise to Mars, and the whole of them took to a run- 
ning pace. Some say, that they made a noise with their 
spears against their shields, to strike terror into the horses. 
19. But the Barbarians, before an arrow could reach them, gave 
way, and took to flight. The Greeks then pursued ‘them 
with all their force, calling out to each other, not to run, but 
to follow in order. 20. The chariots, abandoned by their 
drivers, were hurried, some through ihe midst of the enemies 
themselves, and others through the midst of the Greeks. The 


Ὁ Dindorf has ὁ δὲ Κλέαρχος εἶπεν, which is the reading of some mzn- 
uscripts; others have Ξενοφῶν instead of Κλέαρχος. Dindorf prefers 
the former, assuming that Clearchus had probably ridden up to Cyrus 
on that occasion ; but this is an assumption which he had no right to 
make, as nothing can be gathered from the text in favor of it. Borne- 
mann and.Kihner think it better to consider both names equally 
interpolations, and to read simply ὁ d? εἶπεν, Xenophon of course being 
understood, 

2 Aevrepov.| The watchword seems to have been passed from the ex- 
tremity of one wing (the right I should suppose), to the extremity of tho 
other, and then back again, that the soldiers, by repeating it twice, might 
be less likely to forget ‘it. But as it would thus be passed only twice, 
not oftener, it would appear that we should read 7d δεύτερον. Kriiger 
de Authen. Anab. p. 33. Kiihner observes that the article is not abso- 
lutely necessary. Ihave translated “the second time,” as the sensc 
seems to require. Some have imagined that the word δεύτερον implies 
that @ second watchword, another given out for the occasion, was passing 
round; but for this Supposition there seems no ground. As there is no 
answer to the i inquiry, τίς παραγ) Άλει, Kriger thinks that some words 
have dropped out of the text. 
£6 ᾿Εξεκύμαινε. This metaphor, from the swelling and heaving of a 
wave, is imitated by Arrian, Anab. ii. 10. 4, and praised in the renting 
de Eloc. $1, attributed to Demetrius Phalereus. 


Sead VTL. CYRUS ATTACKS THE KING. 35 


Greeks, when they saw them coming, opened their ranks to let 
them pass; some few, ep ee were startled and caught by 
them, as might happen in .a race-course; but these, they 
said, suffered no material sate nor did any other of the 
Greeks receive any hurt in this battle, except that on the 
left of their army, a man was said to have been shot with an 
arrow. 

21. Cyrus, though he saw the Greeks victorious, and pur- 
suing those of the enemies who were opposed to them, and 
though he felt great pleasure at the sight, and was already 
saluted as king by those about him, was not, however, led 
away to join in the pursuit; but keeping the band of six hun- 
dred cavalry, that were with him, drew up in aclese order around 
him, he attentively watched how the king would proceed; for 
he well knew that he occupied the center ‘of the Persian army. 
22. All the commanders of the Barbarians, indeed, lead’ their 
troops to battle occupying the center of their own men; 4 
thinking that they will thus be most secure, if they have the 
strength of their force on either side of them, and that if they 
have occasion to issue orders, their army will receive them in 
half the time. 23. On the present occasion, the king, though 
he occupied the center of his own army, was nevertheless be- 
yond Cyrus’s left wing. But as no enemy attacked him in 
front, or the troops that were drawn up before him, he began 
to wheel round, as if to inclose his adversaries. 24. Cyrus, in 
consequence, fearing that he might take the Greeks in the 
rear, and cut them in pieces, moved directly upon him, and 
charging with his six hundred horse, routed the troops that 
were stationed in front of the king, and put the guard of six 
thousand to flight, and is said to have killed with his own hand 
Artagerses, their commander. 

25. When this flight of the enemy took place, Cyrus’s six 
hundred became dispersed in the eagerness of pursuit; only a 
very few remaining with him, chiefly those who were called 

“ partakers of his table.” 

26. While accompanied by these, he perceived the king and 
the close guard around him; when he. immediately lost his 
self-command, and exclaiming, “TI see the man,” rushed upon 


1 Ἡγοῦνται.] Schneider, Kihner, and some other editors have ἡγοῦντο, 
but Poppo and Dindorf seem to be right in adopting the present, not- 
withstanding the following optative. 


86 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. - BOOK L 


him, struck him on the breast, and wounded him through the 
breast-plate, as Ctesias, the physician, relates, stating that he 
himself dressed the wound. 27. As Cyrus was in the act of 
striking, some one hit him violently with a javelin under 
the eye; and how many of those about the king were killed, 
(while they thus fought, the king, and Cyrus, and their re- 
spective followers in defense of each), Ctesias relates; for he 
was with him; on the other side, Cyrus himself was killed 
and eight of his principal officers lay dead upon his body. 28. 
Artapates, the most faithful servant to him of all his scepter- 
bearers,’ when he saw Cyrus fall, is said to have leaped from 
his horse, and thrown himself upon the body of his master ; 
29. and some say, that the king ordered some one to kill him 
on the body of Cyrus; but others relate, that he drew his 
cimeter, and killed himself upon the body; for he had a 
golden cimeter by his side, and also wore a chain and brace- 
lets, and other ornaments, like the noblest of the Persians; 
since he was honored by Cyrus for his attachment and fidelity 
to him. 





CHAPTER IX. 


The character of Cyrus. All his personal friends are killed, except Arie 
who laken to flight. τ 3 a8 


1. Taus then died Cyrus; a man who, of all the Persians 
since Cyrus the elder, was the most princely and most worthy 
of empire, as is agreed by all who appear to have had personal 
knowledge of him. 2. In the first place, while he was yet a 
boy, and when he was receiving his education with his brother 
and the other youths, he was thought to surpass them all in 
every thing. 3. For all the sons of the Persian nobles are 
educated at the gates of the king ;’ where they may learn 


1 See 6. 6, sec. 11. 

3 Ἐπὲ παῖς βασιλέως ϑύραις.] For “at the king’s palace. ‘The 
king’s palace was styled among the ancient Persians, as in the modern 
Constantinople, the Porte. Agreeably to the customs of other despots 
of the Fast, the kings of Persia resided in the interior of their palaces; 
seldom appearing in public, and guarding all means of access to their 
persons. The number of courtiers, masters of ceremonies, guards, and 


CHAP. Ix. CHARACTER OF CYRUS. 3? 


many ἃ lesson of virtuous conduct, but can see or hear nothing 
disgraceful. 4. Here the boys see some honored by the king, 
and others disgraced, and hear of them; so that in their very 
childhood they learn to govern and to obey. 

5. Here Cyrus, first of all, showed himself most remarkable 
for modesty among those of his own age, and for paying moro 
ready obedience to his elders than even those who were inferior 
to him in station; and next, he was noticed for his fondness 
for horses, and for managing them in a superior manner. 
They found him, too, very desirous of learning, and most 
assiduous in practicing the warlike exercises of archery, and 
hurling the javelin. 6. When it suited his age, he grew ex- 
tremely fond of the chase, and of braving dangers in encounters 
with wild beasts. On one occasion, he did not shrink from a 
she-bear that attacked him, but, in grappling with her, was 
dragged from off his horse, and received some wounds, the scars 
of which were visible on his body, but at last killed her. The per- 
son who first came to his assistance he made a happy man in 
the eyes of many. 

7. When he was sent down by his father, as satrap of 
Lydia and Great Phrygia and Cappadocia, and was also ap- 
pointed commander of all the troops whose duty it is to 
muster in the plain of Castolus, he soon showed that if he 
made a league or compact with any one, or gaye a promise, 
he deemed it of the utmost importance not to break his word. 
8. Accordingly the states that were committed to his charge, as 
well as individuals, had the greatest confidence in him ; and 
if any one had been his enemy, he felt secure that if Cyrus 
entered into a treaty with him, he should suffer no infraction 
of the stipulations. 9. When, therefore, he waged war against 
Tissaphernes, all the cities, of their own accord, chose to ad- 
here to Cyrus in preference to Tissaphernes, except the Mile- 
sians; but they feared him, because he would not abandon the 
cause of the exiles; 10. for he both showed by his deeds, and 
declared in words, that he would never desert them, since ho 
had once become a friend to them, not even though they should 
grow still fewer in number, and be in a worse condition than 
they were. » 


others, was endless. It was through them alone that access could be 
obtained to the monarch.” Heeren, Researches, etc., vol. i. p. 403. See 
Cyrop. i, 3. 2; 2.3, segg. Corn. Nep. Life of Conon, ec. 3- : 


188 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. - BOOK 2 


11. Whenever any one did him a kindness or an injury, he 
showed himself anxious to go beyond him in those respects ; 
and some used to mention a wish of his, that “he desired to 
live long enough to outdo both those who had done him 
good, and those who had done him ill, in the requital that he 
should make.” 12. Accordingly to him alone of the men of our 
days were so great a number of people desirous of committing 
the disposal of their property, their cities, and their own per- 
sons. 

13. Yet no one could with truth say this of him, that he 
suffered the criminal or unjust to deride his authority ; for 
he of all men inflicted punishment most unsparingly; and 
there were often to be seen, along the most frequented roads, 
men deprived of their feet, or hands, or eyes; so that in 
Cyrus’s dominions, it was possible for any one, Greek or Bar- 
barian, who did no wrong, to travel without fear whitherso- 
«ver he pleased, and having with him whatever might suit his 
convenience. 

14. To those who showed ability for war, it is acknowl- 
edged that he paid distinguished honor. His first war was 
with the Pisidians and Mysians; and, marching in person 
into these countries, he made those, whom he saw voluntarily 
hazarding their lives in his service, governors over the terri- 
tory that he subdued, and distinguished them with rewards 
in other ways. 15. So that the brave appeared to be the 
most fortunate of men, while the cowardly were deemed _ fit’ 
only to be their slaves. ‘There were, therefore, great numbers 
of persons who voluntarily exposed themselves to danger, wher- 
ever they thought that Cyrus would become aware of their ex- 
ertions. ; 

16. With regard to justice, if any appeared to him inclined 
to display that virtue, he made a point of making such men 
richer than those who sought to profit by imjustice. 17. Ac- 
cordingly, while in many other respects his affairs were ad- 
ministered judiciously, he likewise possessed an army worthy 
of the name. For it was not for money that generals and 
captains came from foreign lands to enter into his service, 
but because they were persuaded that to serve Cyrus well, 
would be more profitable than any amount of monthly pay. 


. 1 Αξιοῦσθαι.] Lion, Poppo, Kihner, and some other editors, read 
ἀξιοῦν, but the passive suits better with the preceding φαένεσθαι. 


ΘἾΔΡ. IX ’ CHARACTER OF CYRUS. ~ 39 


18. Besides, if any one executed his orders in a superior man- 
ner, he never suffered his diligence to go unrewarded ; conse- 
quently, in every undertaking, the best qualified officers were 
said to be ready to assist him. 

19. If he noticed any one that was a skillful manager, with 
strict regard to justice, stocking the land of which he had the 
direction, and securing income from it, he would never take 
any thing from such a person, but was ever ready to give him 
something in addition; so that men labored with cheerful- 
ness, acquired property with confidence, and made no conceal- 
ment from Cyrus of what each possessed; for he did not 
appear to envy those who amassed riches openly, but to en- 
deavor to bring into use the wealth of those who con- 
cealed it. 

20. Whatever fiiends he made, and felt to be weil-disposed 
to him, and considered to be capable of assisting him in any 
thing that he might wish to accomplish, he is acknowledged 
by all to have been most successful in attaching them to him. 
21. For, on the very same account on which he thought that 
he himself had need of friends, namely, that he might have 
co-operators in his undertakings, did he endeavor to prove an 
efficient assistant to his friends in whatever he perceived any of 
them desirous of effecting. 

22. He received, for many reasons, more presents than 
perhaps any other single individual; and these he outdid 
every one else in distributing among his friends, having a 
view to the characier of each, and to what he perceived each 
most needed. 23. Whatever presents any one sent him of 
articles of personal ornament, whether for warlike accouter- 
ment, or merely for dress, concerning these, they said, he used 
to remark, that he.could not decorate his own person with 
them all, but that he thought friends well equipped were the 
greatest ornament a man could have. 24. That he should 
outdo his friends, indeed, in conferring great benefits, 15. not 
at all wonderful, since he was so much more able; but, that 
he should surpass his friends in kind: attentions, and anxious 
desire to oblige, appears to me far more worthy of admiration. 
25. Frequently, when he had wine served him of a peculiarly 
fine flavor, he would send half-emptied flagons of it to some 
of his friends, with a message to this effect: “Cyrus has 
not for some time met with pleasanter wine than this; and he 


40 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK L 


has therefore sent some of it to you, and begs you will drink 
it to-day, with those whom you love best.” 26. He would often, 
too, send geese partly eaten, and the halves of loaves, and 
other such things, desiring the bearer to say, in presenting them, 
“Cyrus has been delighted with these, and therefore wishes you 
also to taste of them.” 

27. Wherever provender was scarce, but he himself, from 
having many attendants, and from the care which -he took, 
was able to procure some, he would send it about, and de- 
sire his friends to give that provender to the horses that 
carried them, so that hungry steeds might not carry his 
friends. 28. Whenever he rode out, and many were likely to 
see him, he wouid call to him his friends, and hold earnest 
conversation with them, that he might show whom he held in 
honor; so that, from what I have heard, I should think that 
no one was ever beloved by a greater number of persons, 
either Greeks or Barbarians. 29. Of this fact the following 
is a proof; that no one deserted to the king from Cyrus, 
though only a subject (except that Orontes attempted to do 
so; but he soon found the person whom he believed faithful 
to him, more a friend to Cyrus than to himself), while many 
came over to Cyrus from the king, after they became enemies 
to each other; and these, too, men who were greatly beloved 
by the king; for they felt persuaded that if they proved 
themselves brave soldiers under Cyrus, they would obtain 
from him more adequate rewards for their services than from 
the king. 

30. What occurred also at the time of his death, is a great 
proof, as well that he himself was a man of merit, as that he 
could accurately distinguish such as were trust-worthy, well 
disposed, and constant in their attachment. 31. For when he 
was killed, all his friends, and the partakers of his table, who 
were with him, fell fighting in his defense, except Arizus, 
who. had been posted in command of the cavalry, on the 
left; and, when he learned that Cyrus had fallen in the battle, 
he took to flight, with ‘all the troops which he had under bis 
command. 


CHAP. X PLUNDER OF THE CAMP OF CYRUS. 41 


CHAPTER X. 


The head and right-hand of Cyrus cut off. Artaxerxes poses Arieus, 
lunders the camp of Cyrus, and then returns to attack the victorious 
reeks, who put him to flight, recover what he had seized, and returned 

to their camp. 


1. Tae head and right-hand of Cyrus were then cut off. 
The king, and the troops that were with him, engaging in pur- 
suit, fell upon the camp of Cyrus; when the soldiers of Arizus 
no longer stood their ground, but fled through their camp to 
the station whence they had last started ; which was said to be 
four parasangs distant. 2. The king and his followers seized 
upon many other things, and also captured the Phocwean 
woman, the mistress of Cyrus, who was said to be both accom- 
plished and beautiful. 3. His younger mistress, a native of 
Miletus, being taken by some of the king’s soldiers, fled for ref- 
uge, without her outer garment, to the party of Greeks,' who 
were stationed under arms to guard the baggage, and who, 
drawing themselves up for defense, killed several of the pillagers; 
and some of their own number also fell; yet they did not flee, 
but saved not only the woman, but all the rest of the property 
and people that were in their quarters. . 

4. The king and the main body of Greeks were now 
distant from each other about thirty stadia, the Greeks pur- 
suing those that had been opposed to them, as if they had 
conquered all; the Persians engaged in plundering, as if they 
were wholly victorious. 5. But when the Greeks found that 
the king with his troops was among their baggage; and the 
king, on the other hand, heard from Tissaphernes, that the 
Greeks had routed that part of his line which had been op- 
posed to them, and were gone forward in pursuit, the king, 


! Πρὸς τῶν Ἑλλήνων. “These words,” says Kiihner, “ have wonder- 
fully exercised the abilities of commentators.” The simplest mode of 
interpretation, he then observes, is to take πρὸς in the sense of versus, 
“toward,” comparing iv. 3, 26; ii. 2,4; but he inclines, on the whole, 
to make the genitive Ελλήνων depend on τούτους understood: ἐκφεύγει 
τῶν Ελλήνων πρὸς (τοὐτουζ) οἵ ἔτυχον, κ. τ. 2., though he acknowledges 
that this construction is extremely forced, and that he can nowhere find 
any thing similar to it. Brodzus suggested πρὸς τὸ τῶν “EAARvar, scil. 
στρατόπεδον, and Weiske and Schneider would read πρὸς τὸ τῶν 
Ελλήνων στρατόπεδον. Other conjectures it is unnecessary to notice. 


42 _ . THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. | ~ BOOK 1 


on his part, collected his forces, and formed them in line 
again; while Clearchus, on the other side, calling to him 
Proxenus, who happened to be nearest to him, consulted with 
him whether they should send a detachment to the camp, or 
proceed, all of them together to relieve it. 6. In the mean 
time, the king was observed again approaching them, as it 
seemed, in their rear. The Greeks, wheeling round, prepared 
to receive him, in the belief that he. would attack them on 
that quarter; the king, however, did not lead his troops that 
way, but led them off by the same route by which he had _be- 
fore passed on the outside of their left wing; taking with him 
both those who had deserted to the Greeks during the en- 
gagement, and Tissaphernes with the troops under his com- 
mand. 

_ 4, Tissaphernes had not fled at the commencement of the 
engagement, but had charged through the Greek. peltasts, 
close to the banks of the river. In breaking through, how- 
ever, he killed not a single man, for the Greeks, opening their 
ranks struck his men with their. swords, and hurled their 
javelins at them. LEpisthenes of Amphipolis had the com- 
mand of the peltasts, and was said to have proved himself an 
able captain. 8. Tissaphernes, therefore, when he thus came 
off with disadvantage, did not turn back again, but, proceed- 

‘ing onward to the Grecian camp, met the king there; and 
thence they now returned together with their forces united in 
battle-array. 9. When they were opposite the left wing of 
the Greeks, the Greeks feared lest they should attack them on 
that wing, and, inclosing them on both sides, should cut them 
off; they therefore thought it advisable to draw back this 
wing,’ and to put the river in their rear. 10. While they 
were planning this maneuver, the king, having passed be- 
yond them, presented his force opposite to them, in the same 
form in which he had at first come to battle; and when 


1 "Avarriccerv.] Literally “to fold back.” Whether we are to un- 
derstand that one part of the wing was drawn behind the other, is not 
very clear. The commentators are not at all agreed as to the exact 
sense that the word ought to bear. Some would interpret it by explicare, 
“to open out,” or “extend,” and this indeed seems more applicable 
to περιπτύξαντες which precedes; for the Greeks might lengthen out 
their line that the king’s troops might not surround them. . But on 
sy whole, ts other interpretation seems to have most voices in favor 
of it. 


cHaP, x. THE GREEKS REPULSE THE BARBARIANS. 43 


the Grecks saw their enemies close at hand, and drawn up for 
fight, they again sang the pean, and advanced upon them 
with much greater spirit than before. 11. The Barbarians, 
on the other hand, did not await their onset, but fled sooner’ 
than at first; and the Greeks pursued them as far as a certain 
village,” where ‘they halted; 12. for above the village was a 
hill, upon which the king’s troops had checked their flight, 
and though there were no longer any: infantry’ there, the 
height was filled with cavalry ; so that the Greeks could not 
tell what was doing. They said that they saw the royal 
standard, a golden cagle upon a spear,* with expanded 
wings.® 

13. But as the Greeks were on the point of proceeding 
thither, the cavalry too left the hill; not indeed in a body, 
but some in one direction and some in another; and thus the 
hill was gradually thinned of cavalry, till at last they were all 
gone. 14. Clearchus, however, did not march up the hill, but, 
stationing his force at its foot, sent Lycius the Syracusan and 
another up the hill, and ordered them, after taking a view 


1 Ἔκ πλέονος. Se. διαστήματος : they began to flee when the Greeks 
were at a still greater distance than before. 

2 Μέχρι κώμης τινός. This is generally supposed to have been Cu- 
naxa, where, according to Plutarch, the battle was fought. Ainsworth, 
p. 244, identifies Cunaxa with Jms<y’ab, a place 36 miles north οὗ, 
Babylon. 

3 The infantry seem to have fled; the cavalry only were left. 

4 "Ent πέλτης ἐπὶ EdAov.] So stands the passage in Dindorf’s text; 
but most editors, from Schneider downward, consider ἐπὶ ξύλου to be a 
mere interpretation of ἐπὶ πέλτης, that has crept by some accident into 
the text, and either inclose it in brackets or wholly omit it. Πέλτη is 
said by Hesychius and Suidas to be the same as δόρυ or λόγχη: and 
Kriiger refers to Philostratus, Icon. 11, 32, ἐπὶ τῆς πέλτης ἀετός. In 
Cyrop. vii. 1. 4, the insigne of Cyrus the elder is said to have been a 
golden eagle, ἐπὶ δόρατος μακροῦ ἀνατεταμένος. Πέλτη accordingly 
being taken in this sense, all is clear, and ἐπὶ ξύλου is superfluous. 
Kiihner gives great praise to the conjecture of Hutchinson, ἐπὶ πέλτης 
ἐπὶ ξυστοῦ, who, taking πέλτη in the sense of ὦ shield, supposed that 
the eagle was mounted on a shield, and the shield on a spear. But the 
shield would surely have been a mere encumbrance, and we had better 
be rid of it. Yet to take πέλτη in the same sense of ὦ spear, unusual in 
Xenophon, is not altogether satisfactory; and it would be well if we 
could fairly admit into the text Leunclavius’s conjecture, ἐπὶ παλτοῦ. 

5 ’Avatetauévov.| This word is generally understood to signify that 
the eagle’s wings were expanded. See Liddell and Scott’s Lexicon; and 
Dr. Smith’s Dict. of G. and R. Ant. sub Signa Militaria. 


AA THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK I. 


from the summit, to report to him what was passing on the 
other side. 15. Lycius accordingly rode thither, and having 
made his observations, brought word that the enemy were flee- 
ing with precipitation. Just as these things took place, the sun 
set. 

16. Here the Greeks halted, and piling their arms, took some 
rest ; and at the same time they wondered that Cyrus himself 
nowhere made his appearance, and that no one else came to 
them from him; for they did not know that he was killed, but 
conjectured that he was either gone in pursuit of the enemy, or 
had pushed forward to secure some post. 17. They then de- 
liberated whether they should remain in that spot and fetch 
their baggage thither, or return to the camp; and it was re- 
solved to return, and they arrived at the tents about supper-time. 
18. Such was the conclusion of this day. 

They found almost all their baggage, and whatever food and 
drink was with it, plundered and wasted ; the wagons, too, full 
of barley-meal and wine, which Cyrus had provided, in order that, 
if ever a great scarcity of provisions should fall upon the army, 
he might distribute them among the Grecian troops (and the 
wagons, as was said, were four hundred in number), these also 
the king’s soldier’s had plundered. 19. Most of the Greeks 
consequently remained supperless; and they had also been 
. without dinner ; for before the army had halted for dinner, the 
king made his appearance. In this state they passed the ensu- 
ing night. 


BOOK. II. 


CHAPTER I. 


The Grecks are surprised to hear of the death of Cyrus. Arius resolves 
to return to Ionia, contrary to the advice of Clearchus, who incites him 
to make an attempt on the throne of Persia. Artaxerxes sends a message 
to the Greeks ; their reply. 


1. How the Grecian force was collected for Cyrus, when 
he undertook his expedition against his brother Artaxerxes, 
what occurred in his march up the country, how the battle 
took place, how Cyrus was killed, and how the Greeks re- 
turned to their camp and went to rest, in the belief that they 
were completely victorious, aud that Cyrus was still alive, las 
been related in the preceding book. 

2. When it was day, the generals met together, and ex- 
pressed their surprise that Cyrus had neither sent any person 
to give directions how. they should act, nor had made his ap- 
pearance himself. It seemed best to them, therefore, to pack 
up what baggage they had, and, arming themselves, to march 
forward till they could effect a junction with Cyrus. 

3. But when they were on the point of starting, just as the sun 
was rising, there came to them Procles, the governor of Teuthrania 
(who was descended from Damaratus, the Lacedemonian), 
and with him Glus, the son of Tamos, who told them that 
Cyrus was dead, and that Arius, having fled, was, with the 
rest of the Barbarians, at the station whence they started the 
day before; and that he said he would wait for the Greeks 
that day, if they would come to him; but on the morrow, he 
said, he should set off for Ionia, from whence he had come. 

4, The generals, on hearing this intelligence, and the other 
Greeks, on learning it from them,’ were grievously afflicted; 
and Clearchus spoke thus: “ Would -that Cyrus were still 
alive; but since he is no more, carry back word to Arizus, 


? Πυνϑανόμενοι. Schneider and others would omit this word, as an 
apparent interpolation. I have followed Kiihner’s interpretation. 


46 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK IL 


that we at least are victorious over the king, and that, as you 
see, no enemy any longer offers us battle ; snd, if you had not 
come, we should have marched against the king ; and we promise 
Arizeus, that, if he will come hither, we will seat him on the 
royal throne ; for to those who.conquer, it belongs also to rule.” 

5. Saying this, he dismissed the messengers, and sent with 
them Cheirisophus the Lacedemonian, and Menon the Thes- 
salian ; for Menon himself desired to go, as he was connected 
with Ariceus by ties of friendship and hospitality. 

6. While they departed on their mission Clearchus waited 
where he was; and the troops supplied themselves with food, 
as well as they could, from the carcases of their baggage-cattle, 
slaughtering their oxen and asses; and, going a little way in 
front of the line, to the place where the battle was fought, 
they collected and used as fuel, not only the arrows, which lay 
in great quantities, and which "the Greeks had compelled the 
deserters from the king to throw down, but also the wicker 
shields of the Persians, and the wooden ones of the Egyptians ; 
and there were also many other light shields, and wagons 
emptied of their contents,’ to be taken away ; using all which 
materials to cook the meat, they appeased their hunger for 
that day. 

ἢ, It was now about the middle of the forenoon,’ when 
some heralds arrived from the king and Tissaphernes, all of 
them Barbarians, except one, a Greek named Phalinus, who 
chanced to be with Tissaphernes, and was highly esteemed by 
him, for he had pretensions to skill in the arrangement of 
troops, and in the exercise of heavy arms. . 8. These persons 
having approached, and asked to speak with the commanders — 
of the Greeks, told them, “that the king, since he had gained 
the victory and slain Cyrus, required the Greeks to deliver 
up their arms, and go to the gates of the king,” and try to 
obtain, if they could, some favor from him.” 9, Thus spoke 
the king’s heralds; and the Greeks heard them with no small 


1 Φέρεσϑαι bers Before Φέρεσϑαι is to be understood ὥστε, as 
Zeune and Weiske observe. | Kiihner remarks that ἔρημοι should prop- 
erly be referred to both πέλται and ἅμαξαι: the shields were without 
owners, and the wagons without their contents, as having been plunder- 
ed by the enemy. . 

“2 ΠΝ εἶς νη μον ἀγοράν See i i 8.1 

* See i. 


CHAP. I. THE KING’S MESSAGE TO THE GREEKS. 47. 


concern; but Clearchus only said, “that it was not the part 
of conquerors to deliver up their arms: but,” he continued, 
“do you, fellow-captains, give these men such an answer as 
you think most honorable and ‘proper; and I will return im- 
mediately ;” for one of the attendants just then called him 
away to inspect the entrails which had been taken out of the 
victim, as he happened to be engaged in sacrifice. 10. Cleanor 
the Arcadian, the oldest of them, then answered, that “they 
would die before they would deliver up their arms.” “ For my 
part,” said Proxenus the .Theban, “I wonder, Phalinus, 
whether it is as conqueror that the king asks for our arms, or 
as gifts in friendship ; for if as conqueror, why should he ask 
for them at all, and not rather come and take them? But if 
he wishes to get them from us by means of persuasion, let 
him say what will be left to the soldiers, if they gratify him 
in this particular.” 11. To this Phalinus replied, “The king 
considers himself the conqueror, since he has slain Cyrus. 
For who is there now that disputes the sovereignty with him ? 
And he also looks upon yourselves as his captives, having you 
here in the middle of his dominions, and inclosed within im-. 
passable rivers; and being able to lead such multitudes against 
you, as, though he gave them isto your power, it would 
impossible for you to destroy.” 
12. After him, Theopompus,’ an Athenian, spoke thus: “O 
Phalinus, we have now, as you see, nothing to avail us, ex- 
cept our arms and our valor. While we retain our arms, 


_ 1 Θεύπομπος.} This is the reading of six manuscripts; others have 

Ξενοφῶν. The passage has greatly exercised the ingenuity of the learn- 
ed, some endeavoring to support one reading, some the other. If we 
follow manuscript authority, it can. not be doubted that Θεόπομπος is 
genuine. Weiske thinks “‘ Xenophon” inadmissible, because the officers 
only of the Greeks were called to a conference, and Xenophon, as ap- 
pears from iii. 1. 4, was not then in the service: as for the other argu- 
ments that he has offered, they are of no weight. Kriiger (Quest. de 
Xen. Vit. Ρ. 12), attempts to refute Weiske, and to defend the name of 
Xenophon, conjecturing that some scholiast may have written in the 
margin Θεόπομπος δὲ Πρόξενον τοῦτο εἰπεῖν φησι, whence the name of 
Theopompus may have crept into the text, as Diod. Sic, xiv. 25, attrib- 
utes those words to Proxenus. But as.this notion rests: on conjecture 
alone, I have thought if safest, with Weiske, Schneider, Poppo, and 
Dindorf, to adhere to the reading of the best manuscripts. * * * Who 
this Theopompus was, however, is unknown; for he is nowhere else 
mentioned in the Anabasis. Kiihner. 


48 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK 11. 


we may hope to profit by our valor; but if we were to give 
them up, we should ‘expect to be deprived also of our lives. 
Do not suppose, therefore, that we shall give up to you the only 
things of value that we possess; but, with these in our hands, 
we will even fight for whatever of value you possess.” 13. On 
hearing him speak thus, Phalinus smiled, and said, “You 
seem like a philosopher, young man, and express yourself not 
without grace; but be assured that you are out of your senses 
if you imagine that your valor will prove victorious over the 
might of the king.” 14, But it was reported that certain 
others of the generals, giving way to their fears, said that they 
had been faithful to Cyrus, and might likewise prove of great 
service to the king, if he were. willing to become their friend ; 
and that whether he might wish to employ them in any other 
service, or in an expedition against Egypt, they would assist 
him in reducing it.” 

15. In the mean time Clearchus returned, and asked whether 
they had yet given their answer. Phalinus, in reply, said, 
“Your companions, O Clearchus, give each a diferent an- 
swer; and now tell us what you have to say.” 16. Clearchus 
then said, “I was glad to see you, Ὁ Phalines, and so, I dare 
say, were all the rest of us; for you are a Greek, as we also 
are; and, being so many in number as you see, and placed 
in such circumstances, we would advise with you how we 
should act with regard to the message that you bring. 17. 
Give us then, I entreat you by .the gods, such advice as seems 
to you most honorable and advantageous, and such as will 
bring you, honor in time to.come, when it is related, that 
Phalinus, being once sent from the king to require the Greeks 
io deliver up their arms, gave them, when they consulted him, 
such and such counsel; for you know that whatever counsel 
zou do give, will necessarily be reported in Greece.” 

18. Clearchus craftily threw out this suggestion,’ with the 
desire thatthe very person who came as an envoy from the 
king, should advise them not to deliver up their arms, in order 
that the Greeks might be led to conceive better hopes. But 
Phalinus, adroitly evading the appeal, spoke, contrary to his 
expectation, as follows: 19. “If, out of ten thousand hopeful 
chances, you have any single one, of saving yourselves by con- 


1 Ταῦτα ὑπήγετο.] Hee ἀοϊοδὸ swadebat. Compare ii. 4. 8. Kiihner. 


CHAP, 11. CLEARCHUS’S REPLY TO PHALINUS. 49 


tinuing in arms against the king, I advise you not to deliver 
up your arms; but if you have not a single hope of safety in 
opposing the king’s pleasure, I advise you to save yourselves 
in the only way in which it is possible.” 20. Clearchus re- 
joined, “Such, then, is your advice; but on our part return this 
answer, that we are of opinion, that, if we are to be friends 
with the king, we shall be more valuable friends if we retain 
our arms, than if we surrender them to another; but that if 
we must make war against him, we should make war better if 
we retain our arms, than if we give them up to another.” 21. 
Phalinus said, “This answer, then, we will report: but the 
king desired us also to inform you, that while you remain in 
this place, a truce is to be considered as existing between him 
and you; but, if you advance or retreat, there is to be war. 
Give us, therefore, your answer on this point also; whether you 
will remain here, and a truce is to exist, or whether I shall 
announce from. you, that there is war.” 22. Clearchus re- 
plied, “ Report, therefore, on this point also, that our resolution 
1s the same as that of the king.” “ And what is that?” said 
Phalinus. Clearchus replied, “If we stay here, a truce; but 
if we retreat or advance, war.” 28, Phalinus again asked him, 
“Ts it a truce or war that I shall report?” Clearchus again 
made the same answer: “A truce, if we stay; and if we re- 
treat or advance, war.” But of what he intended to do, jhe 
gave no intimation. 





CHAPTER Il. 


The Greeks, joining Arizus, form an alliance with him, and take counsel 
with bim in reference to their return. During the night following the 
first day’s march they are seized with a panic, which Clearchus allays. 


1. Puatinus and his companions departed ; and there now 
returned, from their interview with Arius, Procles ‘and 
Cheirisophus; Menon had remained there with Arizus. 
They reported, “that Arizus said that there were many Per- 
sians, of superior rank to himself, who would not endure. that 
he should be king; but,” he - adds, “if. you wish to return 
with him, -he desires you to come to him this very night; if 
you do not, he says that he ioe set out by himself early in the 

VOL. I 


50 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK IL 


morning.” 2.-Clearchus rejoined, “And we must certainly 
do. as you say, if we determine to go to him; but if not, adopt 
for yourselves such measures as you may think most for your 
advantage ;” for not even to them did he disclose what he in- 
tended to do 

3. But afterward, when the sun was setting, having as- 
sembled the generals and captains, he spoke as follows: “ My 
friends, when I offered a sacrifice with reference to marching 
against the king, the signs of the victim were not favorable, 
and indeed it was with good cause that they were not so; for, 
as I now learn, there is between us and the king the river 
Tigris, a navigable river which we could not cross without 
vessels ; and vessels we have none. Yet it is not possible to 
remain here ; for we have no means of procuring provisions. 
But for going to the friends of Cyrus, the sacrifices were ex- 
tremely favorable. 4. We must accordingly proceed thus: 
when we separate, we must sup, each of us on what he has; 
when the signal is given with the horn as if for going to rest, 
proceed to pack up your baggage ; when it sounds the second 
time, place it on your baggage-cattle ; and, at the third signal, 
follow him who leads the way, keeping your baggage-cattle 
next the river, and the heavy-armed troops on the outside.” 

5. The generals and captains, after. listening: to this address, 
went away, and did as he directed; and thenceforth he com- 
manded, and the others obeyed, not indeed having elected him 
commander, but perceiving that he alone possessed such qual- 
ifications as a leader-ought to-have, and-that the rest of them 
were comparatively inexperienced. 

6. The computation of the route which they had come from 
Ephesus in Ionia to the field of battle, was ninety-three days’ 
march, and five hundred and. thirty-five parasangs, or sixteen 
thousand and fifty stadia;’ and the distance from the field 
of battle to Babylon was said to be three hundred and sixty 
stadia. ary 

7. Here, as soon as it was dark, Miltocythes the Thracian 
deserted to the king, with about forty horse that he com- 


2 As Xenophon, in the first book, has enumerated only 84 days’ 
march, 517 parasangs, which make but 15,510 stadia, Zeune thinks that 
the 9 days’ march, and 18 parasangs, here added, are to be understood 
as forming the route from Ephesus to Sardis. Kriiger is inclined to 
think the passage an interpolation. 


ΒΑΡ. π. LEAGUE BETWEEN ARLZUS AND THE GREEKS. 51 


manded, and nearly three hundred of the Thracian infantry. 
8. Clearchus led the way for the rest, in the prescribed 
order; and they followed, and arrived at the first halting- 
place,* to join Arizus and his troops about midnight; and 
the generals and captains of the Greeks, having drawn up 
their men under arms, went in a body to Arizus; when the 
Greeks on the one hand, and ‘Arizus and his principal officers 
on the other, took an oath not to betray each other, and to 
be true allies; and the Barbarians took another oath, that 
they would lead the way without treachery. 9. These oaths 
they took after sacrificing a bull, a wolf,* a boar, and a ram, 
over a shield, the Greeks dipping a sword, and the Barbarians 
a lance, into the blood. 

10. When these pledges of mutual fidelity were given, 
Clearchus said: “Since then, Arizus, our route and yours is 
now the same, tell us, what is your opinion with respect to 
our course; whether we shall return the way we came, or 
whether you consider that you have thought of a better way.” 
11. Arizeus replied: “If we were to return the way we came, 
we should all perish of hunger; for we have now no supply of 
provisions; and for the last seventeen days’ march, even when 
we were coming hither, we could procure nothing from the 
country through which we passed; or, if any thing was to be 
found there, we consumed it ourselves in our passage. But 
now we propose to take a longer road, but one in which we 
shall not want for provisions. 12. We must make the first 
days’ marches as long as we can, that we may remove our- 
selves to the greatest possible distance from the king’s army ; 
for if we once escape two or three days’ journey from him, the 
king will no longer be able to overtake us; since he will not 
dare to pursue us with a small: force; and, with a numerous 
army, he will not be able to march fast enough, and will prob- 


1 Ele τὸν πρῶτον σταθμόν. This is the σταθμός mentioned in i, 10, 
1, being that from which the army of Cyrus started on the day when 
the battle took place. 

2 Bornemann observes that the sacrifice of the wolf seems to have 
been the act of the Persians, referring to Plutarch de Is. et Os.; where 
it is said that it was a custom with them to sacrifice that animal. “They 
thought the wolf,” he adds, “the son and- image of Ahrimanes, as ap- 
pears from Kleuker in Append. ad Zendavestam, T. II. P. iii: pp. 78, 84; 
see also Brisson, p. 388.” 


52 TIE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK IL. 


ably experiences 2 szartcity of provisious. “Such,” he con- 
cluded, “is my opinion.” 

13. This scheme for conducting the army was calculated for 
nothing else than io effect an escape, clandestinely or openly, 
by flight.’ But fortune proved a better leader; for as soon as 
it was day they began their march, with the sun on their 
right, expecting to arrive about sunset at some villages in the 
Babylonian territory; and in this expectation they were not 
disappointed. 14. But, in the afternoon, they thought: that 
they perceived some of the enemy’s cavalry; and those of the 
Greeks who happened not to be in their ranks, ran to their 
places in the ranks; and. Arizus (for he was riding in a 
wagon because he had been καρέχ μὲν came down and put on 
his armor, as did those who were with him. 15. But while 
they were arming themselves, the scouts that: had been sent 
forward returned, and reported that they were not cavalry, 
but baggage-catile grazing; and every one immediately con- 
cluded that the king was encamped somewhere near. Smoke 
also was seen rising from:some villages not far distant. . 16. 
Clearchus however did not lead his troops against the enemy ; 
ἘΝ he was aware that his soldiers were tired and in want of 
ood ; and: besides it was now late;) yet he did not turn out 
of his way, taking care not to appear to flee, but continued his 
march in a direct line, and took up his quarters with his van- 
guard, just at sunset, in the nearest villages, from’ which even 
the wood-work of the houses had been carried off by the king’s 
troops. 17. These, therefore, who were in advance, encamped 
with some degree of regularity ; but those who followed, com- 
ing up in the dark, took up with such quarters as they chanced 
to find, and made so much noise in calling to each other, that 
even the enemy heard them; and those of the enemy who 
_ were stationed the nearest, fled from their encampments.~ 18. 
That this had been the case, became apparent on the following 
day ; for there was no longer a single beast of burden to be 
seen, nor any camp, nor smoke any where near. The king had 
been alarmed, as it seemed, by the sudden approach of the 


? "Arodpdévat καὶ ἀποφυγεῖν. The first means to flee, so that it can 
not be discovered whither the fugitive is gone; the second, so that he 
can not. be overtaken. Kiihner adi. 4. 8.- ‘ Fuga vel clandestina ve? 
aperta.” Weiske. 


cHaPp, Ππ|ι JIERALDS ARE SENT FROM THE KING. 53; 


Grecian army ; and cf this he gave proof by what he did or 
the following day. Ἢ 

-. 19. However, in the course of this night, a panic fell upon 
the Greeks themselves, and there arose such noise ‘and com- 
motion in their camp as usually ensues on the occurrence of 
sudden terror. 20. Upon this, Clearchus ordered Tolmides, 
an Eleian, whom he happened to have with him, the best? 
herald of his time, to command silence; and: proclaim, that 
“the generals give notice, that whoever will give information 
of the person who turned the ass among the arms,’ shall re- 
ceive a reward of a talent of silver.” 21. On this proclama- 
tion being made, the soldiers were convinced that their alarm 
was groundless, and their generals were safe. At break of day, 
Clearchus issued orders for the Greeks to form themselves under 
arms, in the same order in which they had been when the battle 
took place. | 





CHAPTER Iii. 


The king proposes a truce, and supplics the Greeks with provisions durin 
the negotiation. Three days after he sends Tissaphernes to them, to as 
why they had engaged in hostilities against him; he is answered by 
Clearchus. A treaty is then concluded, the king engaging to send home 
the Greeks under the conduct of Tissaphernes, and the Greeks promising 
to do no injury to the countries through which they should pass. 


1. Wuar I just now stated, that the king was alarmed at 
the approach of the Greeks, became evident by what followed ; 
for though, when he sent to them on the preceding day, he 
desired them to deliver up their arms, he now, at sunrise, sent 
heralds to negotiate a truce. 2. These heralds, upon arriving 
at the outposts, requested to speak with the commanders. 
Their request being reported by the guards, Clearchus, who 
happened then to be inspecting the several divisions, told the 


1 *Apistov.] Best, apparently, on account of tho loudness or clearness 
of his voice. 

2 The arms, as Kiihner observes, were piled in front of the men’s 
quarters. The affair of the ass was an invention of Clearchus to draw 
off the thoughts of the soldiers from the subject of their apprehension. 
Polyzenus, iii. 9. 4, speaks of a similar stratagem having been adopted 
by Iphicrates. 


54. THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK IL 


rds to desire the heralds to wait till he should be at leisure. 
3. When he had arranged the army in such a manner as to 
present on every side the fair appearance of a compact pha- 
lanx, and ‘so that none of the unarmed were to be seen, he 
called for the heralds, and came forward himself, having about 
him the best-armed and best-looking of his soldiers, and told 
the other leaders to do the same. 4. When he drew near the 
messengers, he asked them what they wanted. They replied,. 
“that they came to negotiate a truce, with full powers to com- 
municate with the Greeks on behalf of the king, and with 
the king on behalf of the Greeks.” 5. Clearchus answered, 
“Tell the king, then, that we must come to battle first; for we 
have no breakfast ;’ and there is no one who will dare to talk 
to the Greeks of a truce, without first supplying them with 
breakfast.” : 

6. On hearing this answer, the messengers departed, but 
soon returned ; from whence it was apparent that the king, or 
some other person to whom a commission had been given 
to conduct the negotiation, was somewhere near. They 
brought word, “that the king thought what they said was 
reasonable, and that they now came with guides, who in case 
the truce should be settled, would conduct the Greeks to a 
place were they might procure provisions.” 7. Clearchus then 
inquired, whether the king would grant the benefit of the truce 
to those only who went with him, on their way thither and back, 
or whether the truce would be with the rest as well.’ The 
messengers replied, “ With all; until what you. have to say is 
communicated to the king.” 8. When they had said this 
Clearchus, directing them to withdraw, deliberated with the 
other officers; and they proposed to conclude the truce at 
once, and to go after the provisions at their ease, and supply 
themselves. 9. And Clearchus said, “I too am of that opinion. 


? "Apiorov.] This word answers to the Latin prandium, a meal taken 
in the early part of the day. We can not here render it “ dinner.” 

? T have translated this passage as I think that the drift of the narra- 
tive requires. Kriiger refers σπένδοιτο to Clearchus, and thinks that by 
αὐτοῖς τοῖς ἀνδράσι are meant the Persian deputies. - Some critics sup- 
pose that by those words the men who were to get provisions are in- 
tended. - To me nothing seems consistent with the context but to refer 
σπένδοιτο to the king, and to understand by αὐτοῖς τοῖς dvdodct the 
messengers from the Greeks. 


ΟΗΑΡ. ΠΙ. THE GREEKS CONTINUE THEIR RETREAT. abd 


I will not, however, announce our determination immediately, 
but will wait till the messengers begin to be uneasy lest we 
should determine not to conclude the truce. And yet,” said 
he, “I suspect that a similar apprehension will arise among our 
own soldiers.” When he thought therefore that the proper 
time had arrived, he announced to the messengers that he 
agreed to the truce, and desired them to conduct him forthwith 
to the place where the provisions were. 

10, They accordingly led the way ; and Clearchus proceeded 
to conclude the truce, keeping his army however in battle-array ; 
the rear he brought up himself. The met with ditches and 
canals so full -of water that they could not cross without 
bridges ; but they made crossings of the palm-trees which had 
fallen, and others which they cut down. 11. Here it might be 
seen how Clearchus performed the duties of a commander, 
holding his spear in his left hand, and a staff in his right; and 
if any of those ordered. to the work seemed to him to loiter at 
it, he would select a fit object for punishment,’ and give him a 
beating, and would lend his assistance himself,’ leaping into the 
midst, so that all were ashamed not to share his industry. 12. 
The men of thirty and under only had been appointed by him 
to the work; but the older men, when they saw Clearchus thus 
busily employed, gave their assistance likewise. 13. Clearchus 
made so much the more haste, as he suspected that the 
ditches were not always so full of water; (for it was not the 
season for irrigating the ground;) but thought that the king 
had let out the water upon the plain, in order that even now 
there might appear to the Greeks to be many difficulties in the 
march. 

14. Proceeding on their way, they arrived at some villages, 
from which the guides signified that they might procure pro- 
visions. In these villages there was great. plenty of corn, and 
wine made from dates, and an acidulous drink obtained from 
them by boiling. 15. As to the dates themselves, such as those 
we see In Greece were here put aside for the use of the serv- 
ants; but those which were laid by for their masters, were 
choice fruit, remarkable for beauty and. size; their color was 
not unlike that of amber; and some of these they dried and 


2 Tov ἐπιτήδειον.) Scil. παΐεσϑαι, pene idoneum, pend dignum. 
Kithner. : ΚΝ 
3 Προσελάμθανε.] Manum operi admovebat TKiihner. 


56 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. - BOOE U. 


preserved 2s sweetmeats. These were a pleasant accompani- 
ment to drink, but apt to cause headache. 16. Here too the 
soldiers for the first time tasted the cabbage’ from the top of 
the palm-tree, and most of them were agreeably struck both 
with its external appearance and the peculiarity of its sweet- 
ness, But this also was exceedingly apt.to give headache. 
The palm-tree, out of which the cabbage had been taken, soon 
withered throughout. 

' 17. In this place they remained three days, when Tissa- 
phernes arrived from the Great King, and with him the 
brother of the king’s wife, and three other Persians; and a 
numerous retinue attended them. The generals of the Greeks 
having met them on their arrival, Tissaphernes first spoke by 
an interpreter, to the following effect: 18. “1 myself dwell, O 
Greeks, in the neighborhood of your country; and when I 
perceived you fallen into many troubles and difficulties, I 
thought it a piece of good fortune if I could in any way press 
a request upon the king to allow me to conduct you in safety 
back to Greece. For I think that such a service would be 
attended with no want of gratitude either from yourselves or 
from Greece in general. 19. With these considerations, I made 
my request to the king, representing to him that he might 
reasonably grant me this favor, because I had been the first 
to give him intelligence that Cyrus was marching against 
him, and at the same time that I brought him the intelligence, 


“1 Tov ἐγκέφαλον. Literally “the brain.” Dulcis medulla earum 

arum] in cacumine, quod cerebrum appellant. Plin. H. N. xiii. 
4, See also Theophr. ii. 8; Galen. de Fac. simpl. Medic. iv. 15. “It 
is generally interpreted medulla, “marrow” or “ pith,” but it is in reality 
a sort of bud at the top of the palm-tree, containing the last tender 
leaves, with flowers, and continuing in that state two years before it 
unfolds the flower; as appears from Boryd. St. Vincent Itiner. t. i. p. 
223, vers. Germ., who gives his information on the authority of Du 
Petit Thouars, » The French call it choux; the Germans, Kohl. Schnei- 
der. .“ By modern travelers it is called the cabbage of the palm; it ‘is 
composed’ (says Sir Joseph Banks) ‘of the rudiments of the futuro 
leaves of the palm-tree, enveloped in the bases or footstalks of the actaal 
leaves; which inclose them as a tight box or trunk would do.’ Τὸ forms 
a mass of conyolutions, exquisitely beautiful and delicate; and wonder- 
ful to appearance, when unfolded. It is also exceedingly delicate to 
the taste. Xenophon has justly remarked that the trees from whence 
it was taken withered.” Rennell’s Illustrations of the Exp. of Cyrus, 
p. 118. 


CHAP, III. CLEARCHUS AND TISSAPHERNES. 57 


had come to him with an auxiliary force; because I alone, 
of all those opposed to the Greeks, did not flee, but, on the 
contrary, charged through the midst cf them, and joined the 
king in your camp, whither he came after he had slain Cyrus; 
and because, together with these who are now present with 
me, and who are his most faithful servants, I engaged in pur- 
suit of the Barbarian part of Cyrus’s army. 20. The king 
promised to consider of my request; and in the mean time de- 
sired me to come and ask you, on what account it was that 
you took the field against him; and I advise you to answer 
with moderation, in order that it may be easier for me to secure 
you whatever advantage I can from the king.” 

21. The Greeks then withdrew, and, after some deliberation, 
gave their answer, Clearchus speaking for them: “ We neither 
formed ourselves into a body, with the view of making war 
upon the king, nor, when we set out, was our march directed 
against him; but Cyrus, as you yourself are well aware, de- 
vised many pretenses for his proceedings, that he might ‘both 
take you by surprise, and lead us up hither. 22. But when 
we afterward saw him in danger, we were ashamed in the face 
of gods and men, to desert him, as we had before allowed him 
to bestow favors upon us. 23. As Cyrus, however, is now 
dead, we neither dispute the sovereignty with the king, nor is 
there any reason why we should desire to do harm to the 
king’s territory; nor would we wish to kill him, but would 
proceed homeward, if no one molest us; but we will endeavor, 
with the aid of the gods, to avenge ourselves on any one that 
may do us an injury; while, if any one does us good we 
shall not be behindhand in requiting him to the utmost of © 
our power.” ‘Thus spoke Clearchus, 24. Tissaphernes, hay- 
ing heard him, said, “I will report your answer to the king, 
and bring back to you his reply; and till I return, let the 
truce remain in foree; and we will provide a market for 
you.” 

25. On the following day he did not return; so that the 
Greeks began to be anxious; but on the third day he came, 
and said that he returned after having obtained the king's 
permission to be allowed to save the Greeks; although many 
spoke against it, saying that it did not become the king to 
suffer men to escape who had engaged in war against him. 
26. In conclusion he said, “You may now receive from us 

Q* 


58 “THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK IL 


solemn’ promises that we will render the country, through 
which you will pass, friendly to you; and will, without treach- 
ery, conduct you back to Greece, affording you opportunities 
of purchasing provisions; and wheresoever we do not afford 
you an opportunity of purchasing, we will allow you to take 
for yourselves necessaries from the adjacent country. 27. On 
the other hand, it will be incumbent upon you to swear to. us, 
that you will march as through a friendly territory, without 
doing harm, only taking a supply of meat and drink, whenever 
we do not give you an opportunity of purchasing, but if that we 
give you such opportunity, you will procure your supplies by 
purchase.” 28. These conditions were assented to; and they 
took the oaths, and Tissaphernes and the brother of the king’s 
wife gave their right hands to the generals and captains of the 
Greeks, and received from the Greeks theirs in return. 29. Af 
ter this, Tissaphernes said, “And now I shall go back to the 
king; and as soon as I have accomplished what I wish, I will 
come again, after making the necessary preparations, for the 
purpose of conducting you back to Greece, and returning my- 
self to my province.” 





CHAPTER Iv. — 


The Greeks conceive distrust both of Tissaphernes and Arizus, and resolve 
to march apart from the Persians. They commence their march under 
δ guidance of Tissaphernes, pass the wall of Media, and cross the 

igTlS. ; 


1. Arrer these occurrences, the Greeks and Arius, en- 
camping near each other, waited for Tissaphernes more than 
twenty days ;\ in the course of which there came to visit 
Arizus both his brothers and other relations, and certain other 
Persians, to see his companions, and gave them encouraging 
hopes; some too were the bearers of assurances’ from the 
king, that he would not remember to their disadvantage their 


- During this time Tissaphernes went to Babylon to the king, and 
was rewarded with the hand of his daughter, and the province of which 
Cyrus had been satrap.. Diod. Sic. xiv. 26.. See sect. 8. 

τ * Aetide.] That is, fidem regis nomine dabant. See the commenta- 
tors on Cyrop. iv. 2.7: δεξιὰν. δὸς, ἵνα φέρωμεν καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις TavTa. 


CBAP. 2Y. SUSPICIONS OF THE GREEKS. 59 


expedition against him under Cyrus, or any thing else that 
was past. 2. On these things taking place, the followers of 
Arizeus evidently began to pay the Greeks less attention ; so 
that, on this account, they rendered most of the Greeks dissat- 
isfied with them; and many of them, going to Clearchus 
and the other generals, said, 3. “ Why do we remain here? 
are we not aware that the king would wish above. all 
things to destroy us, in order that a dread of going to war 
with the Great. Monarch may fall upon. the rest of the 
Greeks? For the present, he craftily protracts our stay, be- 
cause his forces are dispersed; but, when his army is re-as- 
sembled, it is not possible but that he will attack us. 4. 
Perhaps, too, he is digging some trench or building some wall, 
that the way may be rendered impassable; for he will never 
consent, at least willingly, that we should go back to Greece, 
and relate how so small a number as we are have defeated 
the king at his own gates, and returned. after setting him at 
naught.” 

5. To those who thus addressed him, Clearchus answered, 
“T have been considering all these things as well; but I 
think that, if we now go away, we shall be thought to go. with 
a view to war, and to act contrary to the terms of the truce. 
Moreover, in the first place, there will be no one to provide us 
a market, or any means of procuring provisions; and, in the 
next place, there will be no one to guide us; besides, the mo- 
ment that we do this, Arizus will: separate himself from us; 
so that not a friend will be left us ; and, what is more, our form- 
cr friends will then become our enemies. 6. Whether there is 
any other river for us to cross, I do not know; but as for the 
Euphrates, we know that it is impossible to cross that, if the 
cnemy try to prevent us. Nor yet, if it should be necessary to 
fight, have we any horse to support us ; while the enemy’s cay- 
alry is most numerous and efficient ; so that, though we were 
victorious, how many of our enemies should we be able to kill? 
And, if we were defeated, it would not be possible for a man of 
us to escape. 7. With regard to the king, therefore, who is 
aided by so many advantages, I know not, if he wishes to effect 
our destruction, why he should swear, and give his right hand, 
aid perjure himself before the gods, and render his pledge faith- 
Poppo. So it is said in Latin dextram ferre. See Breitenbach on Xen.- 
Agesil. iii. 4. 


60 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK ll. 


less both to Greeks and Barbarians.” He said much besides to 
the same effect. 

8. In the mean time Tissaphernes arrived, with his army, as 
if with the view of returning home; and Orontes came with 
his army. Orontes also brought’ with him the king’s daughter, 
whom he had received in marriage.’ 9. From hence they now 
proceeded on their march, Tissaphernes being their guide, and 
securing them opportunities of buying provisions ; Arizus also, 
with the Barbarian troops of Cyrus, marched in company with 
Tissaphernes and Orontes, and encamped in common with them. 
10. But the Greeks, conceiving a suspicion of these men, began 
to march by themselves, taking guides of their own; and they 
always encamped at the distance of a parasang, or little less, 
from each other ; and both parties kept on their guard against 
one another, as if they had been enemies, and this consequent- 
ly increased their. mistrustful feelings. 11. More than once, 
too, as they were gathering fuel, or collecting grass and other 
such things, 1 in the same quarter, they came to blows with each 
other ;* and this was an additional source of animosity between 
them. 

12. After marching three days, they arrived at the wall of 
Media,* as it is called, and passed to the other side of it. | This 
wall was built of burnt bricks, laid in bitumen ; it was twenty 
feet in thickness, and a hundred in height, and the length of 
it was said to be twenty parasangs; and it was not far distant 
from Babylon. 13. Hence they proceeded in two days’ march, 

* *Hye.] From iii. 4. 13, it appears that we must refer this verb 
to Orontes. See note on sect. 1. Whether Tissaphernes and Orontes 
both married daughters of the king, is uncertain. If only one of 
them, Xenophon is more likely to be in the right than Diodorus 
Siculus. Orontes was satrap of Armenia, ili, 5. 17. Rhedogune, a 
daughter of Artaxerxes, is said by Plutarch (Vit. Art. c. 27) to have 
been married to Oretes, who may be the same as Xenophon’s Orok- 
tes. 


3 Ext γάμῳ. These words signify literally for or upon marriage. 
The true interpretation, says Kriiger, is, doubtless, “in order that he 
might have her, or live with her, in wedlock,” the marriage ceremony 
having been, it would seem, previously performed at Babylon. 

κε πληγὰς ἐνέτεινον ἀλλήλοις ἢ ~ Whether this signifies that they 
actually inflicted blows on one another, or only threatened them, 
may admit of some doubt. The former notion is adopted by the 
Latin translators, by Sturz in his Bassa and by the commentators 


generally. 
* See i. 7. 15. 


OHAP. IV. |. /SOME ALARM EXCITED. 61 


the distance of cight parasanzs; crossing two canals, the one 
by a permanent bridge, the other by a temporary one formed of 
seven boats. These canals were supplied from the rives Tigris ; 
and from one to the other of them were cut ditches across the 
country, the first of considerable size, and the next smaller; 
and at last diminutive drains, such as are cut in Greece through 
the panic’ fields. They then arrived at the Tigris; near which 
there was a large and populous city, called Sitace, distant from 
the banks of the river only fifteen stadia. 14. In the neighbor- 
hood of this city the Greeks encamped, close to an extensive 
and beautiful park, thickly planted with all kinds of trees. The 
Barbarians, though they had but just crossed the Tigris, were 
no longer in sight. 
15. After supper Proxenus and Xenophon happened to be 
walking in front of the place where the arms were piled, when 
a man approached, and inquired of the sentinels where he could 
see Proxenus or Clearchus. But he did not ask for Menon, 
though he came from Arizus, Menon’s intimate friend. 16. Prox- 
enus replying, “I am the person whom you seek,” the man said, 
“Arizus and Artaozus, the faithful friends of Cyrus, who are in- 
terested for your welfare, have sent me to you, and exhort you 
to beware lest the Barbarians should fall upon you in the night ; 
for their is a considerable body of troops in the adjoining park. 
17. They also advise you to send a guard to the bridge over the 
Tigris, as Tissaphernes designs to break it down in the night, 
if he can, in order that you may not be able to cross the river, 
but may be hemmed in between the river and the canal.” 18. 
On hearing the man’s message, they conducted him to Clear- 
chus, and told him what he had said. When Clearchus heard it 
he was greatly agitated and alarmed. 
_ 19. But a young man,’ one of those who were present, after 
reflecting a little on the matter, observed, “that the imputed 
designs of making an attack, and of breaking down the 
bridge, were not» consistent ; for,” said he, “if they attack 
us, they must certainly either conquer or be conquered ; if 
then they are to -conquer us, why should they break down the 
bridge? for even though there were many bridges, we have 
no place where we could save ourselves by flight ; 20. but if, on 
belay 9, 99:7". 
_? Zeune thinks that Xenophon may possibly mean himself; but this 
is mere conjecture, _ st a: 5 


62 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK Il. 


the other hand, we should conquer them, then, if the bridge 
is broken down, they will have no place of retreat; nor will 
any of their friends on the other side of the river, however 
numerous, be able to come to their assistance when the bridge 
is destroyed.” 21. After listening to these observations, Clear- 
chus asked the messenger what was the extent of the country 
that lay between the Tigris and the canal. He replied, “that 
it was of considerable extent, and that there were several villages 
and large towns in it.”. 22. It was then immediately concluded, 
that the Barbarians had sent this man with an underhand ob- 
ject, being afraid lest the Greeks, having taken to pieces’ the 
bridge, should remain in the island, where they would have, as 
defenses, the river Tigris on the one side, and the canal on the 
other; and might procure a sufficient supply of provisions from 
the country which lay between, and which was extensive and 
f-rtile, with people in it to cultivate it; and which would also 
s rve as a place of refuge to any that might be inclined to an- 
ΠΟΥ͂ the king. 

23. They then prepared for rest, but did not neglect, however, 
to send a guard to the bridge; but neither did any one attempt 
to attack them on any quarter, nor did any of the enemies come 
near the bridge, as those who were stationed on guard there 
reported. 

24. As soon as it was day they crossed the bridge, which was 
constructed of thirty-seven boats, with every precaution in their 
power; for some of the Greeks, who came from Tissaphernes, 
stated that the enemy meant to attack them as they were cross- 
ing; but this report was also false. However, as they were 
going over, Glus made his appearance, with some others, watch- 
ing to see if they were crossing the river; and when he saw 
they: were, he immediately rode away. 

25. From the Tigris they proceeded, in four days’ march, a 
distance of twenty parasangs, to the river Physcus, which was 
a plethrum in, breadth, and over which was a‘bridge. Here 
was situated a large town, called Opis; near which an ille- 
gitimate brother of Cyrus and Artaxerxes, who was leading 
a numerous army from Susa and Ecbatana, with the intention 


1 Διελόντες.] An excellent conjectural emendation of Holtzmann 
for the old reading διελθόντες. Kiihner.—The stratagem of Tissaphernes 
was similar to that by which Themistocles expedited the departure of . 
Xerxes from Greece. 


QHAP. VY. THE GREEKS REACH THE ZABATUS. 63 


of assisting the king, met the Greeks, and, ordering his troops 
to halt, took a view of the Greeks as they passed by. 16. 
Clearchus marched his men two abreast, and halted occasion- 
ally.on the way; and as long as the van of the army halted, 
so long there was necessarily a halt’ throughout the whole of 
the line; so that even to the Greeks themselves their army 
seemed very large, and the Persian was amazed at the sight 
of it. 

17. Hence they proceeded through Media,’ six days’ march 
through a desert country, a distance of thirty parasangs, when 
they arrived at the village of Parysatis, the mother of Cyrus 
and the king ; which Tissaphernes, in mockery of Cyrus, gave 
permission to the Greeks to plunder of every thing except the 
slaves. There was found in them a great quantity of corn, and 
sheep, and other property. 18. Hence they advanced in a march 
of five days more through the desert, a distance of twenty par- 
asangs, having the Tigris on their left. At the erd of the first 
day’s march there was situate on the opposite bank of the river 
a large and opulent city, called Cen, whence the Barbarians 
brought over, on rafts made of hide, ἃ supply of bread, cheese, 
and wine. ‘ 





CHAPTER. VY. 


After a three days’ halt on the river Zabatus, Clearchus endeavors to put 
an end to the distrust between the Persians and the Greeks by an inter- 
view with Tissaphernes. He is received so plausibly that he is induced 
to return on the following day, accompanied by five other generals and 
twenty captains, in expectation of being informed of the persons who had 
excited, by false reports, ill feelings between the two armies. The gener- 
als are conducted into the tent and put to death ; the captains and those 
with them are massacred on the outside, one only escaping to tell the tale. 

- Arieeus calls on the rest of the Greeks to surrender their arms, but is an- 
swered with defiance. 


1. Soon after, they arrived at the river Zabatus, the breadth 
of which was four plethra. Here they remained three days, 
during which the same suspicions continued, but no open in- 
dications of treachery appeared. 2. Clearchus therefore re- 
solved to have a meeting with Tissaphernes, and, if it was at 


: i. Ἵ. 1ὅ. 


64 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK It. 


all possible, to put a stop*to these suspicions, before open hos- 
tilities should arise from them. He accordingly sent a person 
to say, that he wished to have a meeting with Tissaphernes ; 
who at once requested him to come. 3. When they met, 
Clearchus spoke as follows: “I am aware, O Tissaphernes, 
that oaths have been taken, and right hands pledged between 
us, that we will do no injury to each other: nevertheless, I 
observe you on your guard against us, cs though we were 
enemies ; and we, perceiving this, stand on our guard against 
you. 4. But since, upon’ attentive observation, I can neither 
detect you in any attempt to injure us, and since, as 1 am 
certain, we have no such intentions toward you, it seemed 
proper for me to come to a conference with you, that we may 
put an end, if we can, to our distrust of one another. 5. For 
I have, before now, known instances of men, who, being in 
fear of another, some through direct accusations, and others 
through mere suspicion, have, in their eagerness to act before 
they suffered, inflicted irremediable evils upon those who nei- 
ther intended nor wished any thing of the kind. 6. Think- 
ing, therefore, that :such misunderstandings may be best 
cleared up by personal communications, I have come here, 
and am desirous to convince you that you have no just ground 
for mistrusting us.- 7. In the first and principal place, the 
oaths, which we have sworn by the gods, forbid us to be ene- 
mies to each other; and I should never consider him to be 
envied who is conscious of having disregarded such obliga- 
tions ; for from the vengeance of the gods I know not with 
what speed any one could flee so as to escape,’ or into what 
darkness he could steal away, or how he could retreat into any 
stronghold, since all things, in all places, are subject to the 
gods ; and they have power over all every where alike. 8. Such 
are my sentiments ‘respecting the gods, and the oaths which 
we swore by them, in whose keeping we deposited the friend- 
ship that we cemented; but among human advantages, I, for 
my own part, consider vou to be the greatest that we at pres- 


» Οὔτ᾽ ἀπὸ ποίου dv τάχους φεύγων τις ἀποφύγοι.} This is Dindorf?s 7 
reading. Bornemann and Kihner have οὔτ᾽ ἀπὸ ποίου dv «τάχους 
οὔτε ὅποι ἄν τις φεύγων ἀποφύγοι, on the authority, as they say, of the 
best copies. Dindorf thought with Scheefer, ad Greg. Cor. p. 492, that 
the words οὔτε ὅποι ἀν were superfluous, and consequently omitted 
them. Bornemann and enn see no reason why they should not be 
retained, 


CHAP. Y. CLEARCHUS ADDRESSES TISSAPHERNES. 65 


ent possess; 9. for with your assistance, every road is easy, 
every river is passable, and there will be no want of provi- 
sions; but without you all our way would lie through dark- 
ness (for we know nothing of it), every river would be diffi- 
cult to pass, and every multitude of men would be terrible ; 
but solitude most terrible of all, as it is full of extreme per- 
plexity. 10. And even if we should be so mad as to kill you, 
what else would be the consequence, than that, having slain 
our benefactor, we should have to contend with the king as 
your most powerful avenger /* For my own part, of how many 
and how great expectations I would deprive myself, if I at- 
tempted to do you any injury, I will make you acquainted. 
11. I was desirous that Cyrus should be my friend, as I thought 
him, of all the men of his time, the most able to benefit those 
whom he wished to favor. But I now see that you are in the 
possession both of the power and the territory of Cyrus, while 
you still retain your own province, and that the power of the 
king, which was opposed to Cyrus, is ready to support you. 
12. Such being the case, who is so mad as not to wish 'to be 
your friend ? 

“But I will mention also the circumstances from which I 
derive hopes that you will yourself desire to be our friend. 
13. I am aware that the Mysians give you much annoyance, 
and these, I have no doubt, I should be able, with my present 
force, to render subservient to you; I am aware also that the 
Pisidians molest you; and I hear that there are many such 
nations besides, which I think I-could prevent from ever dis- 
turbing your tranquillity. As for the Egyptians, against 
whom I perceive you are most of all incensed, I do not see 
what auxiliary force you would use to chastise them better 
than that which I now have with me. 14. If, again, among 
the states that lie around you, you were desirous to: become a 
friend to any one, you might prove the most powerful of 
friends ; and if any of them give you any annoyance, you 
might, by our instrumentality, deal with them? as a master, as 


1 Τὸν μέγιστον ἔφεδρον.) *Ededpo¢ properly. meant a gladiator or 
wrestler, who, when two combatants were engaged, stood ready to at- 
tack the one that should prove victorious. See Sturz, Lex. Xen. ; ΒΝ 
ἴῃ peeb. Aj. 610; Hesychius; D’Orvill. ad Charit. p. 338. 

3. ᾿Αναστρέφοιο.] “Ut dominus versere, vivas, domini partes sus- 
tineas:” Ἂν must be repeated from the preceding clause; unless that 


66 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. © BOOK πὶ 


we should serve you not -for the sake of pay merely, but from 
gratitude, which we should justly feel toward you if we are 
saved by your means. 15, When I consider all these things, it 
appears to me so surprising that you should distrust us, that J 
would most gladly hear the name’ of him who is so persuasive 
a speaker as to make you believe that we are forming designs 
against you.” 
ibe spoke Clearchus. Tissaphernes replied as follows: 
- “I am delighted, O Clearchus, to hear your judicious ob- 
πὸ κρυραρα for, with "these sentiments, if you were to meditate 
any thing ¢ to my injury, you would appear to be at the same 
time your own enemy. But that you may be convinced that 
you have uo just cause for distrusting either the king or me, 
listen to me in your turn. 17. If we wished to destroy you, 
do we appear to you to be deficient in numbers either of 
cavalry or infantry, or in warlike equipments, with the aid of 
which we might be able to do you injury, without danger of 
suffering any in return? 18, Or do we seem to you likely to 
be in want of suitable places to make an attack upon you? 
Are there not so many plains, which, as the inhabitants of 
them are friendly to us,* you traverse with exceeding toil? 
See you not so many mountains before you to be crossed, 
which we might, by pre-occupying them, render impassable 
to you? Or are there not so many rivers, at which we might 
parcel you out,’ as many at a time as we might be willing to 
engage? Some of these rivers, indeed, you could not cross at 
all, unless we secured you a passage. 19. But even suppos- 
ing that we were baffled in all. these points, yet fire at least 
would prove its power over the produce of the soil; by burn- 
ing which, we could set famine in array against you, which, 
though you were the bravest of the brave, you would find it 
difficult to withstand. 20. How then, having so many means 


particle, as Dindorf thinks, has dropped out from before εἰναστρέφοιο. 
Kithner 


1 There is in the text, as Kriiger observes, a confusion of the two con- 

es ἀκούσαιμι τὸ ὄνομα τούτου, ὅστις, and ἀκούσαιμι, TOs 
2°A ἡμῖν φίλια ὄντα. I have here departed from Dindorf’s text, 

which has @ ὑμεῖς φίλια ὄντα, x. τ. A,; a reading much less satisfac- 
tory than the other, to which Schneider, Bornemann, and Kiihner ad- 
here. 

3 Ταμιεύεσθαι.Ἴ This word is used in the same sense, Cyrop. hi. 
47; iv. 1.18; Thucyd. vi. 18; Plutarch, Timol. c. 27. 


CHAP. Υ. “REPLY OF TISSAPHERNES. . 67 


of waging war with you, and none of them attended with 
danger to ourselves, should we select from among them all 
this mode, the only one that is impious in the sight of the 
gods, the only one that is disgraceful in the sight of men? 
21. It belongs, altogether, to men who are destitute of means, 
deprived of every resource, and under the coercion of neces- 
sity, and at the same time devoid of. principle, to seek to effect 
their purposes by perjury toward the gods, and breach of 
faith toward men. We, O Clearchus, are not so foolish or so 
inconsiderate ; 22, or why, when we have the opportunity of 
effecting your destruction, have we made no such attempt? 
Be well assured, that the cause of this was my desire to prove 
myself faithful to the Greeks, and, in consequence of doing 
them service, to return supported by that very body of foreign 
troops, to whom Cyrus, when he went up, trusted only on ac- 
count of the pay that he gave them. 23. As to the particulars 
in which you will be of service to me, some of them you have 
enumerated, but of the greatest of all I am myself fully 
conscious; for though it is permitted to the king alone to 
wear the turban upright on the head, yet perhaps another 
than he may, with your assistance, wear that upright which is 
on the heart." 

24. Tissaphernes, in speaking thus, seemed to Clearchus to 
speak with sincerity, and he replied, “Do not those, then, 
who endeavor by calumny to make us enemies, when there 
are such strong inducements to friendship between us, deserve 
the severest of punishment?” 25. “ Well, then,” said 'Tissa- 
phernes, “if you will come to me, as well generals as captains, 
in a public manner, I will inform you who they are that tell 


1 Τὴν δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῇ καρδίᾳ----ἔχοι.] Sc. ὄρϑην. The sense is, “but to 
wear a tiara erect on the heart, that is, to have a kingly spirit and to 
aspire to dominion, is what another, by your aid, might be able to do.” 
Tissaphernes, by this expression, wished to make it understood that he 
might possibly, with the support of the Greeks, aspire to the throne of 
Persia himself. A similar metaphor is noticed by Scheefer (ad Greg. 
Corinth. p. 491), in Philostratus v. a. iii, p. 131: δοκεῖ μοὶ καὶ τὸν 
προγνωσύμενον ἄνδρα ὑγιῶς ἑαυτοῦ ἔχειν----" καϑαρῶς δὲ αὐτὸν προφη- 
τεύειν, ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τοῦ περὶ τῷ στέρνῳ τρίποδος δυνιέντοςς.ς Kiihner. Seo 
Cyrop. viii. 3. 13. Hutchison refers to Dion Chrysost. xiv. extr. Lucian 
Piscat. p. 213.- See also Strabo, xv. p. 231, where the Persian tiara is 
said to be ziAnua πυργωτόν, in the shape of a tower; and Joseph. Ant. 
xx. 3. ‘The tiaras of the king’s subjects were soft and flexible: Schol. 
ad Plat. de Repub.” Kriiger. : 


68 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. ‘BOOK It. 


me that you are forming plots against me and my army.” 26, 
“J will bring them all,” said Clearchus, “and, on my part, 
will let you know the quarter whence I hear reports respect- 
ing you.” 27. After this conversation, Tissaphernes, behaving 
to Clearchus with much courtesy, desired him to stay with him, 
and made him his guest at supper. 

On the following day, when Clearchus returned to the 
camp, he plainly showed that he considered himself to be on 
the most friendly footing with Tissaphernes, and stated what 
he had proposed; and he said that those must go to Tissa- 
phernes, whose presence he required, and that whoever of the 
Greeks should be proved guilty of uttering the alleged calum- 
nies, must be punished as traitors, and persons ill-affected to 
the Greeks. 28. It was Menon that he suspected of making 
the charges, 2s he knew that he: had had an interview with 
Tissaphernes in company with Arizus, and was forming a 
party and intriguing against himself, in order, that, having’ 
gained the whole army over to his own interests, he might 
secure the friendship of Tissaphernes. 29. Clearchus likewise 
wished the whole army to have their affections fixed on him- 
self, and troublesome rivals to be removed out of his way. 

Some of the soldiers urged, in opposition to his advice, that 
all the captains and generals should not go, and that they 
ought to place no confidence in Tissaphernes. 30. But Clear- 
chus pressed his proposal with great vehemence, till he at. 
length succeeded in getting five generals and twenty captains 
to go; and some of the other soldiers followed them, to the 
number of about two hundred, as if for the purpose of 
marketing.’ 

31. When they had arrived at the entrance of Tissaphernes’ 
tent, the generals, who were Proxenus the Beotian, Menon 
the Thessalian, Agias the Arcadian, Clearchus the Lacede- 
monian, and Socrates the Achzean, were invited to enter; but 
the captains waited at the door. 32. Not long after, at one 
- and the same signal, those within were seized, and those with- 
out massacred ; and immediately afterward a body of Bar- 
barian cavalry, riding through the plain, killed every Greek, 
slave or freeman, that they met. 

33. The Greeks, observing the motions cf these cavalry 


"1 'Q¢ εἰς dyopav.] “ Consequently-unarmed.” Kriiger. 


CHAP. V. SEIZURE OF THE GENERALS. 69. 


from the camp, were filled with astonishment, and wondered 
what they could be doing, till Nicarchus an Arcadian came 
fleeing thither, wounded in the belly and holding his intestines 
in his hands, and related all that had occurred. 84. The 
Greeks, in consequence, ran to their arms in a state of general 
consternation, expecting that the enemy would immediately 
march upon the camp. 35. They however did not all come, 
but only Arizus and Artaozus and Mithridates, who had been 
Cyrus’s most confidential friends; and the interpreter of the 
Greeks said that he saw with them, and recognized, the 
brother of Tissaphernes. Other Persians, equipped with 
corslets, to the number of three hundred, were in attendance 
on them. 36. As they approached the camp, they called for 
whatever general or captain of the Greeks might be there, to 
come out to them, that they might deliver a message from the 
king. 37. There accordingly went forth to them, with much 
caution, Cleanor the Orchomenian, and Sophzenetus the Stym- 
phalian, generals of the Greeks, and with them Xenophon 
the Athenian, that he might learn news of Proxenus. As for 
Cheirisophus, he happened to be absent at some village look- 
. ing for provisions. 

38. When they had stopped just within hearing, Arius 
said to them: “Clearchus, O Greeks, having been found 
guilty of perjury, and of violating the truce, has received his 
just punishment, and is dead; Proxenus, and Menon, as hav- 
ing denounced his treachery, are in great honor; but the 
king demands of you your arms; for he says that they are 
his, as they belonged to Cyrus his subject.” 39. To this the 
Greeks answered (Cleanor the Orchomenian spoke for them), 
“O Arizus, most wicked of men, and the rest of you, as many 
as were the friends of Cyrus, have you no regard either for 
gods or men, that, after having sworn that you would oonsider 
our friends and enemies to be likewise yours, you have thus,’ 


1 ὡς ἀπολωλέκατε.) Jacobs interprets ὡς by quam, as equivalent to 
quam turpiter! quam impi2!, But such exclamations belong rather to 
modern writers than to the ancients. * * * Others have conjec- 
tured ἀϑέως, ἀνοσίως, ὠμῶς, ἴσως, ὅλως, οὕτως. ~ In one manuscript ὡς 
is omitted; an omission approved by Larcher, Porson, and some others. 
Some, too, think that the sentence is ἀνακόλουθϑος, and that the author, 
forgetful how he commenced it, goes on with ὡς for ὅτι. Dindorf sup- 
poses that Cleanor must be regarded as too much provoked and agi- 
tated to mind the exact arrangement of his words. For my own part 


70 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK Il. 


after. treacherously deserting us in concert with Tissa- 
phernes, the most godless and most unprincipled of human 
beings, murdered the very men to whom you swore. alli- 
ance, and, abandoning us who are left, have come against us 
in conjunction with our enemies?’ 40. Arizus replied, 
“Clearchus had been previously detected in treacherous designs 
against Tissaphernes and Orontes, and all of us who accom- 
pany them.” 41. To this Xenophon rejoined, “Clearchus, 
then, if he infringed the truce in violation of his oath, is de- 
servedly punished; for it is just that those who violate 
their oaths should suffer death; but as for Proxenus and 
Menon, as they are your benefactors and our generals, send 
them hither ; for it is clear that, being friends to. both . parties, 
they, will endeavor to advise what is best both for you and 
for us.” 42. The Barbarians, after conversing among them- 
selves for some time, departed without making any answer to 


this proposal. 





CHAPTER VIL 
The characters of the five generals that were put to death. 

1. Tux generals, who were thus made prisoners, were taken 
up to the king, and put to death by being beheaded. 

One of them, Clearchus, by the general consent of all who 
were acquainted: with him, appears to have been a man well 
qualified for war, and extremely fond of military enterprise. 
2. For as long as the Lacedemonians were at war with the 
Athenians, he remained in the service of his country; but 
when the peace took place, having induced his government to 
believe that the Thracians were committing ravages on. the 
-Greeks, and having gained his point, as well as he could, 
with the Ephori, he ‘sailed from home to make war upon 
the Thracians that lie above the Chersonesus and Perin- 
thus. %. But when the Ephori, after he was gone, hav- 


I consider that those have the most reason on their side who think that 
we should read οὕτως, interpreting it, with Bornemann, so rashly, so un- 
justifiably. From οὕτως, written compendiously, ὡς might easily have 
sprung. Kiihner. : 


CHAP. YI. CMARACTER OF CLEARCHUS. 71 


ing for some reason changed their mind, took measures to 
oblige him to turn back from the Isthmus, he then no longer 
paid obedience to their commands, but sailed away to the 
Hellespont, 4. and was in consequence condemned to death, 
for disobedience, by the chief magistrates at Sparta. Being 
then an exile, he went to Cyrus; and by what methods he con- 
ciliated the favor of Cyrus, has been told in another place. 
Cyrus presented him with ten thousand’ darics; 5. and he, on 
receiving that sum, did not give himself up to idleness, but 
having collected an army with the money, made war upon the 
Thracians, and conquered them: in battle, and from that time 
plundered and laid waste their country, and continued this 
warfare till Cyrus had need of his army, when he went to 
him, for the purpose of again making war in concert with 
him.  - , 

6. These seem to me to have been the proceedings of one 
fond of war, who, when he might have lived in peace without 
disgrace or loss, chose war in preference; when he might have 
spent his time in idleness, voluntarily underwent toil for the 
sake of military adventure; and when he might have enjoyed 
riches in security, chose rather, by engaging in warfare, to dim- 
inish their amount. He was indeed led by inclination to spend 
his money in war, as he might have spent it in pursuits of gal- 
lantry,.or any other pleasure; to such a degree was he fond of 
war. 7. He appears also to have been qualified for military 
undertakings, as he liked perilous adventure, was ready to 
march day and night against the enemy, and was possessed of 
great. presence of mind in circumstances of difficulty, as those 
who were with him on all such occasions were universally ready 
to acknowledge. 

8. For commanding troops he was said to be qualified in as 
great a degree as was consistent with his temper; for he was 
excelled by no one in ability to contrive how an army might 
have ‘provisions, and to procure’ them; and he was equally 
fitted: to impress on all ‘around him’ the necessity of obeying 
Clearchus. 9. This he effected by. severity; for he was of a 
stern countenance and harsh voice; and he always punished 
violently, and sometimes in anger, so that he occasionally re- 
pented of what he had done. He punished too on principle, 
for he thought that there could be no efficiency in an army 
undisciplined by chastisement. 10. He is also reported to have 


72 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. _ BOOK IL 


‘said that a soldier ought to fear his commander more than the 
enemy, if he would either keep guard well, or abstain from 
doing injury to friends, or march without hesitation against foes. 
11. In circumstances of danger, accordingly, the soldiers were 
willing to obey him implicitly, and wished for no other leader ; 
for they said that the sternness in his countenance then assumed 
an appearance of cheerfulness, and that what was severe in it 
seemed undauntedness against the enemy; so that it appeared 
indicative of safety; and not of austerity. 12. But when they 
were out of danger, and were at liberty to betake themselves to 
other chiefs, they deserted him in great numbers; for he had 
nothing attractive in him, but was always forbidding and re- 
pulsive,so that the soldiers felt toward him as boys toward 
their master. 138. Hence it was, that he never had any one 
who followel him out of friendship and attachment to his per- 
son; though such as followed him from being appointed to the 
service by their country, or from being compelled by want or 
other necessity, he found extremely submissive to him. 14. 
And when they began under his command to gain victories 
over the enemy, there were many important circumstances that 
concurred to render his troops excellent soldiers; for their per- 
fect confidence against the enemy had its effect, and their dread 
of punishment from him rendered them strictly observant of 
discipline. 15. Such was his character as a commander. But 
he was said to have been by no means willing to be commanded 
by others.. When he was put to death, he was about fifty 
years of age. 
᾿ς 16. Proxenus the Beotian, from his earliest youth, felt a 
desire to become a man capable of great undertakings; and 
through this desire paid Gorgias of Leontium for instruction. 
17. When he had passed some time with him, and thought him- 
self capable of command, and, if honored with the friendship of 
the great, of making no inadequate return for their favors, he 
proceeded to take a part in this enterprise with Cyrus; and 
expected to acquire in it a great name, extensive influence, and 
abundant wealth.. 18. But. though he earnestly wished for 
these things, he at the same time plainly showed, that he was 
unwilling to acquire any of them by injustice, but that he 
thought he ought to obtain them by just and honorable means, 
or otherwise not at all. 

19. He was indeed able to command orderly and well-dis- 


CHAP. ΥἹ. CHARACTER OF MENON. "3 


posed men, but incapable of inspiring ordinary soldiers with 
either respect or fear for him; he stood even more in awe of 
those under his command, than they of him; and evidently 
showed that he was more afraid of being disliked by his sol- 
diers, than his soldiers of being disobedient to him. 20. He 
thought it sufficient both for being, and appearing, capable of 
command, to praise him who did well; and withhold his: praise 
from the offender. Such, therefore, of his followers, as were of 
honorable and virtuous character, were much attached to him, 
but the unprincipled formed designs upon him, as a man easy 
to manage. He was about thirty years old when he was put 
to death. : 

21. As for Menon the Thessalian, he ever manifested an 
excessive desire for riches, being desirous of command that 
he might receive greater pay, and desirous of honors that 
he might obtain greater perquisites; and he wished to be well 
with those in power, in order that when he did wrong he 
might not suffer punishment. 22. To accomplish what he 
desired, he thought that the shortest road lay through perjury, 
falsehood, and deceit; while sincerity and truth he regarded 
as no better than folly. © 23. He evidently had no affection for 
any man; and as for those to whom he professed to be a 
friend, he was unmistakably plotting mischief against them. 
He never ridiculed an enemy, but always used to talk with 
his associates as if ridiculing all of them.’ 24. He formed no 
designs on the property of his enemies (for he thought it 
difficult to take what belonged to such as were on their guard 
against him), but looked upon himself as the only person sensi- 
ble how very easy it was to invade the unguarded property of 
friends. 

25. Those whom he saw given to perjury and injustice, he 
feared as men well armed; but sought to practice on those 
who were pious and observant of truth, as imbeciles. 26. As 
another might take a pride in religion, and truth, and justice, 
80 Menon took a pride in being able to deceive, in devising 
falsehoods, in sneering at friends; and thought the man who 
was guileless was to be regarded as deficient in knowledge of 
the world. He believed that he must conciliate those, in whose 
friendship he wished to stand first, by calumniating such as 


? Τῶν δὲ συνόντων, x. τ. 2.] By ἃ species of attraction for τοῖς δὲ 
svvovot πᾶσιν, ὡς καταγελῶν αὐτῶν, det διελέγετό. Kithner, 
ΥΟΙ, 1, 3 


74 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK Il. 


already held the chief place in their favor. 27. The soldiers 
he tried to render obedient to him by being an accomplice in 
their dishonesty. He expected to be honored and courted, 
by showing that he had the power and the will to inflict the 
greatest injuries. When any one deserted him, he spoke of it 
as a favor on his own part that, while he made use of his sery- 
ices, he did not work his destruction. 

28. As to such parts of his history as are little known, I 
might, if I were to speak of them, say something untrue of 
him; but those which every one knows, are these. While yet 
in the prime of youth he obtained, at the hands of Aristippus, 
the command of his corps of mercenaries. He was_ also, in 
his prime, most intimate with Arizus, though a Barbarian, as 
Arizus delighted in beautiful youths. He himself, too, while yet 
a beardless youth, made a favorite of Tharypas, who had arrived 
at manhood. 

29. When his fellow-officers were put to death because they 
had served with Cyrus against the king, he, though he had done 
the same, was not put to death with them; but after the death 
of the other generals, he died under a punishment inflicted by 
the king, not like Clearchus and the other commanders, who 
were beheaded (which appears to be the speediest . kind of 
death) ; but after living a year in torture, like a malefactor, he 
is said at length to have met his end. 

30. Agias the Arcadian, and Socrates the Achzan were also 
put to death. These no one ever derided as wanting courage 
in battle, or blamed for their conduct toward their friends. 
They were both about five and thirty years of age. 


BOOK HL 


CHAPTER I. 


ejection of the Greeks. How Xenophon was led to join in Cyrus’s e 
ation. His dream, and reflections. He rouses the captains of the divi- 

 sion’that Proxenus had commanded, and exhorts them to take measures 
for their safety. Apollonides aaprnes of his eee: A general meet- 
ing of the surviving generals and captains, at which Xenophon persuades 
them to choose new commanders in the room of those that they had lost. 
Xenophon is one of those elected. 


1. Wuar the Greeks did in their march up the country 
with Cyrus, until the time of the battle, and what occurred 
after Cyrus was dead, when the Greeks set out to return 
with Tissaphernes in reliance on a truce, has been related in 
the preceding part of the work. 

2. After the generals were made prisoners, and such of the 
captains and soldiers as had accompanied them were put to 
death, the Greeks were in. great perplexity, reflecting that 
they were not far from the king’s residence : that there were 
around them, on all sides, many hostile nations and cities; 
that no one would any longer secure them opportunities of 
purchasing provisions; that they were distant from Greece 
not less than ten thousand stadia; that there was no one to 
guide them on the way; that impassable rivers would inter- 
cept them in the midst of their course; that the Barbarians 
who had gone up with Cyrus had deserted them; and that 
they were left utterly alone, having no cavalry ‘to. support 
them, so that it was certain, even if they defeated their enc- 
mies, that they would not kill a man of them, and that, if 
they were defeated, none of themselves would be left alive; 
8. reflecting, I say, on these circumstances, and being. dis- 
heartened at them, few of them tasted food for that evening,” 
few kindled fires, and. many did not come to the place of 


1 Ὲ πὲ ταῖς βασιλέως ϑύραις.] See ii. 4. 4. - 
2 Eic¢ τὴν ἑσπέραν. Vespertino tempore. Kiihner. 


76 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK IIL 


arms’ during the night; but lay down to rest where they 
severally happened to be, unable to sleep for sorrow and long- 
ing for their country, their parents, their wives and children, 
whom they néver expected to see again. In this state of 
mind they all went to their resting-places. 

4. There was ia the army~-a certain Xenophon, an Athe- 
nian, who accompanied it neither in the character of general, 
nor captain, nor common soldier, but it had happened that Prox- 
enus, an old guest-friend of his, had sent for him from home, 
giving him a promise that, if he came, he would recommend 
him to the friendship of Cyrus, whom he considered, he said, 
as a greater object of regard than his own country. 5. 
Xenophon, on. reading the letter, consulted Socrates the 
Athenian, as to the propriety of making the journey; and 
Socrates, fearing that if he attached himself to Cyrus it might 
prove a ground for accusation against him with his country, 
because Cyrus was thought to have zealously assisted the 
Lacedzemonians in their war with Athens, advised Xenophon 
to go to Delphi, and consult the god respecting the expedi- 
tion. 6. Xenophon, having gone thither accordingly, inquired 
of Apollo to which of the gods. he should sacrifice and pray, 
in order most honorably and successfully to perform -the 
journey which he contemplated, and, after prosperously ac- 
complishing it, to return in safety. Apollo answered him that 
“he should sacrifice to the gods to whom it was proper for 
him to sacrifice.”? 7. When he returned, he repeated the 
oracle to Socrates, who, on hearing it, blamed him for not 
asking Apollo in the first place, whether it were better for 
him to go or stay at home; whereas, having settled with him- 
self that he would go, he only asked how he might best go; 
“but since you have,” said he, “put the question thus, you 
must do what the god has directed.” 8. Xenophon, there- 
fore, having ‘sacrificed to the gods that Apollo commanded, 


1 Ἐπὶ δὲ τὰ 6x/a.] See note-on ii. 2. 20. 

2 Θεοῖς, οἷς ἔδει, θύειν.) Ut diis eis, quibus oporteret, sacra faceret. 
Those gods are to be understood, to whom it was established, by law 
or by custom, that whoever was entering on an expedition, such as 
that which Xenophon meditated, should offer sacrifice. They were, 
therefore, certain or appointed gods: comp. sect. 8; and vi. i. 22. 
Yet the absence of the article ought not to surprise us, even when 
special gods are meant. Kiihner—What gods they were, does not 
appear. 


CHAP. I. XENOPHON’S DREAM. "7 


set sail, and found Proxenus and Cyrus at Sardis, just setting 
out on their march up the country, and was presented to 
Cyrus. 9. Proxenus desiring that he should remain with 
them, Cyrus joined in the same desire, and said that as soon 
as the expedition was ended, he would send him home again. 
The expedition was said to be intended against the Pisidians. 
10. Xenophon accordingly joined in the enterprise, being thus 
deceived, but not by Proxenus;. for he did not know that the 
movement was against the king, nor did any other of the 
Greeks, except Clearchus. When they arrived in Cilicia, 
however, it appeared manifest to every one that it was against 
the king that their force was directed; but, though they were 
afraid of the length of the journey, and unwilling to proceed, 
yet the greater part of them, out of respect’ both for one 
another and for Cyrus, continued to follow him; of which 
number was Xenophon. : 

11. When this perplexity occurred, Xenophon was distressed 
as well a3 the other Greeks, and unable to rest, but having 
at length got a little sleep, he had a dream, in which, in the 
midst of a thunder-storm, a bolt.seemed to him to fall upon 
his father’s house, and the house in consequence became 
all in a blaze. 12. Being greatly frightened, he immediately 
awoke, and considered his dream as in one respect favorable 
- (inasmuch as, being in troubles and dangers, he seemed to be- 
hold a great light from Jupiter), but in another respect he was 
alarmed (because the dream appeared to him to be from Ju- 
ae who was a king, and the fire to blaze all around him), lest 

e should be unable to escape from the king’s territories, but 
should be hemmed in on all sides by inextricable difficulties. 

13. What it betokens, however, to see such a dream, we may 
conjecture from the occurrences that happened after the dream. 

? Δι’ aicxévnv.] They had regard for their character in the eyes of 
one another, fearing that they might seem faint-hearted ; and regard for 
it in those of Cyrus, fearing that they might seem ungrateful. Kihner. 
---αἰσχύνη is self-respect, apprehension of what others may think of us; 
and may be illustrated by Hom. 1]. v. 

᾿Αλλήλους 8 αἰδεῖσϑε κατὰ κρατερὰς ὑσμίνας " 

Αἰδομένων ἀνδρῶν πλέονες σόοι ἠὲ πέφανται " 
“t Have self-respect before one another in the violence of battle; of men: 
who respect themselves, more are saved than killed.” Hutchinson 
= Gellius, xix. 7; αἰσχύνη ἐστὶ φόθος δικαίου ψόγου. 7. 6. a fear of 
just blame, 


8 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK IL 


What immediately followed was this. As soon as he awoke, 
the thought that first occurred to him was, “ Why do I lie 
here? The night is passing away. With daylight it is prob- 
able that the enemy will come upon us; and if we once fall 
into the hands of the king, what is there to prevent us from 
being put to death with ignominy, after witnessing the most 
grievous sufferings among our comrades, and enduring every 
severity of torture ourselves? 14. Yet no one concerts meas- 
ures, or takes thought, for our defense, but we lie still, as 
if we were at liberty to enjoy repose. From what city, then, 
do I expect a leader to undertake our defense? What age 
am I waiting for to come to myself? Assuredly I shall never 
be older, if I give myself up to the enemy to-day.” 15. After 
these reflections he arose, and called together, in the first 
place, the captains that were under Proxenus. 

When they were assembled, he said, “ For my part, captains, 
I can not sleep, nor, I should think, can you, nor can I lie 
still any longer, when I consider in what circumstances “we 
are placed; 16. for it is plain that the enemy did not openly 
manifest hostility toward us, until they thought that they 
had judiciously arranged their plans; but on our side no one 
takes any thought how we may best maintain a contest with 
them. 17. Yet if we prove remiss, and fall into the power 
of the king, what may we not expect to suffer from a man 
who cut off the head and hand of his own brother by the 
same mother and father, even after he was dead, and fixed 
them upon a stake? What may not we, I say, expect to 
suffer, who have no relative’ to take our part, and who have 
marched against him to make him a subject instead of a mon- 
arch, and to put him to death if it should lie in our power? 
18. Will he not proceed to every extremity, that by reducing 
us to the last degree of ignominious suffering, he may inspire 
all men with a dread of ever taking the field against him? 
We must, however, try every expedient not to fall into his 
hands. 19. For myself, I never ceased, while the truce lasted, 
to consider ourselves as objects of pity, and to regard the 
king and his people as objects of envy, as I contemplated how 
extensive and valuable a country they possessed, how great 
an abundance of provisions, how many slaves and cattle, and 


1 Κηδεμών. Cyrus, says Weiske, had his mother to take his part; 
the Greeks had no one to take theirs. 


CHAP. I. XENOPHON’S SPEECH TO THE OFFICERS. 19 


how vast a quantity of gold and raiment; 20. while, on the 
other hand, when 1 reflected on the condition of our own 
soldiers, that we had no share in any of all these. blessings, 
unless we bought it, and knew that few of us had any longer 
money to buy, and that our oaths restrained us from getting 
provisions otherwise than by buying, I sometimes, on taking 
all these circumstances into consideration, feared the continu- 
ance of peace more than I now fear war. 21. But since they 
have put an end to peace, their own haughtiness, and our 
mistrust, seem likewise to be brought to an end; for the 
advantages which I have mentioned lie now as prizes. between 
us, for whichsoever of us shall prove the better men; and 
the gods are the judges of the contest, who, 2s is just, will 
be on our side; “22. since the enemy have offended them by 
perjury, while we, though seeing many good things to tempt 
us, have resolutely abstained from all of them through regard 
to our oaths; so that, as it seems to me, we may advance to the 
combat with much greater confidence than they can feel. 23. We 
have bodies, moreover, better able than theirs to endure cold, 
and heat, and toil;, and we have, with the help of the gods, 
more resolute minds; while the enemy, if the gods, as before, 
grant us success, will be found: more obnoxious to wounds 
and death’ than we are. 24. But possibly others of you en- 
tertain the same thoughts; let us not, then, ia the name of 
heaven, wait for others to come and exhort us to noble deeds, 
but let us be ourselves the first to excite others to exert their 
valor. Prove yourselves the bravest of the captains, and 
more worthy to lead than those who are now leaders 25. As 
for me, if you wish to take the start in the course, I am 
willing to follow you, or, if you appoint me to be a leader, 
I shall not make my youth an excuse, but shall think myself 
sufficiently mature to defend myself against harm.” 

26. Thus spoke Xenophon; and the captains, on hearing 
his observations, all desired him to be their leader, except a 
certain Apollonides, who resembled a Beeotian in his manner 
of speaking; this man said that “ whoever asserted they could 
gain safety by any other means than by obtaining, if he could, 
the king’s consent to it, talked: absurdly ;’ and at the same 


δ Kal τρωτοὶ καὶ ϑνητοὶ μᾶλλον. ‘More vulnerable and mortal.” 
Alluding to the superiority of tho Grecian armor over that of the Per 
sians. ; 


80 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK II. 


time began to enumerate the difficulties surrounding them. 
27. But Xenophon, interrupting him, said, “O most wonder- 
ful of men! you neither understand what you see, nor remem- 
ber what you hear. Yet you were on the same spot with 
those here present, when the king, after Cyrus was dead, being 
in high spirits at the circumstance, sent to demand that we 
should deliver up our arms; 28. and when we, refusing to de- 
liver them up, and appearing in full armor, went and en- 
camped over against him, what means did he not try, sending 
deputies, asking for a truce, and supplying us with provisions 
until he obtained a truce? 29. But when, on the other hand, 
our generals and captains went to confer with the Barbarians, 
as you now advise us to do, without their arms, and relying 
on the truce, were they not beaten, goaded, insulted, and are 
they not unable, wretched men, to die, though, I should think, 
greatly longing for death? And do you, knowing all these 
occurrences, say to those who exhort us to defend ourselves 
talk absurdly, and advise us to go again to try persuasion ? 
30. To me, O captains, it seems that we should no longer ad- 
mit this man into the same service with ourselves, but take 
from him his captaincy, and laying baggage on his back, make 
use of him in that capacity; for hedisgraces both his own 
country and all Greece, inasmuch as, being a Greek, he is of 
such a character.” 31. Here Agasias of Stymphalus, pro- 
ceeding to speak, said, “ But this man, assuredly, has nothing 
to do either with Beeotia or with Greece at all, for I have ob- 
served that he has both his ears bored, like a Lydian.” Such 
indeed was the case; and they accordingly expelled him. 

82. The rest, proceeding to the different divisions of the 
troops, called up the general wherever there was a general 
surviving, and the lieutenant-general' where the general was 
dead, and the captain wherever there was a captain surviving. 
33. When they were all come together, they sat down before the 
place where the arms were piled ;* and the generals and cap- 
tains assembled were about a hundred in all. The time when 
the meeting took place was about midnight. 


2 Tov ὑποστράτηγον. Kriiger, from v. 9. 36, and vi. 2. 11, con- 
cludes that the ὑποστράτηγος was he who was appointed to discharge 
the duties of the στράτηγος in his absence, or to take his place if he 
should be killed. 

? Seo ii. 2. 20. 


CHAP. I. NEW COMMANDERS TO BE CHOSEN. 81 


34. Hieronymus, a native of Elis, the oldest of all the cap- 
tians that had served under Proxenus, was the first to speak, 
as follows: “It has seemed proper to us, O generals and cap- 
tians, on contemplating the present state of our affairs, to meet 
together. ourselves, and to call upon you to join us, that we 
may determine, if we can, on some plan for our benefit. But 
do you, Xenophon, first represent.to the assembly what you 
have already observed to us.” 35. Xenophon accordingly said, 
“We are all aware that the king and Tissaphernes have made 
prisoners of as many of us as they could; and it is evident that 
they are forming designs against the rest of us, that they may 
put us to death if they can. But on our parts I think that 
every means should be adopted in order that we may not fall 
into the Barbarians’ hands, but rather that they, if we can 
accomplish it, may fall into ours. 36. Be well assured then, 
that you, who have now met together in such numbers, have 
upon you a most important responsibility ;* for all the soldiers 
look to you, and, if they see you dispirited, they will them- 
selves lose courage, but if both you yourselves appear well 
prepared to meet the enemy, and exhort others to be equally 
prepared, be certain that they will follow you, and strive to 
imitate you. 37. Perhaps, too, it is right that you should 
show some superiority over them; for you are their generals, 
their officers, and their captains, and, when there was peace, 
you enjoyed advantages over them in fortune and honor; 
and now, in consequence, when war arises, you ought to prove 
yourselves pre-eminent over the multitude, and to take the 
lead in forming plans for them, and, should it ever be neces- 
sary, in toiling for them. 38. And, in the first place, I think 
that you will greatly benefit the army, if you take care that 
generals and captains be chosen, as soon as possible, in the 
room of those whom we have lost; for without commanders 
nothing honorable or advanatgeous can be achieved, I may 
say in one word, any where, but least of all in the field of battle. 
Good order conduces to safety, but want of order has al- 
ready proved fatal to many. 39. Again, when you have ap- 
pointed as many commanders as are requisite, I consider that 


2 Kazpév.] Leunclavius makes this equivalent to “in vobis plurimum 
est situm.” Sturz, in his Lexicon Xenoph., says, “rerum status is est, 
ut vos in primis debeatis rebus consulere.” Toup, is his Emend, ad 
Suid., gives maximum momentum nate 

+ 


82 . THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK ml. 


if you weré to assemble and encourage the rest of the soldiers, 
you would act very suitably to the occasion; 40. for you 
perhaps observe, as well as myself, how dejectedly they have 
now come to the place of arms,’ and how dejectedly they go 
upon guard, so that, while they are in such a condition, / 
know not for what service any one could employ them, whether 
required by night or by day. 41. But if any one could change 
the direction of their thoughts, so that they may not merely 
contemplate what they are likely to suffer, but what they may 
be able to do, they will become much more eager for action ; 
42. for you are certain that it is neither numbers nor strength 
which gives the victory in war, but that whichsoever. side 
advances on the enemy with the more resolute courage, their 
opponents, in general, can not withstand their onset. 43. 1 
haye also remarked, fellow-soldiers, that such as are eager in 
the field to preserve their lives at any rate, for the most part 
perish wretchedly, and ignominiously, while I see that such 
as reflect that death is to all men common and inevitable, and 
seek in battle only to fall with honor, more frequently, from 
whatever cause, arrive at old age, and live, while they live, 
with greater happiness. 44. Being aware, then, of these facts, 
it behooves us, such are the circumstances in which we are 
placed, both to prove ourselves to be brave soldiers, and to 
exhort others to be so likewise.” 45. Having spoken thus, he 
stopped. . . . : ' 

Aiter him Cheirisophus said, “ Till the present moment, Ὁ 
Xenophon, I knew nothing of you, except having heard that 
you were an Athenian, but now I have to praise you both 
for what you say and what you do, and could wish that there 
were very many like you; for it would be a general good. 
46, And now,” he added, “let us not delay, my fellow-soldiers, 
but proceed at once, you who want them, to choose commanders, 
and when you have elected them, come to the center of the 
camp, and bring those that are chosen; and we will then call 
the rest of the soldiers together there. And let Tolmides 
the. herald,” said he, “come with us.” 47. As he said this, he 
rose. up, that the necessary measuses might not be delayed, 
but carried at once into execution. There were accordingly 
chosen commanders, Timasion,a Dardanian in the room of 
Clearchus, Xanthicles an. Achzean in ihat of Socrates, Cleanor 
πότου τε 7 See ἀϊ..9. 20... 


CHAP. II. SPEECHES OF THE NEW GENERALS. 83 


an Arcadian in that of Agias, Philesius an Achean in that 
of Menon, and Xenophon of Athens in that of Proxenus. 





CHAPTER II. 


The new generals hold a council of war. The speeches of Cheirisophus, 
Cleanor, and Xenophon. ‘The order of march is settled, and the duties 
of each commander appointed. 


1. Wuen the officers were chosen, and day was just dawning, 
they met in the center of the camp, and it was resolved to sta- 
tion sentinels at the outposts, and to call together the soldiers. 
When the rest of the troops came up, Cheirosophus the 
Lacedeemonian rose first, and spoke as follows: 2. “Our pres- 
ent circumstances, fellow-soldiers, are fraught with difficulty, 
since we are deprived of such able generals, and captains, and 
soldiers, and since, also, the party of Arius, who were form- 
erly our supporters, have deserted us; 3. yet it behooves us 
to extricate ourselves from these difficulties as brave men, 
and not to lose courage, but to endeavor to save ourselves, 
if we can, by an honorable victory; but if we can not do so, 
let us at least die with honor, and never, while we live, put 
ourselves into the power of the enemy; for I think that, in 
that case, we should endure such sufferings 2s I wish that the 
gods may inflict on our adversaries.” 

4. After him Cleanor the Orchomenian arose and spoke 
thus: “You see, soldiers, the perjury and impiety of the 
king; and you see also the faithlessness of Tissaphernes, 
who, after telling us that he was a neighbor of the Greeks, and 
would esteem it the highest privilege to save us, and after 
having given us his right hand as a pledge, has himself de- 
cecived and made prisoners our generals, and has not respected 
even Jupiter, the protector of the rights of hospitality, but, 
entertaining Clearchus at his own table, has, by this very means, 
inveigled and destroyed our officers. 5. Arizus, tco, whom 
we oifered to make king, to whom we gave and from whom 
we received pledges, that we would not betray one another, 
even he, neither fearing the gods, nor respecting the memory 
of Cyrus, though honored by him in the highest degree while 


84 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK IIL. 


he was alive, has now gone over to his bitterest enemies, and 
endeavors to distress us who were his friends. 6. But on 
these men may the gods take vengeance; for ourselves, it is 
incumbent upon us, having this conduct before our eyes, not 
to be deceived again by them, but, after fighting as bravely 
as we can, to bear with patience such fortune as the gods may 
appoint us.” 

7. Next stood up Xenophon, who had accoutered himself 
for war as splendidly as -he could, thinking that if the 
gods should grant them victory, the finest equipment would 
be suitable to success, or that, if it were appointed for him 
to die, it would be well for him to adorn himself with his 
best armor,’ and in that dress to meet his end. He pro- 
ceeded to speak thus: 8. “Of the perjury and perfidy of the 
Barbarians Cleanor has just. spoken, and you, 1 am sure, are - 
well aware of it. If, then, we think of coming again to terms 
of friendship with them, we must of necessity feel much dis- 
trust on that head, when we see what our generals have suf- 
fered, who, in reliance on their faith, put themselves into their 
hands; but if we propose to inflict on them vengeance with 
our swords for what they have done, and, for the future, to be 
at war with them at all points, we have, with the help of the 
gods, many fair hopes of safety.” 9. As he was uttering these 
words, somebody sneezed, and the soldiers, hearing it, with 
one impulse paid their adoration to the god;’ and Xenophon 
continued, “ Since, soldiers, while we were speaking of safety, 
an omen from Jupiter the Preserver has appeared, it seems to 
me that we should vow to that god to offer sacrifices for 
our preservation on the spot where we first reach a friendly 
country; and that we should vow, at the same time, to sacri- 
fice to the other gods according to our ability. And to whom- 
soever this seems reasonable, let him hold up his hand.” ΑἹ] 
held up their hands; and they then made their vows, and sang 
the pean. When the ceremonies to the gods were duly per- 
formed, he recommenced thus: 10. “I was saying that we 
had many fair hopes of safety. In the first place, we have 
observed our oaths made to the gods; but the enemy have 
perjured themselves, and broken the truce and their oaths. 


1 Τῶν καλλίστων ᾿ἑαυτὸν dfidcavra.] “Thinking himself worthy of 
the most beautiful (equipments).” 
2 Τὸν Oe6v.] Jupiter the Preserver. Kiihner. 


CHAP, II. SPEECH OF XENOPHON. 85 


Such being the ease, it is natural that the gods should be un- 
favorable to our enemies, and should fight on our side; the 
gods, who are able, whenever they will, to make the mighty 
soon weak, and to save the weak with ease, although they be 
in grievous perils. 11. In the next place, I will remind you 
of the dangers in which our ancestors were, that you may feel 


conscious how much it becomes you to be brave, and how the. 


rane 


brave are preserved, even from the greatest troubles, by the aid ᾿ 
of the gods. For when the Persians, and those united with 
them, came with a numerous host, as if to sweep Athens from 
the face of the earth,’ the Athenians, by daring to oppose 


them, gave them a defeat; 12. and having made a vow to 
Diana, that whatever number they should kill of the exemy, 
they would sacrifice to her divinity the same number of goats, 
and not being able to find enough, they resolved to sacrifice 
five hundred every year; and to this day they still continue 
to sacrifice them. 13. Again, when Xerxes, having collected 
that innumerable army of his, came down upon Greece 8 
second time, our ancestors on that occasion, too, defeated the 
ancestors of these Barbarians, both by land and sea; of which 
exploits the trophies are still to be seen as memorials; the 
greatest of all memorials, however, is the liberty of the states 
in which you were born and bred, for you worship no man 
as master, but the gods alone. Of such ancestors are you 
sprung. 

14. “Nor am I going to say that you dishonor them. 
It is not yet many days since you arrayed yourselves in the 
field against the descendants of those Barbarians, and defeated, 
with the help of the gods, a force many times more numerous 
than yourselves. 15. On that occasion you showed yourselves 
brave men to procure a throne for Cyrus; and now, when 
the struggle is for your own lives, it becomes you to be more 
valiant and resolute. 16. At present, too, you may justly feel 
greater confidence against your adversaries; for even then, 
when you had made no trial of them, and saw them in count- 


1 Αὖθις ἀφανιούντων.] Weiske, Schneider, and others emit the αὖθες. 
Bornemann, Dindorf, and Kiihner preserve it, as it is found in six manu- 
scripts, giving it, with Spohn, Lect, Theocr. i. p. 33, the sense of back 
again, as if the Persians had intended to make Athens disappear again 
as if it had never been. I think the word better left out. An Ameri- 
can editor has conjectured αὐτὰς. 


mag, 


--- APRON ante vn 


86 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK πὶ 


less numbers before you, you yet dared, with the spirit of 
your fathers, to advance upon them, and now, when you have 
learned from experience of them, that, though many times 
your number, they shrink from receiving your charge, what 
reason have you any longer to fear them?. 17. And do not 
consider it any disadvantage, that the troops of Cyrus, who 
were formerly arrayed on: our side, have now left us; for they 
are far more cowardly than those who were defeated by you; 
at least’ they deserted us to flee to them, and those who are 
so ready to commence flight it is better to see posted on the 
side of the enemy than in our own 

. 18. “If, again, any of you are disheartened because we 
have no cavalry, and the enemy have a great number, con- 
sider that ten thousand cavalry are nothing more than ten 
thousand men; for no one ever perished in battle of being 
bitten or kicked by a horse; it is the men that do whatever 
is done in the encounter. 19. Doubtless we, too, rest upon a 
surer support than cavalry have, for they are raised upon horses, 
and are afraid, not only of us, but also of falling, while we, 
taking our steps upon the ground, shall strike such as ap- 
proach us with: far greater force, and hit much more. surely 
the mark at which we may aim. In one point alone, indeed, 
have the cavalry the advantage, that it is safer for them to flee 
than for us. 

20. “ But if, though you have courage for battle, you are 
disquieted at the thought that Tissaphernes will no longer 
guide you, and that the king will no longer supply you with 
provisions, consider whether it is better to have Tissaphernes 
for our guide, who is manifestly plotting our destruction, or 
such persons as we ourselves may seize and compel to be our 
guides, who will be conscious that if they go wrong with re- 
gard to us, they go wrong with regard to their own lives and 
persons. 21. And ‘as to provisions, whether is it better for us 
to purchase, in the markets which they provide, small measures 
of food for large sums of money (no longer, indeed, having the 
money), or, if we are successful in the field, to take supplies 
for ourselves, adopting whatever measure each of us may 
wish to use ? 

22.“ Again, if you think, that this state of things will Le 

1 Todv.] Some copies have οὖν. ‘‘The sense of γοῦν is this: ceteris 
rebus pratermissis, hoc quidem certissimum est, eos fugisse, Kiihner. 


OHAP. IL SPEECH OF XENOPHON. — 87 


better, but imagine that the rivers will be impassable, and 
that you were greatly misled when you came across them, 
reflect whether the Barbarians have not acted most unwisely 
also in this respect.’ For all rivers, though they may be 
impassable at a distance from their sources, are easy to be 
forded by those who go to their springs, wetting them not 
even to the knees. 23. But even if the rivers shall not afford 
us a passage,” and no guide shall appear to conduct us, we 
still need not be in despair; for we know that the Mysians, 
whom we should not call more valiant than ourselves, have 
settled themselves, against the king’s will, in many rich and 
large cities in the king’s territory; we know that the Pisi- 
dians have acted similarly; and we have ourselves seen® that 
the Lycaonians, having seized on the stongholds in the 
plains, enjoy the produce of the land of these Barbarians; 
24. and I should recommend that we, for the present, should 
not let it be seen that we are eager to start homeward, but 
should apparently make arrangements as if we thought οἱ 
settling somewhere in these parts; forI am sure that the king 
would grant the Mysians many guides, and give them many 
hostages to send them out of the country safely, aud even make 
roads for them, though they should desire to depart in four- 
horse chariots; and for ourselves, too, I am convinced that 
he would with thrice as much pleasure do the same, if he saw 
us making dispositions to remain here. 25. But I am afraid 
that if we would once learn to live in idleness, to revel in 
abundance, and. to associate with the fair and. stately wives 
and daughters of the Medes and Persians, we should, like the 
lotus-eaters,* think no more of the road. homeward. 26. It 


? ἘΠ dpa, x. τ. 2.] Kriiger admonishes the reader that these words 
must be taken negatively : whether—not. 

? Amoovotv.] Eight manuscripts have διοίσουσιν, which Bornemann 
has preferred. Dindorf also gave the preference to it in his first edition, 
but has subsequently adopted the other reading. Myre διοίσουσιν is 
interpreted by Bornemann, ‘“‘if the rivers shall present no difference in 
any part of their course ; if they be as broad at their sources as at their 
mouths.” 

3. Αὐτοὶ εἴδομεν. The Greeks had passed through a part of Lycaonia 
in their march up the country, i. 2. 19; when, however, it is not indi- 
cated that they saw much. 

* The allusion is to Odyss. ix. 83, where the lotus-eaters are men- 
tioned : . 

The trees around them all their food produce, 
Lotus the name, divine nectareous juice 


88 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK I 


seems to me, therefore, both reasonable and just, that we 
should first of all make an attempt to return to Greece, and 
to the members of our families, and let our countrymen see 
that they live in voluntary poverty, since they might see those, 
who are now living at home without due means of subsistence, 
enriched on betaking themselves hither. But I need say no 
more on this head, for it is plain, my fellow-soldiers, that all 
these advantages fall to the conquerors. 

27. “I must also suggest to you, however, in what manner 
we may proceed on our way with the greatest safety, and 
how we may fight, if it should be necessary to fight, to the 
greatest possible advantage. First of all, then,” he continued, 
“it seems to me that we ought to burn whatever carriages we 
have, that our cattle may not influence our movements, but 
that we may march whithersoever it may be convenient for 
te army; and then that we should burn our tents with them, 
for tents are troublesome to carry, and of no service either for 
fighting or in getting provisions. 28. I think also that we 
ought to rid ourselves of whatever is superfluous in the rest 
of our baggage, reserving only what we have for war, or for 
meat and drink, that as many of us as possible may be under 
arms, and as few as possible baggage-bearers; for you are 
aware that whatever belongs to the ‘conquered becomes the 
property of others; and, if we are victorious, we ought to 
ook upon the enemy as our baggage-carriers. 

29. “It only remains for me to mention a particular which 
I consider to be of the greatest importance. You see that 
the enemy did not venture openly to commence war against 
us, until. they had seized our generals, thinking that as long 
as we had commanders, and were obedient to them, we should 
be in a condition to gain the advantage over them in the field, 
but, on making prisoners of our generals, they expected that 
we should perish from want of direction and order. 30. It is 
incumbent, therefore, on our present commanders to be far 
more vigilant than our former ones, and on those under com- 


(Thence called Lotophagi), which whoso tastes, 

Insatiate riots in their sweet repasts, 

Nor other home, nor other care intends, 

But quits his house, his country, and his friends. Pope. 


CHAP, II. ARRANGEMENTS FOR THE MARCH. 89 


mand to be far more orderly, and more obedient to their 
officers, at present, than they were before. 31. And if you 
were also to pass a resolution, that, should any one be dis- 
obedient, whoever of you chances to light upon him, is to join 
with his officers in punishing him, the enemy would by that 
means be most effectually disappointed in their expectations, 
for, on the very day that such resolution is) passed, they will 
see before them ten thousand Clearchuses instead of one, who 
will not allow a single soldier to play the coward. 82. But it 
is now time for me to conclude my speech ;* for in an instant, 
perhaps, the enemy will be upon us. . Whosoever, therefore, 
. thinks these suggestions reasonable, let him give his sanction 
to them at once, that they may be carried into execution. 
But if any other course, in any one’s opinion, be better than 
this,’ let him, even though he be a private soldier, boldly give 
us his sentiments; for the safety, which we all seek, is a gen- 
eral concern. 

33. Cheirisophus then said, “Should there be need of any 
other measure in addition to what Xenophon proposes, it will 
be in our power to bring it forward by and by; what he has 
now suggested we ought, I think, to yote at once to be the 
best course that we can adopt; and to whomsoever this seems 
proper, let him hold up his hand ;” and they all held them up. 
34. Xenophon then, rising again, said, “Hear, soldiers, what 
appears to me to be necessary in addition to what I have laid 
before you. It is plain that we must march to some place 
from which we may get provisions; and 1 hear that there are 
some good-looking villages not more than twenty stadia dis- 
tant; 35. but I should not wonder if the enemy (like cow- 
ardly dogs that run after such as pass by them, and bite them 
if they can, but flee from those who pursue them), I should not 
wonder, I say, if the enemy were to follow close upon us when 
we begin to march. 36. It will, perhaps, be the safer way for 
us to march, therefore, forming a hollow square of the heavy- 
armed troops, in order that the baggage and the large number 
of camp-followers may be in greater security within it; 

' Tlepaiverv.) Se. τὸν λόγον. . This is the sense in which this word 
has been taken, I believe, by most readers; as in Atsch. Pers. 699, and 
elsewhere: Sturz, in his Lexicon, seems to take it in the sense of to 
execute, to to action. 

- 2 Ei δὲ τι ἄλλο βέλτιον ἢ ταύτῃ. Understand δοκεῖ ἔχειν.  Kiihner. 
“But if any thing else (seems) better (to any one) than in this way.” 


90 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK IIL. 


and if it be now settled who is lead on the square, and regu- 
late the movements in front, who are to be on each flank, and 
who to have charge of the rear, we shall not hav2 to consider 
of these things when the enemy approach, but may at once 
act according to what has been arranged. 37. If, then, any one 
else sees any thing better to recommend, let it be settled other- 
wise ; if not, let Cheirisophus lead, since he is also a Lacede- 
monian ;* let two of the oldest generals take the command on 
each of. the flanks; and Jet Timasion and myself, the youngest 
of the officers, take charge, at least for the present, of the rear. 
38. After a time, when we have tried this arrangement, we will 
consider, as oecasion may require, what may seem best to be 
done. If any one thinks of any better plan than this, let him 

x.” As nobody made any objection, he said, “ Whosoever 
likes these proposals, let him hold up his hand.” The ‘pro- 
posals were approved. 39. “And now,” he added, “it be- 
longs to you to goand carry into execution what has been 
decided upon; and whesoever of you wishes to see his friends 
and relations, let him prove himself a man of valor, for by 
no other means can he succeed in attaining that object; who- 
ever of you desires to preserve. his life, let him strive to con- 
quer, for it is the part of conquerors to kill, but of the con- 
quered to die; and if any one of you covets spoil, let him - 
endeavor to secure victory for us, for it is the privilege of victors 
at once to save their own property and to seize on that of the 


vanquished.” 





CHAPTER II. 


The Greeks are visited by Mithridates as a friend, but he soon shows that 
- . he is an enemy, and Pay resolve to enter into no further negotiations 
with the Persian king. They pass the Zabatus, are harassed by Mithri- 
~ dates, and suffer from the want of slingers and cavalry. Volunteers are 
enrolled for these services. 


1. Wuen this speech was concluded, they rose up, and 
went off to burn their carriages and tents; of their superflu- 


1 "Ἐπειδὴ καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιός ἐστι. The καὶ, also, refers to something 
understood: “since he is not only a brave man, but also a Lacedzemo- 
nian.” ~Kiihner.—The Lacedzmonians were then at the head of Greece: 
comp. v. 9. 26; vi. 6.12.) Zeune. 


CHAP. TIL THE GREEKS CROSS THE ZABATUS. 91 


ous baggage they divided among themselves such portions as 
any needed, and threw the rest into the fire. Having done 
this, they went to breakfast. While they were at their meal, 
Mithridates rode up to them with about thirty horsemen, and 
requesting the generals to come within hearing, spoke as fol- 
lows: 2. “I was faithful to Cyrus, O men of Greece, as you 
yourselves know; I am now well disposed toward you; and 
{ am living here under great apprehensions; if, therefore, 1 


. should find that you are concerting any safe scheme for your 


deliverance, I would come and join you, bringing with me all 
my followers. Let me know, therefore, what you have in con- 
templation, as one who is your friend and well-wisher, and 
who is willing to march along with you.” 8. The generals, 
after consulting together, resolved on returning the following 
answer; and Cheirisophus delivered it: “It is our deter- 
mination, if no one hinders us from returning home, to’ pro- 
ceed through the country with as little injury to it as possible ; 
but if any one opposes us on our march, to fight our way 
against him as vigorously as we can.” 4. Mithridates then 
endeavored to convince them how impracticable it was to 
escape without the king’s consent. But it was now concluded 
that he was insidiously sent; for one of the followers of Tis- 
saphernes was in attendance on him to ensure his fidelity.’ 
5. In consequence, it was thought right by the generals to 
pass a resolution that the war should be such as to admit of 
no intercourse by heralds ;? for those that came tried to corrupt 
the soldiers, and succeeded in seducing one of the captains, 
Nicarchus an Arcadian, and he deserted in the night with about 
twenty men. 

6. Having then dined, and crossed the river Zabatus, they 
marched cn in regular order, keeping the baggage-cattle and 
camp-followers in the center. But before they had gone far, 
Mithridates made his appearance again with about two hun- 
dred cavalry and about four hundred: archers and slingers, 


1 Πίστεως Evexa.] To watch him, lest he should act treacherously. 
Kithner. 

2 Πόλεμον ἀκήρυκτον, Properly war in which there is no use for 
heralds, but in which all is violent and desperate; so that ἀκήρυκτος 
will be equivalent, according to Hesychius, to ddtdAAaxror, implaca- 
ble, irreconcilable. See Erasm. Adag. iii. 3. 84. Sturz Lex. . Others 


tather think it a deadly war, not commenced by sending heralds, and 


not to be terminated by sending them. ΑΚ ποῦ. See Herod. v. 
ΣΙ. 


92 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK HL 


very light and active troops. 6. He advanced toward the 
Greeks as a friend, but when he came near, some of his men, 
both horse and foot, suddenly discharged their arrows, and 
others used their slings, and wounded some of our men. The 
rear of the Greeks, indeed, was much harassed, and. could do 
nothing in return; for the Cretan bowmen shot to a less dis- 
tance than the Persians, and had also, as-being lightly armed, 
sheltered themselves within the heavy troops; and the javelin- 
men did not hurl far enough to reach the slingers. 8. Upon 
this it seemed to Xenophon that it would be well to pursue 
them; and such of the heavy-armed and peltasts as happened 
to be with him in the rear, began to pursue, but could over- 
take in the pursuit not a single man of the enemy; 9. for the 
Greeks had no cavalry,’ nor could their infantry, in a short dis- 
tance overtake the infanty of the enemy, who took to flight 
when they were a long way off since it was impossible for the 
Greeks to follow them to a great distance from the rest of the 
army. 10. The Barbarian cavalry, too, inflicted wounds in their 
retreat, shooting backward as they rode, and however far the 


Greeks advanced in pursuit, so far were they obliged to retreat, ἡ 


fighting. 11. Thus during the whole day they did not advance 
more than five-and-twenty stadia ; however they arrived at the 
villages in the evening. 
Here again there was much dejection; and Cheirisophus 
and the oldest of the generals blamed Xenophon for pursuing 
the enemy apart from the main body, endangering himself, 
and yet being unable to hurt the assailants. 12. Xenophon, 
hearing this charge, acknowledged that they blamed him justly, 
and that the result bore testimony in their favor.“ But,” 
said he, “I was under the necessity of pursuing, as I saw 
that we suffered great damage while remaining at our posts, 
and were unable to retaliate. 13. But when we began to 
pursue,” continued he, “ the truth was as you say; for we 
were none the better able to injure the enemy, and we could 
not retreat without great difficulty. 14. Thanks are due to the 
gods, therefore, that the Barbarians did not come upon us in 
great force, but only with a few troops, so that, while they 


1 Cyrus’s Greek auxiliaries for the expedition had consisted only of 
infantry; all his cavalry was either Asiatic or Thracian. The Thracian 
horse had deserted, and the Asiatic cavalry had gone over to Tissa- 
phernes soon after the battle. 


cHap.u. WANT OF CAVALRY AND SLINGERS. 93 


did us no great harm, they showed us of what we stand in 
need: 15. for at: present the enemy shoot their arrows and 
sling their stones such a distance, that neither can the Cretans 
return their shots, nor can those who throw with the hand 
reach them, and when we pursue them, we can not go after 
them any great distance from the main body, and in a short 
space, a foot-soldier, even if ever so swift, can not overtake 
another foot-soldier, starting at bow-shot distance. 16. If, 
therefore, we would keep off the enemy, so that they may be 
unable to hurt us on our march, we must at once provide our- 
selves with slingers and cavalry. There are, I hear, some 
Rhodians in our army, the greater number of whom, they say, 
understand the use of the sling, while their weapon carries 
even double the distance of the Persian sling, 17. which, as 
they sling with large stones, reach only a short distance,. 
while the Rhodians know how to use leaden bullets. 18. If, 
then, we ascertain which of them have slings, and give money 
to each of them’ for them; and pay money also to any one 
who is willing to plait more, and find some other privilege’ 
for him who consents to serve in the troop of slingers,’ possi- 
bly some will offer themselves who may be able to be of serv- 
ice to us. 19. I see also that tuere are horses in the army, 
some in my posesssion, and some left by.Clearchus, besides 
many others taken from the enemy which are employed in 
carrying the baggage. If, then, we collect all these, and put 
ordinary baggage-cattle in their place, and equip the horses for 
riders, they will perhaps annoy the enemy in their flight.” 
20. These suggestions were approved; end that very night 
there came forward slingers to the number of two hundred. 
The next day, as many as. fifty horemen and horses were 
pronounced fit for service; leathern jackets* and breastplates 

1 Τούτῳ pév.] As τίνες πέπανται immediately precedes, the singular ~ 
τούτῳ rather startles the reader; but there are not wanting examples 
of similar irregularity. 

2 ’AréAevay.| Exemption, for instance, from keeping guard and keep- 
ing watch. Kriiger. 

3 Τῷ σφενδονᾶν ἐντεταγμένῳ ἐϑέλοντι.} “To him willing to be a 
slinger, being enrolled in the company (of slingers).” This is the read- 
ing of Schneider, and Dindorf, and Bornemann. Kiihner and some 
others prefer é τῷ τεταγμένῳ, “in the place appointed him.” 

4 Σπολάδες.] This form of the word is preferred by Dindorf; Schnei- 
der, Bornemann, and Kithner prefer oroAddec, both in this passage and 
in iv. 1.13. Both forms seem to Lave been in use, and to have had the 


94 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK Il. 


were furnished to them ; and Lycius the son of Polystratus, an 
Athenian, was appointed their captain. 





CHAPTER IY. 


Mithridates again pursues the Greeks, but is repulsed. They reach the 

Tigris, encamp at Mespila, and are attacked by Tissaphernes with a nu- 
- merous force. They repel him, and alter their order of march. Travers- 

i getting posses Bcckin ofa height; they are Guabled to Toach the pe 

ea a - ety. casey Γ - 

1. Havine halted for that day, they went forward on the 
next, rising earlier in the morning than usual; for they had 
a ravine formed by a torrent to pass, at which they were 
afraid that the enemy would attack them while they were 
crossing. 2. It was not till they had got over, however, that 
Mithridates again made his appearance, having now with him 
a thousand horse, and archers and slingers to the number of 
four thousand ; for he had solicited and obtained that number 
from Tissaphernes, promising that, if he received them, he 
would deliver the Greeks into his hands; for he had con- 
ceived a contempt for them, because, in his previous attack 
on them, though he had but a small force with him, he had 
suffered no loss, and thought that he had caused them great 
annoyance. 3. When the Greeks, having crossed, were dis- 
tant about eight stadia from the ravine, Mithridates also 
passed over it with his force. Instructions had been issued 
to such of the peltasts and heavy-armed troops as were to 
pursue, and a charge had been given to the horsemen to pur- 
sue with boldness, as a sufficient force would follow to support 
* them. 4. When, therefore, Mithridates overtook them, and 
the slings and arrows began to take effect, a signal was given 
to the Greeks with the trumpet, and those who had been or- 
dered immediately hastened to charge the enemy, the cavalry 
riding forward at the same time. The enemy, however, did 
not wait to receive their charge, but fled back to the ravine. 
same signification; but σπολάς to have been the more common. See 
Pollux, 1.135. Hesychius has σπολὰς, χιτωνίσκος βαϑὺς, σκύτινος, ὃ 
βύρσινος θώραξ. See Pollux, 7.10; 10. 148. Suidas, Phavorinus, and 
Photius give similar interpretations. δὲ 


CHAP. IY. - LARISSA. 95° 


5. In the pursuit several of the Barbarian foot were killed, and 
about eighteen of the horse were made prisoners in the defile. 
The Greeks, of their own impulse, mutilated the dead bodies, 
in order that the sight of them might be as horrible as possible 
to the enemy. 

6. The enemy, after faring thus, went off, end the Greeks, 
advancing the rest of the day without molestation, arrived at 
the river Tigris. 7. Here was a large deserted city; the name 
of which wzs Larissa, and which the Medes had formerly in- 
habited. The breadth of its wall was five and twenty feet, 
and the height of it a hundred ; its circuit was two parasangs. 
It was built of bricks made of clay, but there was under it a 
stone foundation,’ the height of twenty feet. 8, This city the 
king of the Persians,’ at the time when the Persians wrested® 
the empire from the Medes, was unable by any means to take ; 
a cloud, however, having covered the sun, hid it from view,‘ 


1 Κρηπὶς & ὑπὴν λιθίνη, x. τ. 2.1 The foundation appears to ‘have 
risen twenty feet above the ground; so that the whole height of the 
wall would be a hundred and twenty feet. Mr. Ainsworth says that he 
found the ruins of the brick wall αὖ, Resen, which he considers to bo 
the same with Larissa, “‘based on a rude and hard conglomerate rock, 
giving to them all the solidity and characteristics of being built of stone.” 
Travels in the Track, p. 139. 

2 Cyrus the Great. 

3 ’E2Aaubavorv.| That the Medes did not willingly submit, but were 
overcome by force, is testified by Herodotus, and is apparent from what 
is said here; whence it follows that λάμθάνειν τὴν ἀρχὴν παρά τινος 
may be applied even when those who lose the government are forcibly 
deprived of it. » Xenophon, however, is at variance with himself in the 
Cyropzedia, where Cyrus is said to have succeeded to the throne by a 
marriage with the daughter of Cyaxares. Kiihner. 

4 Ἤλιον δὲ νεφέλη προκαλύψασα ἠφάνισε. This reading has been 
adopted by Dindorf and others, from a conjecture of Brodzus or Mure- 
tus; the manuscripts have all ἥλιος δὲ νεφέλην προκάλυψας, except two, 
one of which has the v erased in νεφέλην, and the other νεφέλῃ. Those 
who read with Dindorf refer to Plutarch de ’Placit.’ Philosoph. ii. 24, 
where the cause of an eclipse of the sun is said by some philosophers 
to be @ condensation of clouds imperceptibly advancing over. the disc. 
Bornemann and Kiihner restore the reading of the manuscripts, which 
Langius thus interprets: sol nubem sibi pratendens se obscuravit ; than 
which no better explanation has been offered. That we are not to sup- 
pose an eclipse of the sun to be signified in the text, is well observed 
by Bornemann; as Thales had previously ascertained the causes οἵ. 
such eclipses, and had foretold one, according to Herodotus i. 74; hence: 
it is impossible to believe that Kenophon would have spoken of a 


96 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK IIL. 


till the people deserted it,’ and so it was taken. 9. Near the 
city was a stone pyramid, of the breadth’ of one plethrum, and 
the en of two plethra. Upon it* were many of the Barba- 
rians who had fled from the neighboring villages. 

10. Hence they proceeded one day’s journey, six parasangs, 
to a large unoccupied fortress,* situated near a city, the name of 
which was Mespila; the Medes had formerly inhabited it. The 
foundation of the wall was of polished stone, full of shells,* the 
breadth fifty feet, and the height fifty; 11. and on it was con- 
structed a wall of bricks, fifty feet broad, and a hundred. high; 
the circumference of it was six parasangs. Here Medea, the 
king’s wife, is said to have taken refuge, when the Medes were. 
deprived of their empire by the Persians. 12. The king of the 
Persians, on besieging the city, was unable to reduce it either 
by length of time or by assault, but Jupiter, as with a thunder- 
stroke,’ deprived the inhabitants of their senses, and thus it was 
taken. 

_ 13. Hence they proceeded one day’s journey, a distance of 
four parasangs. In the course of this day’s march Tissaphernes 
made his appearance, having with him the cavalry which he 
himself commanded, the force of Orontes, who had married 
the king’s daughter,’ the Barbarian troops with which Cyrus 


solar eclipse himself, or have made the inhabitants speak of one, so 
irrationally. Hutchinson and Zeune absurdly understand τὴν πόλιν 
with ἠφάνισε. 

1 Ἐξέλιπον. Hutchinson and Weiske interpret this word animis de- 
Jecerunt. Abreschius (Dilucid. Thucyd. p. 274) makes it reliquerunt sc. 
urbem; an interpretation adopted by Porson, Schneider, .Kiihner, and 
all the modern editors. 

2 Evpoc.] We must understand the length of each side. 

8 "Ἐπὶ ταύτης.] There might be steps on the outside on which they 
might climb. 

4 Teixoc.) Now called Yarumjah, according to Ainsw. Travels, p. 
139. 


5 Κογχυλιάτον. “Tt is a curious fact, that the common building- 
stone of Mosul (near Mespila) 15. highly fossiliferous, and indeed re- 
plete with shells, characteristic of a tertiary or supra-cretaceous de- 
posit ; and the same limestone does not occur far to the north or south 
of Mosul, being succeeded by wastes of gypsum.” Ainsw. Travels, p. 
140. } 

6 "Εωδροντήτους ποιεὶ. “Jupiter makes the inhabitants thunder- 
struck.” “He rendered them,” says Sturz, ‘either stupid or 
mad.” 

7 ii. 4. 8. 


ΟΗΑΡ. 1Υ. THE GREEKS REPULSE TISSAPHERNES. 97 


went up, the troops with which the king’s brother came to 
assist him, and, besides these, all that the king himself had 
given him; so that his army appeared extremely numerous. 
14. When he came near, he stationed some of his companies in 
the rear, and brought others round upon our flanks, but did not 
venture to make a charge, or show any disposition to endanger 
himself, but ordered his men to use their slings and bows. 15. 
But when the Rhodians who were dispersed ‘among the ranks, 
began to use their slings, and the Scythian archers’ dis- 
charged their arrows, no one failing to hit a man (for it 
would not have been easy to do so, even if they had been ever 
so desirous), Tissaphernes hastily retreated beyond reach of 
the missiles, and the other divisions drew off at the same time. 
16. During the rest of the day the Greeks continued their 
march, and the enemy followed ; but the Barbarians no longer 
harassed them with their usual skirmishing; for the Rhodians 
sent their missiles to a greater’ distance than the Persians, 
and than most of the bowmen. 17. The bows of the Persians, 
too, were large, so that such of their arrows as were taken up, 
were of service to the Cretans, who continued to use the enemy’s 
arrows, and practiced shooting by sending them far up into the 
air A great number of bowstrings were also found in the 
villages, and some lead, so that they could use it for their 
slings: ; ' Η͂ 
18. For that day, therefore, as soon as the Greeks reached 
the villages and encamped, the Barbarians went off, having 
had the worst in the skirmish ;: and during the next “the 
Greeks remained where they were, and collected provisions, 
for there was plenty of corn in the villages. The day after, 
they proceeded through the open country, and Tissaphernes 
followed, hurling missiles at them from a distance. 19. Here 
the Greeks found that a square was a bad disposition for an 


' Σκύϑαι τοξόται. As there is no mention of. Seythians in the wholo 
Anabasis, Kriiger, in his larger edition, suggested that the word Σκύϑαι 
might have been written in the margin by some scholiast, who was think- 
ing of the Athenian τοξόται; but in his smaller edition he has shown 
that he had learned something better from Arrian, Tact. ii. 13: “Those 
of the cavalry. who use bows are called imxorotérat, and by some 
Σκύϑαι." » Kiihner. i i 

2 In order that they might fall with greater weight. Bornemann. Or- 
perhaps, as Bishop Thirlwall thinks, that they might reach a greater 
distance. 

VOL. 1: 5 


98 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK IIL. 


army when an enemy was behind them; for it must neces- 
sarily happen, that if the flanks of the square close together, 
from the road being narrow, or from hills or a bridge making 
it necessary, that the heavy-armed men must be pushed out of 
their places, and march with difficulty,’ being at the same 
time crowded together and thrown into confusion ; so that 
when in such disorder they must be nearly useless. 20. And 
when, again, the flanks divide, those who were previously 
forced out of their places, must now of necessity separate, and 
the space between the flanks be left empty ; and men who are 
thrown into such a condition must doubtless lose heart, if the 
enemy are behind them. - Whenever, too, they had to pass a 
bridge, or any other crossing-place, each hastened on to get 
first, and the enemy had then a fine opportunity of attacking 
them.’ 21. The generals, seeing that such was the case, formed 
six companies of a hundred men each, and appointed captains 
of these companies, as well. as captains of fifty and captains 
of twenty-five.” These captains and their companies, on the 
march, whenever the flanks of the square closed together, fell 
behind, so as to cause no disorder in the flanks, and then led 
on outside the flanks; 22. and-whenever the sides of the square 
opened, they filled up the center, if the opening was narrow, 
by companies ;. if rather wide, by. fifties; if very wide, by 
twenty-fives ;* so that the center was always full. 28. If, 
then, it was necessary to pass any defile or bridge, they were 
not thrown into confusion, but the captains and companies went 
over in succession ;° and if any thing was needed in any part 

1 Πονήρως.] From πόνηρος, difficult, not from πονηρός, bad. See 
Thueyd. viii. 24, ed. Popp. part iii. vol. iv. p. 658, segg. Kiihner. 

2 Καὶ εὐεπίϑετον ἦν ἐνταῦϑα τοῖς πολεμίοις. I have rendered this 
phrase agreeably to the notion of Kriiger, who thinks εὐεπέϑετον used 
absolutely, or 45 a substantive. Some, however, understand τὸ πλαίσιον, 
or τὸ στράτευμα, which is perhaps better. 

3 Ἐνωμοτάρχας.] The ἐνωμοτία being the fourth part of a λόχος, or 
gen ee men. See Xen. De Rep. Lac. ii. 4; Arnold’s Thucyd. τ. 


4 As there were six companies of a hundred men each, they moved 
into the vacant space, if it was but narrow, by centuries, that is, six 
men in front, and a hundred deep; if it was somewhat broader, by 
fifties, that is, twelve men in front; and fifty deep; if very broad, by 
A onli, that is, twenty-four men in front, and twenty-five deep. 

ner. τ | - 


ὁ Ἔν τῷ μέρει. Each in this place; one after another in the order 
which had been previously appointed. 


CHAP. IY. THE GREEKS STILL HARASSED. 99 


of the main body, these were at hand. In this order they ad- 
vanced four days’ journey. 

24. As they were pursuing the fifth day’s march, they ob- 
served a kind of palace with several villages round it. The 
way to this place, they perceived, lay among high hills, which 
reached down from a mountain, at the foot of which the vil- 
lage was.’ These hills the Greeks were glad to see, as was 
natural, when the enemy’s force consisted of cavalry. 25. 
But when, after leaving the plain, they had ascended the first 
hill, and were descending in order to mount the second, the 
Barbarians came upon them, and from the eminence began, 
under the lash,’ to hurl. darts, use their slings, and shoot 
arrows, on the ground below; 26. they wounded many, and 
had the advantage over the light-armed Greeks, and shut 
them up within the heavy-armed; so that both the slingers 
and archers were that day entirely useless, being mixed with 
the crowd that had charge of the baggage. . 27.. When the 
Greeks, on being hard pressed, attempted pursuit, they 
mounted the height but slowly, as being heavily armed, while 
the enemy sprang up speedily. 28..When, again, they re- 
treated back to the rest of the force, they fared equally ill. 
The same occurrences took place on the second hill; so that 
they thought it proper not to move the soldiers from the third 
hill, until. they led up a body of peltasts to the mountain from 
the right wing of the square. 29. When these had got above 
the pursuing enemy, they no longer attacked them in their 
descent, fearing that they might be cut off from their own 
body, and that enemies might assail them on both sides. 30. 
Marching in this manner for the rest of the day, some by the 
route among the hills, and others advancing abreast of them 


1 Ἦν ἡ κώμη. Schneider, Bornemann, and most editors. before 
Dindorf, read κώμη, α village, without the article. Dindorf has added 
the article from two manuscripts, and. Kiihner has followed him, sup- 
posing that the particular village of which the Greeks had now caught 
sight is meant. ._ Bornemann, if the article be added, thinks that 
the village in which the palace stood is intended. The passage seems 
to me decidedly better. without the article; for, if it be inserted, 
the reader. is puzzled to know, why. Xenophon changes the number, 
when he had just before said that the palace stood in the midst of 
vil 


. 2 According to the discipline of the Persians; see Herod. vii, 21, 56, 
223. =, : 


100 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK Itt. 


slong the mountain, they arrived at the villages, and appointed 
eight surgeons,’ for there were many wounded. 

31. Here they remained three days, both for the sake of the 
wounded, and because they found, at the same time, abund- 
ance of provisions, wheat-flour, wine, and a great quantity of 
barley laid up for horses; supplies which had been collected 
for the satrap of the country. On the fourth day they went 
flown into the plain. 32. But as Tissaphernes overtook them 
with his forces, necessity taught them to encamp where they 
first saw a village, and not to march on still fighting ; for there 
were many unfitted for action, some wounded, some carrying the 
wounded, and some bearing the arms of those that carried 
them. 33. When however they were encamped, and the Barba- 
rians, coming up to the village, attempted to skirmish with 
them, the Greeks had greatly the advantage ; for they found a 
great difference* between sallying from their own ground to 
fepulse the enemy, and fighting with a pursuing enemy on 
their march. 

34. When evening approached, it became time for the 
enemy to retire; for the Barbarians never encamped at a less 
distance from the Greeks than sixty stadia, fearing lest the 
Greeks should attack them in the night. 35. For in the night 
a Persian’ army is difficult to manage; as their horses are 
tied, and for the most part fastened by the feet, that they may 
ποὺ run away if they should be untied; and if any sudden at- 
tack takes place, the Persian has* to put the housings* on his 


1 This is the first mention of surgeons in the Greek army, as Mr. 
Stanford observes, since the time of Homer. : But whether the persons 
here mentioned were professed surgeons, or merely some of the soldiers, 
who, in long service, had gained experience in the treatment of wounds, 
is uncertain. The latter supposition is more in consonance with the 
word appointed. 

5 Πολὺ γὰρ διέφερον----ὁρμῶντες--- πορευόμενοι. The manuscripts pre- 
aent some variations here. Bornemann’s text is the same as Dindorf’s. 
Kithner prefers διέφερεν---ὁρμῶντας---πορευομένους, expressing a doubt 
whether the other method be really Greek. 

3 Aei—Ilépcy ἀνδρὶ Most. commentators concur in taking this as 
an example of the rarer construction of det with the dative ; though it 
has been suggested whether Πέρσῃ ἀνδρὶ may be the dative after 
ἐπισάξαι, as if a Persian horse-soldier had an attendant to equip his 
horse for him. : 

4 ᾿Ἐπισάξαι.] Spelman quarrels with D’Ablancourt for translating this 


cHaP,Iv. THE BARBARIANS PRE-OCCUPY THE PASSES. 101 


horse, and to bridle him, and then, when he has put on his 
armor, to mount; but all these things are troublesome by night 
and in the midst of an alarm. On this account they encamped 
at a distance from the Greeks. | 

36. As soon as the Greeks saw that they intended to retire, 
and were passing the order for doing: so, proclamation was 
made among the Greeks, in the hearing of the enemy, that 
they were to collect their baggage; when the Barbarians, for 
some time, delayed their march; but, when it grew late, they 
went off, for they did not think it expedient to march and ar- 
rive at their camp’ in the night. 37. When the Greeks ob- 
served them evidently moving away, they themselves also 
decamped’ and began to march, and accomplished as much as 
sixty stadia. There was thus so great a distance between the 
armies, that the enemy did not appear on the following day or 
on the: third; but on the fourth, the Barbarians, having gone 
forward in the night, occupied an elevated. position on the 
right, on the route by which the Greeks were to pass; the 
brow of a mountain, beneath which was the descent into the 
plain. 38. As soon as Cheirisophus. saw that this eminence 
was pre-oceupied, he sent for Xenophon from the rear, and 
ordered him to bring his peltasts and come to the front. 39. 
Xenophon however did not bring the peltasts, (for he saw 
Tissaphernes, and all his force, in, full view), but, riding up 
alone, asked, “ Why do you call me?’ Cheirisophus replied, 
“You may see; for the eminence above the descent has been 
pre-oceupied against us, and it is impossible to pass, unless we 
cut off those who are on it. But why did you not bring the 
peltasts?”. 40. Xenophon replied that he did not think it 
right to leave the rear unguarded when the enemy were in 
sight. “But it is high time,” he continued, “to consider how 
some of us may dislodge those men from the hill.” 41. Xeno- 
phon now noticed that the summit of the mountain*® was 


word by “saddle,” and adopts in his own version “housings,” which I 
have borrowed from him, from inability to find a better word. 

1 Τὸ orparoredov.] Apparently for the place where they intended to 
encamp. It seems needless to understand, with Kriiger, “castra interea 
ἃ lixis et calonibus posita.” 

2 ’Avalevéarrec.] ᾿Αναζεύξαι, castra movere. Zeune. 

3 The enemy had not otcupied the highest part of the mountain. but 
8. lower position upon it. Comp. sect. 37. Kihner.- 


102 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK In. 


above their own army, and that there was a way from it to 
the hill where the enemy were, and exclaimed, “ It is best for 
us, Cheirisophus, to hasten as quickly as possible to the 
summit, for if we gain this, those who are above our road 
will be unable to maintain their ground. But do you, if you 
please, remain with the army; I have a desire to go forward; 
or, if you prefer it, proceed on to the mountain, and I will 
stay here.” 42. “I leave you,” replied Cheirisophus, “to 
choose which of the two you please.” Kenophon, observing 
that he was the younger, decided on advancing, but requested 
Cheirisophus to send with him a detachment from the front, 
as it was too great a distance to bring one from the rear. 43. 
Cheirisophus then sent with him the peltasts from the front; 
and he took those that were in the middle of the square. 
Cheirisophus also ordered the three hundred that he held with 
him at the head of the square, consisting of picked men, to 
follow Xenophon. 

44. The party then marched forward with all possible 
speed. But the enemy on the heights, when they perceived 
that the Greeks were directing their course toward the sum- 
mit, hurried forward also themselves to contend for the pos- 
session of the summit. 45. There was then great shouting 
from the Grecian army, cheering their men, and great shout- 
ing also from the troops of Tissaphernes, cheering on theirs. 
46. Xenophon, riding along on horseback, encouraged his 
party, saying, “Consider, soldiers, that you are now contend- 
ing for Greece: that after a brief struggle now, we shall 
march the rest of the way without fighting, to join our chil- 
dren and our wives.” 47. Soterides, a Sicyonian, cried. out, 
“We are not upon an equality, Xenophon; for you are car- 
ried on a horse, while I have hard work to carry my shield.” 
48. Xenophon, on hearing this remark, leaped from his horse, 
pushed Soterides from the ranks, took from him the shield, 
and marched on with it as fast as he was able. He happened 
however to have on his horseman’s corslet, so that he was 
distressed. Yet he continued to exhort the men in front to 
lead on gently, and those b®hind, who followed with difficulty, 
to come up. 49. But the rest of the soldiers beat and threw 
stones at Soterides, and reviled him till they obliged him to re- 
sume his shield and march in his place. Xenophon, remount- 
ing, led the way, as long as it was passable for his horse, on 


CHAP. V. THE GREEKS FORCE A PASSAGE. 103 


horseback, but when it became impassable, he left his horse 
behind, and hastened forward on foot. Thus they got the 
start of the enemy, and arrived first at the summit. 





CHAPTER Υ. 


The Greeks arrive at a point where the Carduchian mountains overhan 
the river, and, as they are still harassed by the enemy, the generals hol 
a consultation, and determine to march across the mountains. ἢ 


1. Tue Barbarians in consequence, turned their backs and 
fled every one as he could, and the Greeks took possession of 
the top of the hill. Tissaphernes and Arizus turned aside, and 
went off in another direction, Cheirisophus and his forces, 
going down into the plain, encamped in a village abounding 
with acceptable supplies; and there were also in this plain 
many otter villages stored with excellent provisions, lying along 
the river Tigris. 2. When it was evening, the enemy sud- 
denly showed themselves in the plain, and cut off some of the 
Greeks who were dispersed over the ground foraging; for 
several herds of cattle, had been intercepted as they were 
being transported to the other side of the river. 8. Here 
Tissaphernes and his party attempted to set fire to the vil- 
lages, and some of the Greeks were much disheartened, being 
apprehensive that, if they should burn them, they would have 
no place whence to procure supplies. 

4, Cheirisophus and: his men now returned from giving 
succor; and Xenophon, when he eame down, riding past 
the ranks, as the Greeks, coming in from affording aid, met 
him, and said, 5. “ You see, Greeks, that the enemy admit that 
the country is now ours, for whereas they stipulated, when 
they made the truce, that we should not burn the king’s coun- 
try, they now burn it themselves, as being no longer theirs, 

1 Ἔκ τῆς βοηθείας. Xenophon is here somewhat obscure; for he 
made no mention of this βοηθεία before. | Cheirisophus and his men 
seem to have gone to aid the party of Greeks that were dispersed for 
plunder, when some of them were cut off by the Persians, and when 
Tissaphernes attempted to burn the villages. * * * Afterward he is 
rather tautological ; for the words #vixa——oi “EAAnve¢ express no more 
than is said in of μὲν dudi Χειρίσοφ βοηθείας, except that they 
oaks to mark the exact time when Xenophon addressed the men. 

ithner. : 








104 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK III. 


But wherever they leave supplies for themselves, thither, also 
they shall see us direct our march. 6.1 think, however, 
Cheirisophus,” continued he, “that we ought to resist these 
burners, as if in defense of our own territory.” “TI,” replied 
Cheirisophus, “am of a different opinion; rather Jet us burn 
also,” said, he “and thus they will the sooner cease.” 

7. When they returned to their quarters,’ the soldiers 
busied themselves about their provisions, but the generals 
and captains held a council. There was now much perplex- 
ity; for on one side of them were exceeding high mountains, 
and on the. other a river of such depth, that, when they 
“sounded it, their spears did not rise above the water. 8. 
While they were in doubt how to act, a Rhodian came to 
them, and said, “1 am willing to convey you across, Ὁ Greeks, 
by four thousand heavy-armed men at a time, if you will 
furnish me with what I require for the purpose, and give me 
a talent as a remuneration.” 9. ‘Being asked what he should 
require, he replied, “I shall want two thousand hides made 
into bags; and 1 566 here many sheep, goats, oxen, and asses, 
the hides of which, beg blown out,* would easily furnish the 
means of crossing, 10. I shall want also the ropes which you 
use for the baggage-cattle; joining, with these, the bags to 
one another, steadymg each bag by attaching stones to it, let- 
ting the stones down like anchors into the water, extending the 
bags across the stream, and securing them to both banks, I 
will then lay wood upon them, and strew earth over the wood. 
11. That you will not sink, you will at once see; for each 
skin will prevent two men from sinking, and the wood «and 
earth will keep them from slipping off” 12. The generals, 
on hearing this proposal, thought the invention ingenious, but 
the execution of it impossible, for there were numerous cavalry 
on the other side to hinder their passage, who, at the commence- 
ment, would not have allowed the first that made the attempt 
to effect their purposes. : 

1 ’Ent τὰς σκηνάς. The tents were burned, iii..3, 1; and Kriiger 
therefore observes that we must consider τὰς σκηνάς as equivalent to τὸ 
στρατόπεδον, or the place of encampment. This explanation is better 
than that of Weiske and Zeune, who think that the shelter of the villages 
is meant. 

£°A ἀποδαρέντα καὶ dvonbévra.| ‘Which being skinned and blown 
out.” . From brevity, Xenophon has said that of the animals which he 
ought to have said of their skins. Kriiger. 


CHAP. Υ. GUIDES CONSULTED. 105 


13. The day nextthey retreated back toward Babylon, to 
some unburnt villages, having first set fire to those which they 
abandoned ; so that the enemy did_not come up to them, but 
watched them, and seemed to be wondering which way the 
Greeks would turn themselvs, and what they had in their 
mind. 14. The rest of the soldiers then turned their thoughts 
to getting supplies; but the generals and captains held an- 
other council, and, bringing together the prisoners, questioned 
them as to the whole country around, what each part was. 
15. They said that the parts toward the south were on the 
road toward Babylon and Media, through which the Greeks 
had come; that the road toward the east led to Susa and 
Ecbatana, where the king was said to pass the summer and 
spring; that the one across’ the river, toward the west, led 
to Lydia and Ionia; and that the other over the mountains, 
toward the north, led to the Carduchi. 16. This people, 
they said, lived among the mountains, were very warlike, and 
did not obey the king; that on one occasion, a royal army of 
a hundred and twenty thousand men had penetrated into their 
country, whence, from the impracticability of the ground, not 
one of them returned; but that, whenever they made a treaty 
with the satrap of the plain, some of them had ‘intercourse 
with the Carduchi, and some of the Carduchi with them. 
17. The generals, having heard these statements, kept apart 
by themselves those who said that they knew the road in each 
direction, not letting it be known which way they intended to 
go. It appeared necessary to the generals, however, to make 
their way over the mountains into the country of the Cardu- 
chi; for the prisoners said that after passing through this they 
would come to Armenia, a large and rich country, of which 
Orontes was governor, whence it would be easy for them to nee 
whichever way they pleased. 

18. With reference to this proceeding, they made a sacri- 
fice, in order that, when it should seem time, they might com- 
mence their march; for they were afraid ‘that. the passage 
over the mountains might be pre-occupied by the enemy ;. and 
they gave orders, that when the soldiers had supped, they 
should all pack up their baggage and go to rest, and follow 
their leaders whenever the signal should be given, 


1 Διαύδάντι.] The road “ for one crossing” the river. 
5* 


BOOK IV. 


CHAPTER I. 


The Greeks enter the territory of the Carduchi, where they suffer greatly 
from the wind’and cold, as well as from the Barbarians, who harass them 
* with frequent attacks on their march. 


1. What occurred in the expedition up the country to the 
time of the battle, and what took place after the battle during 
the truce which the king and the Greeks that went up with 
Cyrus concluded, and what hostilities were committed against 
the Greeks after the king and Tissaphernes had violated the 
truce, and while the Persian army was pursuing them, have 
been related in the preceding part of the narrative. 

2. When they had arrived at a spot where the Tigris was 
quite impassable from its depth and width, and where there 
was no passage along its banks, as the Carduchian mountains 
hung steep over the stream, it appeared to the generals that 
they must march over those mountains, 3. for they had heard 
from the prisoners that “if they could but cross the Carduchian 
mountains, they would be able to ford, if they wished, the 
sources of the Tigris in Armenia, or, if they declined doing 
59, to make a circuit round them.” The sources of the Eu- 
phrates, too, they said were not far from those of the Tigris; 
and such is the truth.’ 

4, Their entrance upon the territory of the Carduchi they 
made in the following manner, endeavoring at once to escape 
observation, and to anticipate the enemy in getting pos- 
session of the heights. 5. When it was about the last watch, 
and enough of the night was left to allow them to cross the 
plain under cover of the darkness, they arose at a given sig- 
nal, and, marching onward, reached the hills by break of 
day. 6. Here Cheirisophus took the lead of the army, having 
with him both his own men and all the light-armed; while 
Xenophon brought up the rear with the heavy-armed troops, 
having not a single light-armed soldier; for there seems to 


1 Ka? ἔστιν οὕτως ἔχον. A most happy emendation of Abreschius, 
Dilucid. Thucyd. p. 640, for καὶ ἔστιν οὕτω στενόν. 


CHAP. I. THE GREEKS REACH KURDISTAN. 107 


be no danger that any of the enemy would attack them in the 
rear as they were marching up the mountains. _ Cheirisophus 
indeed mounted the summit before any of the enemy perceived 
him; he then led slowly forward; 7. and each portion of the 
army, as it passed the summit in succession, followed him to the 
villages which lay in the windings and recesses of the mount- 
ains.' 8. The Carduchi, in consequence, quitting their dwell- 
ings, and taking with them their wives and children, fled to 
the hills. There was plenty of provisions left for the Greeks 
to take; and the houses were furnished with great numbers 
of brazen utensils, none of which the Greeks took away. Nor 
did they pursue the people, being inclined to spare them, if 
perchance the Carduchi, since they were enemies to the king, 
might consent to allow them to pass through their country as 
that of friends; 9. the provisions, however, as many as fell in 
their way, they carried off; for it was a matter of necessity 
to do so. But as for the Carduchi themselves, they would 
neither listen when they called, nor did they give any other 
sign of friendly feeling. 

10. But when the rear of the Greeks was descending from 
the hills into the villages, being now overtaken by darkness 
(for, as the way was narrow, their ascent of the heights, and 
descent to the villages, had lasted the entire day), some of 
the Carduchi, collecting together, attacked the hindmost, and 
killed and wounded.some of them with stones and arrows. 
They were but few; for the Greek troops had come on them 
unawares; 11. but had they assembled in greater numbers, a 
great part of the army would have been in danger of being 
destroyed. For this night, accordingly, they took up their 
abode in the villages; and the Carduchi lighted a number of 
fires around them on the hills, and observed the positions of 
one another.’ 12. As soon as it was day, the generals and 


1 “Thus they accomplished their entrance into Kurdistan without 
opposition, and crossed one of the most defensible passes that they were 
almost destined to meet. * * * The recesses—left between the hills are 
in the present day the seat of villages, as they were in the time of 
Xenophon, and the crags in front, and in the rear, bristle with the small 
and rude rock-forts of the Kurds.” Ainsworth, Travels in the Track, p. 
153, 164, 

2 Συνεώρων ἀλλήλους. The lighted fires served as signals, by means 
of which the Carduchi could keep an eye on one another.  -Kiihner. 


108 . THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK Iv. 


captains of the Greeks, mecting together, resolved, when they 
should march, to reserve only such of the baggage-cattle as 
were most necessary and most able, abandoning the rest, and 
to dismiss all the slayes,in the army that had been recently 
captured; 13. for the cattle and the slaves, being numerous, 
rendered their progress slow, and the number of men in charge 
of them were unable to take part in any encounter ;. and. be- 
sides, when the men were so numerous, it’ was necessary to 
procure and carry with them a double quantity of provisions. 
This resolution being passed, they made proclamation that the 
troops should act accordingly. 

14. When they had breakfasted, and were on the march, 
the generals, taking their stand in a narrow part of the way, 
took from the soldiers whatever of the things mentioned they 
found had not been left behind ; and the men submitted to this, 
unless any of them, smitten with desire of a handsome boy or 
woman, conveyed them past secretly.’ Thus they proceeded 
during, this day, sometimes having to fight a little, and some- 
times resting themselves. 15. On the next day a great storm 
arose ;- but. they were obliged to pursue their march, for they 
had. not a sufficient supply of provisions. Cheirisophus con- 
tinued to lead, and Xenophon had charge of the rear. 16. 
The enemy pressed steadily upon them, and, where the passes 
were narrow, came close up, and used their bows and their 
slings; so that the Greeks, sometimes pursuing and: some- 
times retreating, were compelled to march but slowly; and 
Xenophon, when the enemy attacked them violently, had fre- 
quently to pass. the word: for a halt. 17, Cheirisophus, at 
other times, when the order was .passed, halted, but on one 
occasion he did not halt, but hurried on rapidly, and passed 
the word to follow ; so that it was manifest that there was some- 
thing, extraordinary; but there was no time. to go forward 
and ascertain the cause of the haste; and the march of the 
rear-guard became like a flight. 18. On this occasion a braye 
soldier, Cleonymus a Lacedzemonian, met his death, being shot 
with an arrow in the side through his shield and corslet;* and 
also Basias, an Arcadian, shot right through the head. 

19. When they arrived at the place of encampment, Xeno- 


1 Πλὴν εἴ τίς τι ἔκλεψεν, K. T. λὴ “ Except if any one concealed any 
thing, either coveting a youth or woman of the handsome ones.” 
2 Τῆς σπολάδος.] See note on 111. 3. 20. 


CHAP, 1. THEIR PROGRESS STILL OBSTRUCTED. 109 


phon immediately proceeded, just 2s he was, to Cheirisophus, 
and blamed him for not having halted, as the men had been 
compelled to flee and fight at the same time. “Two honor- 
able and brave soldiers,” said he, “have now been killed, and 
we have been unable either to carry off their bodies or bury 
them.” 20. To. this remark Cheirisophus answered, “Cast 
your eyes upon those mountains, and observe how impassable 
they all are. The only road which you see is steep; and 
close upon it you may perceive a great multitude of men, who, 
having occupied the pass, keep guard at it. 21. For these 
reasons I hastened on, and therefore did not wait for you, to 
try if I could get the start of the enemy before the pass was 
seized ; and the guides whom we have say that there is no other 
road.” 22. Xenophon rejoined, “I have two prisoners; for 
when the enemy molested us, we placed an ambush, which 
enabled us to recover breath, and killed some of them; and 
we were also anxious to take some alive for this very purpose, 
that we. might use them, as being well acquainted. with the 
country, for guides.” 

23. Immediately after, bringing forward the two men, they 
inquired of them separately whether they knew of any other 
road than that which was open to their view. _ The one denied 
that he knew of any other, though many threats were held out 
to him; and as he would give no useful information, he was put 
to death in sight of the other. 24. The survivor said that the 
other had denied any knowledge of a road, because he had a 
daughter there married to somebody, but stated that he him- 
self would lead them by a road that might be passed even by 
beasts of burden. 25. Being then asked if there was any spot 
in it difficult to be passed, he replied that there was one height, 
and that unless a party secured it beforehand, it would be im- 
possible for them to pass. 26. Upon this it was thought proper 
to call together the captains, both of the peltasts and of the 
heavy-armed men,’ and to acquaint them with the prospect of 
affairs, and ask whether any of them was willing to prove 
himself a man of valor, and engage to go on this service as a 
volunteer. 27. Of the heavy-armed; Aristonymus of Methy- 
drium, and Agasias of Stymphalus, both Arcadians, offered 


1 Λοχαγοὺς καὶ πελταστὰς καὶ τῶν ὁπλιτῶν. H. e. Centuriones et ex 
peltastis et ex militibus gravis armature. Kihner. Πελταστὰς is to be 
taken as an epithet; compare γυμνητῶν ταξιαρχῶν, sect 28, 


110 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. ~ BOOK IV. 


themselves; and Callimachus of Parrhasia, also an Arcadian, 
disputed the honor with them, and said that he himself was 
eager to go, taking with him yolunteers from the whole army; 
“for Iam sure,” said he, “that many of the young men will 
follow if I take the lead.” 28.:They then asked if any of the 
officers of the light-armed troops were willing to join in the 
attempt; and Aristeas of Chios presented himself, a man 
who had often proved himself of great value to the army for 
similar services. 





CHAPTER I. 


One of the prisoners is forced to guide them to an eminence, from which 
they dislodge the Carduchi. - But they are still harassed, and the rear 
suffers severely. 


1. Ir was now afternoon, and the generals’ desired the 
party to take some refreshment and set forward. Hay- 
ing bound the guide, they put him into their hands, and 
arranged with them that, if they should gain the summit, 
they should keep guard at that post during the night, and give 
a signal by trumpet at break of day, and that those on the 
height should then charge the enemy in possession of the 
apparent egress,’ and those below should issue forth and come 
in a body to their assistance as soon as they were able, 

2. When they had made this arrangement, the party set 
out, being in number about two thousand; and there was 
heavy rain at the time. Xenophon, taking the rear-guard, 
led them toward the apparent egress, in order that the enemy 
might turn their attention in that direction, and that those 
who were going round might as much as possible escape no- 
tice. 3. But when the rear-cuard came to a ravine, which 
they had to pass to gain the ascent, the Barbarians then rolled 
down masses of rock,’ each big enough to load a wagon, with 


1 Xenophon and Cheirisophus. Kithner. 

2 Τὴν φανερὰν éx6acwv.] Xenophon calls the passage to the top of the 
mountain an éx6acic, or egress, with reference to the Greeks, to whom 
it was a way of escape from a disagreeable position. ~ Kiihner ad c. 5. 20. 
The same words are repeated by Xenophon in the next sect. 

3 'Ολοιτρόχους.] A word borrowed from Homer, signifying properiy 


CHAP. IL. THE CARDUCHI PUT TO FLIGHT. 111 


other stones greater and smaller, which, striking in their de- 
scent against the rocks, were hurled abroad in all directions τ᾿ 
and it was utterly impossible even to approach the pass. 4. 
Some of the captains, when’ they could not succeed in this 
part, made attempts in another, and continued their efforts 
till darkness came on. When they thought that they might 
retire unobserved, they went to get their supper; for the 
rear-ruard had been dinnerless that day. The enemy, how- 
ever, being evidently in fear, continued to roll down stones 
through the whole of the night, as it was easy to conjecture 
from’ the noise. 5. Those, meanwhile, who had the guide, 
taking a circuitous route, surprised a guard of the enemy 
sitting round a fire, and, having killed some of them, and put 
the rest to flight, remained on the spot, with the notion that 
they were in possession of the summit. 6. But in possession 
of it they were not; for there was a small hill above them, 
round which lay the narrow pass, at which the guard had 
been posted. However, there was a way from thence to that 
party of the enemy who were stationed at the open egress. - 7. 
Here they remained during the night. 

As soon as day began to dawn, they advanced in regular 
order, and with silence, against the enemy; and as there’ was 
a mist, they came close upon them before they were per- 
ceived. But when they caught sight of one another, the 
trumpet sounded on the side of the Greeks, who, raising the 
shout of battle, rushed upon the enemy. ‘The Barbarians did 
not stand their charge, but quitted the pass and fled; only a 
few of them were killed, for they were active in moving off. 
8. At the same time the party of Cheirisophus, hearing the 
sound of the trumpet, marched immediately up the plain 
track; while others of the officers proceeded by untrodden 
paths, where each happened to be, and, climbing up as well 
as they could, drew up one another with their spears; 9. and 
these were the first to join those who had secured the position. 
Xenophon, with the half of the rear-guard, went up by the 


a round stone fit for rolling, or a stone that has been made round by rolling, 
as a pebble in the sea. It was originally an adjective, with érpo¢ 
understood. Most critics suppose it to be from ὅλος and τρέχω, totus 
teres aique rotundus. Liddell and Scott derive it from εζλω, volvo. See 
Theoer. xxii. 49. 

» Διεσφενδονῶντο.] “Shivered in pieces, and flew about as if hurled 
by a sling.” 


119 ‘THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK Iv, 


same way as those who had the guide; for it was the most 
practicable for the baggage-cattle ; the other half he ordered to 
come up behind the cattle. 10. In their way they came to a hill 
overhanging the road, which was occupied by the enemy, 
whom they must either dislodge or be separated from the ‘rest 
of the Greeks. The men themselves, indeed, might have gone 
the same way as the rest of the army, but the baggage-cattle 
could ascend by no other route than this. 11. Encouraging 
one another, therefore, they made an attack upon the hill in 
files," not on every side, tut leaving a way of escape for the 
enemy, if they should be inclined to flee. 12. For a. while, 
as they were making their way as each best could, the Bar- 
barians shot arrows and threw stones at them, but did not 
receive them in close encounter, and at last ebandoned the 
place entirely. 

The .Greeks had no sooner nase the hill, than they caiolit 
sight of another before them occupied also by the enemy. 
Upon this hill it was resolved likewise to make. an assault. 

18. But Xenophon, apprehending -that, if he left the hill 
which they had taken unguarded,-the enemy, recovering it, 
might attack the baggage-cattle as they were passing (for the 
train of baggage-cattle reached a great distance, as they were 
marching along a narrow path), left upon the hill the captains 
Cephisodorus the son of Cephisophon, an. Athenian, Amphi- 
crates the son of Amphidemus, an Athenian, and Archagoras, 
an exile from Argos, while he himself, with the others, directed 
his march upon the second hill, which they also captured in a 
similar manner. 14. However, there was still a third hill left 
for them to take, which was by far the steepest of the whole; 
this was an eminence that overhung the post where the guard 
was surprised in the night by the volunteers. 15. But as the 
Greeks. came up, the Barbarians deserted the hill without 
aitempting any defense, so that all were surprised, and sus- 
pected that they had left their position from fear of being sur- 
rounded and besieged in it. But the truth was, that having ob- 


1 'Opiow. τοῖς λόχοις. Each λόχος or company marching in file or 
columr, so that the depth of the λόχος was equal to the number of 
soldiers of which it consisted. Sturz. This is the interpretation adopted 
by Kiihner. Yet it would be hard to prove that ὄρϑεος λόχος always 
meant single file; the term seems to have included any form of a com- 
pany in which the number. of men in depth excceded the number ip 
front. 


CHAP. IL THE GREEKS STILL HARASSED. 113 


served. from the eminence what had passed behind, they all 
went off with the intention of attacking the rear. 

16. Xenophon, with the youngest of his men, ascended to 
the top, and ordered the rest to march on. slowly, so that the 
companies in the rear might join them ; and. he direeted them, 
after proceeding some distance, to halt under arms, on a level 
piece of ground. 17. At this juncture Aristagoras the Argive 
came fleeing from the enemy, and said that the Greeks were 
driven from the first hill, and. that Cephisodorus, and Amphi- 
crates, and all the rest, who had not leaped from the rock, and 
joined the rear-guard, had. been. killed.. 18. The Barbarians, 
after this success, appeared upon an eminence opposite the - 
third hill, and Xenophon. began to treat with them, through 
an interpreter, about making a truce, and called upon them 
to give up the dead. 19. They replied, that they would give 
them up on condition that he would not burn their villages. 
To this Xenophon agreed. But while the rest of the army 
was passing. on, and these were discussing the terms of a 
truce, all the Barbarians from, that part of the country had 
flocked together. Here the enemy made a stand; 20. and 
when Xenophon’s party began to descend the_ hill, to join the 
others where the heavy-armed troops were drawn up,’ they 
came forward in great numbers and with loud shouts. When 
they had reached the top of the hill. from which Xenophon 
was descending, they rolled dwn stones, and broke the leg 
of one man; and Xenophon’s shield-bearer deserted him, 
carrying off his shield, 21. but Eurylochus, and Arcadian from 
Lusia,’ a heavy-armed soldier, ran to his support, and went 
on holding his shield before them both ; and the rest went. to 
join those who were already drawn up. . 

22. The entire Grecian force was now together, and took 
up their quarters in a number of good houses, and in the 
midst of abundance of privisions. Wine was. so abundant, 
that they kept it in excavations under ground, which were 
plastered over.’ 23. Xenophon and Cheirisophus now made 


1 Τὰ ὅπλα éxewwro.] See sect. 16. The heavy-armed men had halted 
on the level piece of ground, and their arms were lying by them, See 
Kithner ad. i. 5, 14. 

? A small town of Arcadia, to the sages sae of Clitor. 

"Ἐν λάκκοις κονιατοῖς.] The Athenians and other Greeks used to 
make large excavations under ground, some round, some square; and, 


114 -THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK IY. 


an agreement with the enemy, that on receiving the dead 
bodies they should give up the guide; and they performed all 
funeral rites for the deceased, as far as they could, according 
to what is usually done at the interment of brave men. 
24. The next day they proceeded without a guide; and the 
enemy, sometimes by skirmishing, and sometimes, where there 
was a narrow pass, by pre-occupying -it,. endeavored to 
obstruct their progress. δ. Whenever therefore they im- 
peded the front, Xenophon, ascending the hills from the rear, 
endeavored to break through the opposition made in that 
quarter, trying always ‘to reach higher ground than the ob- 
structing enemy; 26. and when they assailed the rear, Chei- 
risophus, quitting his place, and striving also to get above 
the enemy, removed the obstruction that was offered to the 
passage of that part of the army.-. Thus they relieved and 
supported each other with effect. - 27. Sometimes, too, when 
the Greeks had ascended eminences, the Barbarians gave 
them great annoyance in their descent; and, as they were 
nimble, they could escape, though they had but a very short 
start of us;’ for they were encumbered with no other weapons 
than bows and slings. 28. As archers they were very expert, 
and had bows nearly three cubits long, and arrows above two 
cubits; and they drew the string, whenever they discharged 
their arrows, advancing the left foot? against the lower ex- 
tremity of the bow.. Their arrows penetrated through shields 


covering them over with plaster, laid up their wine and oil in them; 
they called them λάκκοι. Schol. ad Aristoph. Eccl., cited by Hutchin- 
son. Spelman translates λάκκοι κονιατοί, “ plastered cisterns,” a term 
which Ainsworth adopts. . “The plastered cisterns noticed by Xeno- 
phon,” says he, “are also met with throughout, Kurdistan, Armenia, 
and Syria. They are especially numerous around some of the ancient 
villages of the early Christians of those countries, as more especially be- 
tween Semeisét and Bireh-jik, and have frequently been a subject of 
discussion as their former uses. This notice of Xenophon serves to clear 
up many doubts upon the subject, although, since the Kurds have be- 
come Mohammedans, and rejected the use of wine, there is no doubt they 
are sometimes used for depots for corn or hay, and even sometimes for 
water. They were generally closed by a single large stone.” Travels in 
the Track, ete., p. 164. 

1 ᾿Ἐγγύϑεν φεύγοντες. “ Fleeing from near,” ὦ e. when they were. at 
no great distance before us. 

2 Τῷ ἀριστερῷ ποδὲ mpoobaivovtec.} All the manuscripts have 
mpobavovrec: προσθαίνοντες is a conjecture of Wesseling ad Diod. Sic 


ΠΑΡ. π΄ ARRIVAL AT THE RIVER CENTRITES. 115 


and corslets; and the Greeks, taking them up, made use of 
them as javelins, fixing thongs to them.’ In these’ parts the 
Cretans were of the greatest service. Stratocles, a Cretan, had 
the command of them. 





CHAPTER Iii. 


The Greeks arrive at the river Centrites, which divides the Carduchi from 
Armenia. They see the Persians drawn up on the opposite bank, while 
the Carduchi threaten their rear, They are encouraged by a dream of 
Xenophon’s to try a ford, and effect a safe passage across the stream. 


1. Tas day the Greeks abode in the villages above the 
plain near the river Centrites, the breadth of which is. about 
two hundred feet, and which forms the boundary between 
Armenia and the territory of the Carduchi. Here they took 
some rest, being glad to see a piece of level country.. The 
river is distant from the mountains of the Carduchi about six 
or seven stadia. 2. It was with great satisfaction that they 
stayed here, as they had a sufficiency of provisions, aud were 
frequently reflecting on the difficulties that. were past, for, 
during seven days that they had been marching among the 
Carduchi, they had been constantly fighting, and had _ suffered 
more evils than all those which they had endured from the 


iii, 8, which all the recent editors have adopted, but by which it does 
not appear that any thing is gained, as πρὸς τὸ κάτω τοῦ τόξου precedes. 
Spelman, who was himself an archer, has illustrated the passage very 
clearly by a quotation from Arrian, Indic. 16: ‘ Resting one end of the 
bow upon the ground, and stepping forward with the left foot (τῷ mod? 
τῷ ἀριστερῷ ἀντιθάντες), they thus discharge the arrow, drawing the 
string a long way back, the arrow being nearly three cubits long.” See 
also Diod. Sic. 1. ¢., where he speaks of the archery of the ASthiopians; 
Strabo, xvi. p. 1117; Suidas in “Apa6ec, cited by Weiske. Schnei- 
der and Halbkart, strangely enough, think that Xenophon is speaking 
of cross-bows, which few besides themselves have supposed to have been 
known in Xenophon’s time. 

1 ᾿ῬἘἘναγκευλῶντες.) “Fitting them with ἀγκύλαι. Tho ἀγκύλη is 
generally supposed to be the same with the Latin amentum, a strap or 
loop fastened to the middle of a javelin, or the shaft of a spear, that it 
might be hurled with the greater force. The writer of the article Ansa 
in Smith’s Dict. of G. and R. Ant., thinks, however, that the two were 
not the same. : , 


116 : THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK Iv. 


king and Tissaphernes.’. Laving eseaped from such hard- 
ships, they gladly took repose. 

3. At day-break, however, they perceived on the other side 
of the river a body of cavalry, in complete armor, ready 
to prevent them from crossing, and on the high banks above 
the cavalry, another of foot prepared to hinder them from en- 
tering Armenia. 4. These were Armenians, Mardians, and 
Chaldeans, mercenary troops of Orontes and Artuchas.’ 
The Chaldzans were said to be a free people, and warlike ; 
for arms they had long shields and spears. 5. The high 
banks on which these forces were drawn up, were three or 
four hundred feet from the river; and the only road that was 
visible was one that led upward, apparently a work of art. 
Here the Greeks endeavored to cross, 6. but as, on making 
trial, the water rose above their breasts, and the bed of the 
river was rough with large and slippery stones, and as it was 
impossible for them to carry their arms into the water, or, if 
they attempted to do so, the river swept them away (while, 
if any of them took their arms on their heads, they became 
exposed to the arrows and other missiles of the enemy), they 
in consequence retreated, and encamped at the side of the 
river. 

7. They now perceived the Carduchi assembled in great 
numbers under arms on the spot where they themselves had 
been on the previous night. Hence great despondency was 


* Yet “the Carduchian mountains,” observes Rennell, “in effect pre- 
sented an asylum to the Greeks, who could no other way have escaped, 
at least, the reiterated attacks of such a host of enemies, whose numbers 
also were augmenting instead of diminishing. But asa Persian army 
could: not, subsist, or their cavalry act, within the wide range of these 
mountains, the Greeks, by ascending them, got rid of their dreaded 
enemy. - And although, in the mean time, they had to contend with an 
enemy much more brave and persevering, their numbers were fewer, 
and they might reasonably expect an earlier escape from them than from 
the Persians. Had they known that the Tigris was fordable under the 
Zaco hills, and passed into Mesopotamia, they would still have had the 
Euphrates to cross, a yet more difficult river, in the line which they 
must have pursued. Therefore, according to.our limited view of things, 
it appears that nothing less than such a barrier as these mountains 
presented, could have saved the Greeks from eventual: destruction, 
from the attacks of the Persians,” Jilustrations of the Exp. of Cyrus, 
p. 173. ae 

2 Orontes was satrap of Armenia, iii. 5. 17; Artuchas is nowhere else 
mentioned. 


CHAP. IIL. A FORD DISCOVERED. 117 


felt by the Greeks, as they knew the difficulty of passing 
the river, and saw the Carduchi ready to attack them if they 
attempted to cross. 8. This day, therefore, and the following 
night, they remained where they were in great perplexity. 
Xenophon however had a dream; he thought that he was 
bound in fetters, but that they fell: off him of their .own 
accord, so that he was set at liberty, and walked securely’ 
whithersoever he pleased. 9. When the morning approached, 
he went to Cheirisophus, told him that he had hopes that all 
would be well, and related to him his dream. Cheirisophus 
was much pleased, and, as soon as it was day, all the generals 
who were present offered sacrifice, and the victims were 
favorable at the very first. As soon as they left the place of 
sacrifice, the generals and captains gure directions to the 
troops to take their breakfast. 

10. While Xenophon was. at breakfast; two young men 
came running up to him, for every one knew that it was 
allowable to approach him. whether breakfasting or supping 
and to wake him and speak to him even when asleep, if they 
had any thing to tell of affairs relating to the war. 11. The 
youths informed him that they had been gathering sticks for 
their fire, and had chanced to see, on the opposite side of the 
river, among the rocks that reached down to the ‘stream itself, 
an old man, ἃ woman, and some girls, depositing in a cavern- 
ous rock what appeared to be bags of clothes; 12. that when 
they saw this, they thought it would be safe to cross, as the 
ground at that point was inaccessible to the enemy’s horse ; 
that having taken off their clothes, and taken their daggers in 
their hands, they went over undressed, in expectation of hav- 
ing to swim, but that, as they went on, they reached the other 
side before they were wet to the middle, and, having thus 
forded the stream, and..taken the clothes, they came. back 
again. 13. Xenophon immediately therefore made a libation, 
and ordered the young men to join in it,’ and to pray to the 


 Acabaivecy.| “Ingredi, pedem proferre.” Kiihner. His fetters being 
removed, he was able to put his legs apart, and walk with stability ; as 
is indicated, says Weiske, by the preposition did. ; 

2 ’Kyyxeiv.| This passage is commonly taken thus: ἐκέλευε τοῖς 
νεανίσκοις éyxeiv, “he ordered the young men to pour (wine) into (the 
cup for themselves),” for the purpose of making’ a libation. Kiihner, 
however, makes it. éxeAeve (τοὺς περὲ αὐτὸν) éyxeiv τοῖς. νεανίσκοις, 
he ordered those about him (the attendants), to. pour into the eup 


118 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK Iv. 


gods who had sent the dream and pointed out the ford, to 
complete what was wanting: to their success. After the 11- 
bation, he at once conducted the youths to Cheirisophus, and 
to him they gave the same account. Cheirisophus, on hear- 
ing it, made a hbation also.: 

14, When the libation was over, they gave orders to the 
soldiers to get their baggage ready; while they themselves, 
calling the rest of the generals together, consulted with them 
how they might cross the river to the best advantage, and how 
they might defeat the enemy in front, and suffer no damage 
from those in the rear. 15. It was then resolved that Cheiri- 
sophus should take the lead, and cross over with half of the 
army, that the other half should stay behind with Xenophon, 
and that the baggage-cattle and camp-followers should go 
over between the two. 16. When these matters were fairly 
arranged, they began to move, the young men acting as 
guides, and keeping the river on the left, the distance to the 
ford. being about four stadia. 17, As they proceeded, the 
lines of the enemy’s cavalry advanced abreast of them on the 
opposite bank ; and when they came to the ford, and the mar 
gin of the. river, they halted, laying down their arms; and 
then Cheirisophus. himself, placing a chaplet upon his head,’ 
and laying aside his outer garments, took up his arms and 
commanded the rest to follow his example, directing the cap- 
tains to lead their troops in files,’ some on. his left hand and 
some on his right. 18. The augurs at the same time, sacri- 
ficed, victims over the river;* while the enemy plied their 
bows and slings, but did not reach the Greeks. 19. As the 
sacrifices appeared favorable, all the soldiers sung the pzan 
and raised a shout, and all the women (for there were a number 
of the men’s mistresses in the army) joined in the cry. 
for the young men. The former mode is the more simple, κελεύω 
pee sometimes found with the dative, and agrees better with what 
ollows. - 

ὃ Eredavwoduevoc.| According to the custom of the Lacedemonians, 
of which Xenophon speaks de Repub. Lacedzem. 13. 8; Hellen. iv. 2. 
12;. see also Plutarch, Lycurg. ο.. 22. Schneider. 

2 Τοὺς λόχους ὀρϑίους.] See iv. 2. 11. 

8. ᾿Εσφαγίαζοντο εἰς. τὸν ποταμόν. Offering a sacrifice to the gods 
inhabiting the river, as Alexander in the middle of the Hellespont sacri- 
ficed a bull to Neptune and the Nereids: see Arrian, i. 11. 10, cited by 


Hutchinson.. ‘ They slew the animals so as to allow the blood to flow 
into the river.” Poppo. 


CHAP, IL. PASSAGE OF THE CENTRITES. 119 


20. Cheirisophus and his men then entered the stream; and 
Xenophon, taking the most active of the rear-guard, marched 
at full speed back to the ford’ opposite the outlet into the 
mountains of Armenia, making a feint that he meant to cross 
the river there, and thus cut off the cavalry that were on the 
bank ; 21. when the enemy, seeing Cheirisophus and his men 
crossing over with ease, and Xenophon and his party hurry- 
ing back, were afraid of being intercepted, and fled with pre- 
cipitation to gain the outlet that led up from the river, and as 
soon as they came to that passage, they directed their course 
up into the mountains. 22. Lycius, who had the command of 
the troop of horse, and Aischines, who commanded the band of 
peltasts attending on Cheirisophus,.seeing the enemy retreating 
with so much haste, set off in pursuit of them; and the 
rest of the soldiers called’ to each other not to stay behind,’ 
but to go along with them up the mountains. 23. But Cheiri- 
sophus, when he had crossed the river, did not follow the 
cavalry, but made his way up the high: banks that reached 
down to the river, to attack that portion of the enemy that 
were on the more elevated ground.’ This party on the 
heights, however, seeing their cavalry take to flight, aban- 
doned their commanding position above the stream. 

24. Xenophon, when he saw that all was going well on the 
other side, returned with all possible speed to join that part of 
the army which was crossing over; for the Carduchi were 
evidently descending into the plain, with the view of falling 
upon the rear. - 95, Cheirisdphas was now in possession of 
the heights, and Lycius, who, with his small party, had pro- 
ceeded. in pursuit of the enemy, had captured some of their 
baggage that they had left behind, and among it some rich 
garments and drinking-cups. 26. The baggage and camp- 
followers of the Greeks were still in the act of crossing; and 
Xenophon, turning toward the Carduchi, halted under arms 
over against them, and ordered the captains to form each his 
own company into divisions of five and twenty men, bringing 
round each division in line* toward the left; and he directed 


1 Τὸν πόρον. The ford mentioned in sect. 5, 6. 

3 Behind the enemy. Kiihner. Or behind the cavalry that were pur- 
suing the enemy. 
οὐ ἢ Those mentioned in sect. 3. | 

3 Ext gadayyoc.] This disposition of a company was in opposition to. 


120 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK Iv. 


both the captains, and the officers of the divisions of five and 
twenty, to advance facing the Carduchi, and the rearmost to 
halt facing the river. 
27. The Carduchi, when they observed that the rear-guard 
of the camp-followers was diminished’ in number, and that 
they seemed now indeed to be but few, advanced at a quicker 
pace, singing at the same time certain songs. Cheirisophus, 
when he:saw that all was safe on his own side, sent the pel- 
tasts, and the slingers' and archers, to Xenophon, desiring 
them to do whatsoever he should direct. 28. Xenophon, see- 
ing them beginning to cross, sent a messenger to desire that 
they should remain by the river where they were, without 
crossing, and that, when his own party should begin to cross, 
they should come forward in the water on each side opposite to 
him, the javelin-men holding their weapons by the thong,’ 
and the archers with their arrows on the string, as if with 
the intention of crossing over, but not to advance far into the 
river. 29. His own men he ordered, as soon as a sling should 
reach them and a shield should ring,’ to raise the pzan and 
rush toward the enemy; and he directed that when ‘the 
enemy should take to flight, and the trumpeter should sound 
the signal of attack® from the river, the rear should wheel to 
the right and take the lead, and that they should then all run 
forward as fast as possible, and cross over at the ‘part where 
each happened to be stationed, so’ as not ‘to impede’ one 
another ; telling them that he would be the best man who 
should first reach the opposite side. 30..The .Carduchi, see- 
ing that those who were left were but few (for many even of 
those who had been ordered to stay had gone away, some to 
take care of the cattle, some of their baggage, and others of 


λόχοι ὄρϑιοι (iv. 2. 11): see 6. 8, sect. 10. The expression ἐπὲ φάλαγγος, 
says Kiihner, properly means for a phalanx, or so that a phalana (or acies) 
might be formed. 

1 Δίηγκυλωμένους.] The verb διηγκυλοῦσϑαι is rightly interpreted 
by Hesychius τὸ ἐνεῖραι τοῦς δακτύλους τῇ ἀγκύλῃ (h. 6. amento) τοῦ 
ἀκοντίου. Sturz. The following ézi6e6Anuévove must be similarly ex- 

lained. ists 
= ᾿Ασπὶς ψοφῇ.] From the enemy’s missiles striking upon it. Kiihner. 
Hutchinson, Weiske, and Zeune think thot a clashing of shields on the 
part of the Greeks is meant, preparatory to an onset; but, without doubt, 
erroneously. : 

3 Or, sound a charge. The design of * was to precipitate the enemy’s 
flight. Compare sect. 82. ga 


cHaPp.Iv. ARMENIA: SOURCES OF THE TIGRIS. 121 


their mistresses), began, in consequence, to press forward 
boldly, and to use their slings and bows. 31. The Greeks 
then sang the pean, and rushed upon them at full speed ; and 
the Barbarians did not stand their charge; for though they 
were well enough equipped for a sudden onset and retreat 
upon the mountains, they were by no means sufficiently armed 
to receive an enemy hand to hand. At this juncture the 
trumpeter sounded, 32. when the enemy fled still faster, and 
the Greeks, turning in the opposite direction, made their way 
over the river with all possible speed. 33. Some of the 
enemy, perceiving this movement, ran back to the river, and 
wounded a few of our men with their arrows; but the greater 
number of them, even when the Greeks were on the other 
side, were observed to continue their flight. 34. The troops, 
meanwhile, that came to meet Xenophon, being carried away 
by their courage, and advancing too far, repassed the river in 
the rear of Xenophon’s men; and some of these also were 
wounded. 





CHAPTER IY. 


The Greeks enter Armenia, pass the sources of the Tigris, and arrive at the 
Teleboas. They make a treaty with Tiribazus, the governor of the prov- 
ince, and discover his insincerity. 


1. Wuen they had crossed, and had ranged themselves in 
order about noon, they proceeded through the country of Ar- 
menia, consisting wholly of plains and gently sloping hills, a 
distance of not less than five parasangs; for there were no 
villages near the river, in consequence of the hostilities with 
the Carduchi. 2. The village, however, at which they at length 
arrived, was of considerable size, and contained a palace for the 
satrap ;* upon most of the houses there were towers, and provi- 
sions were in great plenty. 

3. Hence they proceeded, two day’s journey, a distance of: 
ten parasangs, until they passed round the sources of the river 
Tigris. From hence they advanced, three days’ journey, fif- 

1 Orontes: iii. 5. 17; 4. 3.4. He was the satrap, as Kriiger thinks, 


of Eastern Armenia; Tiribazus being called satrap of Western Armenia, 
sect. 4. 


VORP 6 


122 . THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK Iv. 


teen. parasangs, to the river Teleboas, a stream not large, in- 
deed, but of much beauty; and there were many villages on 
its banks. 4. This part of the country was called Western 
Armenia. The deputy-governor of it was Tiribazus, who was 
an intimate friend of the king; and no one else, when he was 
present, assisted the king to mount his horse. 5. He now 
rode up with a body of cavalry, and sending forward an inter- 
preter, said that he wished to speak with the commanders. 
The generals thought proper to hear what he had to say, and 
advancing within hearing, asked what he wanted. 6. He re- 
plied, that he wished to make a treaty with them, on the condi- 
tions that he himself should not hurt the Greeks, and that the 
Greeks should not burn the houses, but should be at liberty to 
take such provisions as they required. This proposal was 
agreeable to the generals, and they concluded a treaty upon 
these terms, 

ἢ. Hence they proceeded, three days’ march, a distance of 
fifteen parasangs, through a plain; and Tiribazus . followed 
them with his troops, keeping at a distance of about ten 
stadia. They then came to a palace,* with several villages 
around it stored with abundance of provisions. 8. While 
they were encamped, there fell a great quantity of snow* in 


1 Τύρσεις.] Apparently intended for a sort of defenses, should the peo- 

ple be attacked by any of their neighbors... Compare τ. 2. 5. 
. 3 Καλὸς μὲν, μέγας δ᾽ ot.] I have, with Bornemann and Poppo, re- 
stored this reading, in which all the manuscripts concur. Muretus, 
from Demetrius Phalereus, sect. 6 and 121, has given μέγας μὲν οὔ, καλὸς 
δέ; and Hutchinson and all other editors down to Bornemann have 
followed him. It can not be denied that this is the usual order in such 
phrases: as in iv. 8.2; vi. 4. 20; but passages are not wanting in which 
the contrary order is observed; see iv. 6. 2. Kiihner. As the piece 
attributed to Demetrius Phalereus is not genuine, little attention need be 

id to it. t 
an It would seem to have been the palace of Tiribazus, as ihe one men- 
tioned in sect. 2 was that of Orontes. _ Schneider. 

4 See Diod. Sic. xiv. 28.] Ainsworth speaks of the cold in the nights 
on these Armenian uplands, p. 173. ‘When Lucullus, in his expe- 
dition against Mithridates, marched through Armenia, his army suffered 
as much by the frost and snow as the Greeks under Xenophon; and, 
when Alexander Severus returned through this country, many of 
his men lost. their hands and feet through excessive cold. Tournefort 
also complains that at Erzeroum, though situated in a plain, his fingers 
were so benumbed with cold, that he could not write till an hour 
after sunrise. (See Plutarch in Lwucull, and Zonaras’s Annals.)* 
Spelman. 


CHAP. Iv. GREAT FALL OF SNOW. 123 


the night; and in the morning it was thought advisable that 
the companies and officers should take up their quarters in 
_ the neighboring villages; for they perceived no enemy, and 
it appeared to be safe on account of the quantity of the snow.’ 
9. Here they found all kinds of excellent provisions, cattle, corn, 
old wines of great fragrance, dried grapes, and vegetables οὗ all 
kinds. ͵ 

Some of the soldiers, however, who had strolled away from 
the camp, brought word that they had caught sight of an army, 
and that many fires had been visible during the night. 10. 
The generals thought it unsafe, therefore, for the troops to 
quarter apart, and resolved to bring the whole army together 
again: They accordingly assembled, for it seemed to be clear- 
ing up? 11. But as they were passing the night here, there 
fell a vast quantity of snow, so that it covered both the arms 
and the men as they lay on the ground. The snow cramped 
the baggage-cattle, and they were very reluctant to rise}; for, 
as they lay, the snow that had fallen upon them served to 
keep them warm, when it had not dropped off. 12. But when 
Xenophon was hardy enough to rise without his outer gar- 
ment, and to cleave wood, some one else then rose, and, taki 
the wood from him, cleft it himself. Soon after, the rest got 
up, and lighted fires and anointed themselves; 13. for abund- 
ance of ointment was found there, made of hog’s-lard, sesamum,* 
bitter almonds, and turpentine, which they used instead. of 
oil. Of the same materials also an odoriferous ungent was 
found. 

14. After this it was resolved to quarter again throughout 


1 There being no cause to apprehend the approach of an enemy during 
such deep snow. 

2 Διαιθριάζειν.Ἴ The commentators rightly interpret this word dissere- 
nascere, “to clear up.” Kiihner ; who, however, prefers συναιθριάζειν, 
for which there is good manuscript, authority. He translates it, with 
Bornemann, simul disserenascere, ‘to clear up at the same time;” so that 
the one word has little advantage over the other. Sturz disapproves of 
the interpretation disserenascere, and would have both verbs to signify 
sub dio agere, ‘‘to bivouac in the open air;” but the other sense appears 
preferable. 

8. See note on i. 2. 22. Oil made of sesamum, or sesama, is mention-. 
ed, says Kiihner, by Plin. H. N. xiii. 1, xviii. 10; Q. Curt. vii. 4. 23; 
Dioseorid. 2. 119—121; Theophrast. de Odoribus, p. 737, ed. Schneid.; 
Salmas. Exercit. Plin. p. 727; Interp. ad Aristoph. Pac. 865, 


124 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK Iv. 


the villages, under shelter; and the soldiers went off with 
great shouting and delight to the cottages and provisions. 
Those who had set fire to the houses, when they quitted them 
before; paid the penalty of having to encamp uncomfortably in 
the open air. 15. Hence they dispatched in the night De- 
mocrates of Temenos, giving him a detachment of men, to the 
hills where the stragglers said that they had seen the fires ; they 
selected him because he was thought on several former occasions 
to have brought exact information concerning such matters, 
reporting what ‘was, just as it appeared, and what was not, as 
not existing. 1d. Having gone, he said that he saw no fires, 
but he brought with him a captive that he had taken, having 
a Persian bow and quiver, and a short battle-ax, such as the 
Amazons have. 17. Being asked of what country he was, he 
said that he was a Persian, and that he was going from: the 
army of Tiribazus to. get provisions. They then asked him 
how large the army was, and for what purpose it was assem- 
bled. 18. He said that Tiribazus had his own troops, and 
some mercenaries from the Chalybes and Taochians ; and that 
he was prepared to attack the Greeks in their passage over the 
mountains, at a narrow defile through which lay their only 
road. 

- 19. The generals, on hearing this, resolved to collect the 
army, and, leaving a guard, with Sophenetus the Stymphalian 
as' commander over those who staid behind, proceeded to 
march without delay, taking the man who had been captured 
for their guide. 20. After they had passed the mountains, 
the peltasts, who. went before the rest, and were the first to 
discover the enemy’s camp, did not wait for the heavy-armed 
men, but ran forward with a shout to attack it. 21. The 
Barbarians, hearing the noise, did not stand their ground, but 
fled; some of them however were killed, and about twenty 
horses taken, as was also the tent of Tiribazus, and in it some 
couches with silver feet, and drinking-cups, and some prison- 
ers, who said that they were bakers and cup-bearers. 22. 
When the officers of the heavy-armed troops heard what had 
taken place, they resolved upon marching back as fast as possi- 
ble to their own camp, lest any attempt should be made on those 
who had been left there. Calling in the men immediately, 
therefore, by sound of trumpet, they returned to the camp the 
same day. - 


CHAP. Y. MARCH THROUGH A DESERT COUNTRY. 125 


CHAPTER VY. 


The Greeks march through an uninhabited tract of country, suffering great- 
ly from cold winds, snow, and want of provisions. At length they reach 
some well-stored villages, where they rest seven days. ; 


1. Taz next day it was thought necessary to march away 
as fast as possible, before the enemy’s force should be re- 
assembled, and get possession of the pass, . Collecting their 
baggage at once, therefore, they set forward through a deep 
snow, taking with them several guides; and, having the same 
day passed the height on which Tiribazus had intended to at- 
tack them, they encamped. 2. Hence they proceeded three 
days’ journey through a desert tract of country, a distance of 
fifteen parasangs,’ to the river Euphrates, and passed it with- 
out being wet higher than the middle. The sources of the 
river were said not to be far off.. 3. From hence they ad- 
vanced three days’ march, through much snow and a level 
plain, a distance of fifteen parasangs; the third day’s march 
was extremely troublesome, as the north wind blew full in 
their faces, completely parching up every thing and benumb- 
ing the men. 4. One of the augurs, in consequence, advised 
that they should sacrifice to the wind; and a sacrifice was 
accordingly offered; when the vehemence of the wind ap- 
peared to every one manifestly to abate. The depth of the 
snow was a fathom : so that many of the baggage cattle and 
slaves perished with about thirty of the soldiers. 5. They 
continued to burn fires through the whole night, for there 
was plenty of wool at the place of encampment. But those 
who came up late could get no wood; those therefore who 
had arrived before, and had kindled fires, would not admit 
the late comers to the fire unless they gave them a share of 
the corn or other provisions that they had brought. 6. Thus 
they shared with each other what they respectively had. In 
the places where the fires were made, as the snow melted, there 


? Rennell, p. 214, and Kinneir, p. 485, think this distance too great for 
troops marching through deep snow. - Πέντε occurs in one manuscript, 
and Kiihner has admitted it into his text. 

* ’Opyvid.] A great depth. We can not suppose the snow to have 
pss that depth every where. None of the commentators make any 
remar 


126 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. ὁ BOOK Iv. 


were formed large pits that reached down to the ground ; and 
here there was accordingly opportunity to measure the depth 
of the snow. 

7. From hence they marched through snow the whole of 
the following day, and many of the men contracted the buli- 
mia.' Xenophon, who commanded in the rear, finding in his 
way such of the men as had fallen down with it, knew not 
what disease it was. 8. But as one of those acquainted with 
it, told him that they were ‘evidently affected with bulimia, 
and that they would get up if they had something to eat, he 
went round among the baggage, and, wherever he saw any 
thing eatable, he gave it out, and sent such as were able to 
tun to distribute it among those diseased, who, as soon as they 
had eaten, rose up and continued their march. 9. As the 
proceeded, Cheirisophus came, just as it grew dark, to a vil- 
lage, and found, at a spring in front of the rampart, some 
women and girls belonging to the place fetching water. 10. 
The women asked them who they were; and the interpreter 
answered, in the Persian language, that they were people 
going from the king to the satrap. They replied that he was 
not there, but about a parasang off. However, as it was late, 
they went with the water-carriers within the rampart, to the 
head man of the village; 11. and here Cheirisophus, and as 
many of the troops as could come up, encamped ; but of the 
rest, such as were unable to get to the end of the journey, 
cena the night on the way without food or fire; and some of 

e soldiers lost their lives on that occasion. 12. Some of the 
enemy too, who had collected themselves into a body, pursued 
our rear, and seized any of the baggage-cattle that were un- 
able to proceed, fighting with one another for the possession 
of them. Such of the soldiers, also, as had lost their sight 
from the effects of the snow, or had had their toes mortified “by 
the cold, were left behind. 13. It was found to be a relief to 
the eyes ‘against the snow, if the soldiers kept something black 
before them on the march, and to the feet, if they kept con- 
stantly in motion, and allowed themselves no rest, and if they 

1 ᾿Εβουλιμίασαν,) Spelman quotes a description of the βουλεμέα or 
βούλιμος from Galen Med. Def, in which it is said to be “a disease in 
which the patient frequently craves for food, loses the use of his limbs, 
falls down, turns pale, feels his extremities become cold, his stomach 


oppressed, and his pulse feeble.” Here, however, it seems to mean little 
more than a faintness from long fasting. ‘ 


CHAP. V. SUFFERINGS FROM THE SNOW. 127 


took off their shoes in the night; 14. but as to such as slept 
with their shoes on, the straps worked into their feet, and the 
soles were frozen about them; for when their old shoes had 
failed them, shoes of raw hides had been made by the men 
themselves from the newly-skinned oxen. 15. From such 
unavoidable sufferings, some of the soldiers were left behind, 
who, seeing a piece of ground of a black appearance, from the 
snow having disappeared there, conjectured that it must have 
melted; and it had in fact melted in the spot from the effect 
of a fountain, which was sending up vapor in a woody hol- 
low close at hand. Turning aside thither, they sat down and 
refused to proceed further. 16. Xenophon, who was with the 
rear-guard, as soon as he heard this, tried to prevail on them 
by every art and means not to be left behind, telling them, 
at the same time, that the enemy were collected, and pursuing 
them in great numbers. At last he grew angry; and they 
told him to kill them, as they were quite unable to go forward. 
17. He then thought it the best course to strike a terror, if 
possible, into the enemy that were behind, lest they should 
fall upon the exhausted soldiers. It was now dark, and the 
enemy were advancing with a great noise, quarreling about 
the booty that they had taken; 18. when such of the rear- 
guard as were not disabled, started up, and rushed toward 
them, while the tired men, shouting as loud as they could, 
clashed their spears against their shields. The enemy, struck 
with alarm, threw themselves among the snow into the 
hollow, and no one of them afterward made themselves heard 
from any quarter. 

19. Xenophon, and those with him, telling the sick men that 
a party should come to their relief next day, proceeded on 
their march, but before they had gone four stadia, they found 
other soldiers resting by the way in the snow, and covered 
up with it, no guard being stationed over them. They roused 
them up, but they said that the head of the army was not 
moving forward. 20. Xenophon, going past them, and send- 
ing on some of the ablest of the peltasts, ordered them to ascer- 
tain what it was that hindered their progress. They brought 
word that the whole army was in that manner taking rest. 
21. Xenophon and his men, therefore, stationing such a 
as they could, took up their quarters there without fire or 
supper. When it was near day, he sent the youngest of his 


128 -THE ‘EXPEDITION OF ΟὙΒΌΞ... BOOK Iv. 


men to the sick, telling them to rouse them and oblige them 
to proceed. 22. At this juncture Cheirisophus sent some of 
his people from the village to see how the rear were faring. 
The young men were rejoiced to see them, and gave them the 
sick to conduct to the camp, while they themselves went for- 
ward, and, before they had gone twenty stadia, found them- 
selves at the village in which Cheirisophus was quartered. 
23. When they came together, it was thought safe enough to 
lodge the troops up and down in the villages. - Cheirisophus 
accordingly remained where he was, and the other officers, 
appropriating by lot the several villages that they had in sight, 
went to their respective quarters with their men. 

24. Here Polycrates, an Athenian captain, requested leave 
of absence, and, taking with him the most active of his men, 
and hastening to the village which Xenophon had been allot- 
ted, surprised all the villagers, and their head man, in their 
houses, together with seventeen’ colts that were bred as a 
tribute for the king, and the head man’s daughter, who had 
been but nine days nrarried; her husband was gone out to 
hunt hares, and was not found in any of the villages, 25. 
Their houses were under ground, the entrance like the mouth 
of a well, but spacious below; there were passages dug into 
them for the cattle, but the people descended by ladders.. In 
the houses were goats, sheep, cows, and fowls, with their 
young; all the cattle were kept on fodder within the walls.’ 
26. There was also wheat, barley, leguminous vegetables, and 


1 That this number is corrupt is justly suspected by Weiske, and 
shown at some length by Kriiger de Authent. p. 47. Bornemann, in 
his preface, p. xxiv., proposes ἑπτὰ καὶ ἑκατὸν, a hundred and seven. 
Strabo, xi..14, says that the satrap of Armenia used to send annually to 
the king of Persia twenty thousand horses. Kiihner. Kriiger, 1. ¢, sug- 
gests that Xenophon may have written Σ΄ two hundred, instead of IZ’ 
seventeen. In sect. 35, we find Xenophon taking some of these horses 
himself, and giving one to each of the other generals and captains; so 
that the number must have been considerable. 

* “This description of a village on the Armenian uplands applies 
itself to many that I visited in the present day. The descent by wells 
is now rare, but is -still to be met with; but in exposed and elevated 
situations, the houses are uniformly semi 5, and entered by 
as small an aperture as possible, to prewant the ald getting in. ~What- 
ever is the kind of cottage used, cows, sheep, goats, and fowls, partici- 
pate with the family in figs ὴν warmth and protection thereof” Ainsw. 
Travels, p. 178. 











CHAP. V. THE GREEKS ENTERTAINED. 129 


barley-wine,’ in large bowls; the grains of barley floated in it 
even with the brims of the vessels, and reeds also lay in it, 
some larger and some smaller, without joints; 27. and these, 
when any one was thirsty, he was to take in his mouth, and 
suck.? The liquor was very strong, unless one mixed water 
with it, and a very pleasant drink to those accustomed to it. 

28. Xenophon made the chief man of his village sup with 
him, and told him to be of good courage, assuring him that 
he should not be deprived of his children, and that they would 
not go away without filling his house with provisions in re- 
turn for what they took, if he would but prove himself the 
author of some service to the army till they should reach 
another tribe. 29. This he promised, and, to show his good- 
will, pointed out where some wine* was buried. This 
night, therefore, the soldiers rested in their several quarters 
in the midst of great abundance, setting a guard over the 
chief, and keeping his children at the same time under their 
eye. 30. The following day Xenophon took the head man 
and went with him to Cheirispphus, and wherever he passed 
by a village, he turned aside to visit those who were quarter- 
ed in it, and feund them in all parts feasting and enjoying 
themselves ; nor would they any where let them go till they 
had set refreshments before them; 31. and they placed every 
where npon the same table, lamb, kid pork, veal, and fowl, 
with plenty of bread both of wheat and barley. 32. Whenever 
any person, to pay a compliment, wished to drink to another, 
he took him to the large bowl, where he had to stoop down 
and drink, sucking like an ox. The chief they allowed to take 
whatever he pleased, but he accepted nothing from them; 
where he found any of his relatives, however, he took them 
with him. 


? Οἶνος xpidivoc.] Something like our beer. Seo Diod. Sic. i. 20, 34; 
iv. 2; Athenzus, i. 14; Herod. ii. 77; Tacit. Germ. c. 23. ‘The bar- 
ley-wine I never met with.” Ainsw. Ὁ. 178. 

? The reeds were used, says Kriiger, that none of the grains of barley 
might be taken into the mouth. 

3 Xenophon seems to mean grape-wine, rather than to refer to the 
barley-wine just before mentioned, of which the taste does not appear to 
have been much liked by the Greeks.. Wine from grapes was not made, 
it is probable, in these parts, on account of the cold, but Strabo speaks 
of the οἷνος Μοναρίτης of Armenia Minor as not inferior to any of the 
Greek wines. Schneider. Re 

6* 


130 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK Iv. 


83. When they came to Cheirisophus, they found his men 
also feasting in their quarters,’ crowned with wreaths made of 
hay, and Armenian boys, in their Barbarian dresses, waiting 
upon them, to whom they made sigus what they were to do as 
if they had been deaf and dumb. 34. When Cheirisophus and 
Xenophon had saluted one another, they both asked the chief 
man, through the interpreter who spoke the Persian language, 
what country it was. He replied that it was Armenia. They 
then asked him for whom the horses were bred; and he said 
that they were a tribute for the king, and added that the neigh- 
boring country was that of Chalybes, and told them in what 
direction the road lay. 35. Xenophon then went away, con- 
ducting the chief back’ to his family, giving him the horse that 
he had. taken, which was rather old, to fatten and offer in sac- 
rifice (for he had heard that it had been consecrated to the sun), 
being afraid, indeed, that it might die, as it had been injured by 
the journey. He then took some of the young horses, and gave 
one of them to each of the other generals and captains. 36. 
The horses in this country were smaller than those of Persia, 
but far more spirited. The chief instructed the men to tie little 
bags round the feet of the horses, and other cattle, when they 
drove them through the snow, for without such bags they 
sunk up to their bellies. 





CHAPTER VL 


The Greeks leave the villages under conduct of a guide, who, on being 
struck by Cheirisophus, deserts them. After wandering through the 
country for seven days, they arrive at the Phasis, and in two days more 
at some mountains occupied by the Phasiani, Taochi, and Chalybes, whom, 
by skillful maneuvering, they dislodge. 


1, Wuen the eighth day was come, Xenophon committed 
the guide to Cheirisophus. He left. the chief* all the members 


1 Σκηνοῦντας.)] Convivantes, epulanies. Comp. v. 2. 9; vii. 3. 15. 
Kiinner. Having no flowers or green herbs to make chaplets, which the 
Greeks wore at feasts, they used hay. 

- 2 This is rather oddly expressed; for the guide and the chief were 
the same person 


OHAP. VL ARRIVE AT THE PHASIS. ~ 131 


of his family, except his son, a youth just coming to mature 
age; him he gave in iene to Episthenes of Amphipolis, in 
order that if the father should conduct them properly, he 
might return home with him. At the same time they carried 
to his house as many provisions as they could, and then broke 
up their camp, and resumed their march. 2. The chief cor- 
ducted them through the snow, walking at liberty. When he 
came to the end of the third day’s march, Cheirisophus was 
angry at him for not guiding them to some villages He said 
that there were none in that part of the country. Cheiriso- 
phus then struck him, but did not confine him; 3. and in con- 
sequence he ran off in the night, leaving his son behind. him. 
This affair, the ill-treatment and neglect of the guide, 
was the only cause of dissension between Cheirisophus and 
Xenophon during the march. Episthenes conceived an affec- 
tion for the youth, and, taking him home, found him extremely 
attached to him. 

4. After this occurrence they proceeded seven days’ journey, 
five parasangs each day, till they came to the river Phasis,’ the 
breadth of which 15 ἃ plethrum. 5. Hence they advanced two 
days’ journey, ten parasangs ; when, on the pass that led over 
the mountains into the plain, the Chalybes, Taochi, and Phasi- 
ans were drawn up to oppose their progress. 6. Cheirisophus, 
seeing these enemies in possession of the height, came to a halt, 
at the distance of about thirty stadia, that he might not ap- 
proach them while leading the army ina column. He accord- 
mgly ordered the other officers to bring up their companies, 
that the whole force might be formed in line.’ 

7. When the rear-guard was come up, he called together 
the generals and captains, and spoke to them as follows: 
“The enemy, as you see, are in possession of the pass over - 
the mountains; and it is proper for us to consider how we 
may encounter them to the best adv antage. 8. It is my 
opinion, therefore, that we should direct the troops to get 
their dinner and that we ourselves should hold a council, in 


' Not the Colchian Phasis, which flows into the Euxine, but a river 
of Armenia ('Apaénc, now Aras), which runs into the Caspian. See 
Ainsworth, Travels, p. 179, 247. However Xenophon himself seems to 
ote confounded this Phasis with that of Colchis. See Rennell, p. 230. 

iihner. : 

2 "En? ¢dAayyoc.] See on iv. 3. 26. 


182 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK LY. 


the mean time, whether it is advisable to cross the mountain 
to-day, or to-morrow.” 9. “It seems best to mo,” exclaimed 
Cleanor, “to march at once, as soon as we have dined and 
resumed our arms, against the enemy; for if we waste the 
present day in imaction, the enemy who are now looking 
down upon us will. grow bolder, and it is likely that, as 
their confidence is increased, others will join them in greater 
numbers.” 

| 10. After him Xenophon said, “I am opinion that if 
is is necessary to fight, we ought to make our arrangements 
so as to fight with the greatest advantage; but that if we 
propose to pass the mountains as easily as possible, we ought 
to consider how we may incur the fewest wounds and lose the 
fewest men. 11. The range of hills, as far as we see, extends 
more than sixty stadia in length; but the people nowhere 
seem to be watching us except along the line of road; and it is 
therefore better, I think, to endeavor to try to seize unobserved 
some part of the unguarded range, and to get possession of 
it, if we can, beforehand, than to attack a strong post and 
men prepared to resist us.- 12. For it is far less difficult to 
march up a steep ascent without fighting then along a level 
road with enemies on each side; and, in the night, if men 
are not obliged to fight, they can see better what is before 
them than by day if engaged with enemies; while a rough 
road is easier to the feet to those who are marching without 
molestation, than a smooth one to those who are pelted on the 
head with missiles. 13. Nor do I think it at all impracticable 
for us to steal a way for ourselves, as we can march by night, 
so as not to be seen, and can keep at such a distance from 
the enemy as to allow no possibility of »being heard.. We 
"seem likely, too, in my opinion, if we make ἃ pretended 
attack on this point, to find the rest of the range still less 
guarded; for the enemy will so much the more probably 
stay where they are. 14. But why should I speak doubtfully 
about stealing? For I hear that you Lacedamonians, Ὁ 
Cheirisophus, such of you at least as are of the better 
class,’ practice stealing from your boyhood, and it is not a 


- 7 'Tév ὁμοίων. The ὅμοιοι at Sparta were all those who had an equal 
right to participate in the honors of offices of the state; qui pari inier se 
jure gaudebant, quibus honores omnes @equaliter patebant. Cragius de Rep. 


CHAP. I. ENEMIES TO BE DISLODGED. 133 


disgrace, but an honor, to steal whatever the law does not 
forbid ; 15. while, in order that you may steal with the utmost 
dexterity, and strive to escape discovery, it is appointed by 
law that, if you are caught stealing, you are scourged. It is 
now high time for you, therefore, to give proof of your 
education, and to take care that we may not: receive many 
stripes.” 16. “ But I hear that you Athenians also,” rejoined 
Cheirisophus, “are very clever at stealing the public money, 

though great danger threatens him that steals it; and that 
your best men steal it most, if indeed your best men are 
thought worthy to be your magistrates; so that it is time for 
you likewise to give proof of your education.” 17. “Iam then 
ready,” exclaimed Xenophon, “to march with the rear-guard, 
2s soon as we have supped, to take possession of the hills. I 
have guides too; for our- light-armed men captured some of 
the marauders following us by lying in ambush; and from 
them I learn that the mountains are not impassable, but are. 
grazed over by goats and oxen, so that if we once gain 
possession of any part of the range, there will be tracks also 
for our baggage-cattle. 18.1 expect also that the enemy will 
no longer keep their ground, when they see us upon a level 
with them on the heights, for they will not now come down 
to be upon a level with us.” 19. Cheirisophus then said, 
“ But why should you go, and leave the charge of the rear? 
Rather send others, unless some volunteers present themselves.” 
20. Upon this Aristonymus of Methydria came forward with 
his heavy-armed men, and Aristeas of Chios and Nichomachus 
of Gita’ with their light-armed; and they made an arrange- 
ment, that as soon as they should reach the top, they should 
light a number of fires. 21. Having settled these points, they 
went to dinner; and after dinner Cheirisophus led forward 
the whole army ten stadia toward the enemy, that he might 
appear to be fully resolved to march against them on that 
quarter. 

22. When they had taken their supper, and night came on, 


Lac. i. 10, cited by Sturz in his Lex. Xenoph. See Xenophon De Rep. 
Lae. 13, 1 and 7; Aristot. Polit. 5. 7.3. “ A similar designation to that 
of ὁμότιμοι in the Cyropzedia.” Schneider. See Hellen. iii. 3. 5. 

1 A native of the country about Mount (ta in Thessaly. There was 
also, however, a town of that name in the south of Thessaly: Thucyd 
iil, 92. - 


184 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK Iv. 


those appointed for the service went forward and got posses- 
sion of the hills; the other troops rested where. they were. 
The enemy, when they saw the heights occupied, kept watch 
and burned a number of fires all night. 23. As soon as it 
was day, Cheirisophus, after having offered sacrifice, marched 
forward along the road; while those who had gained the 
heights advanced by the ridge. 24. Most of the enemy, 
meanwhile, stayed at the pass, but a part went to meet the 
troops coming along the heights. But before the main bodies 
came together, those on the ridge closed with one another, 
and the Greeks had the advantage, and put the enemy to 
flight. 25. At the same time the Grecian peltasts ran up 
from the plain to attack the enemy drawn up to receive them, 
and Cheirisophus followed at a quick pace with the heavy- 
armed men. 26. The enemy at the -pass, however, when they 
saw those above defeated, took to flight. Not many of them 
were killed, but a great number of shields were taken, which 
ihe Greeks, by hacking them with their swords, rendered 
useless. 27. As soon as they had gained the ascent, and had 
sacrificed and erected a trophy, they went down into the plain 
before them, and arrived at a number of villages stored with 
abundance of excellent provisions. 





CHAPTER VIL. 


The Greeks, entering the country of the Taochi, storm a fort, capturing a 
great number of cattle, on which they subsist while traversing the region 
of the Chalybes.. They cross the ens and, marching through the 
territory of the Scythini, arrive at a town called Gymnias, whence they 
are conducted to Mount Theches, from the top of which they see the 
Euxine. 


1. From hence they marched five days’ journey, thirty 
parasangs, to the country of the Taochi, where provisions 
began to fail them ; for the Taochi inhabited strong fastnesses, 
in which they had laid up all their supplies. 2. Having at 
length, however, arrived at one place which had no city or 
houses attached to it, but in which men and women and a 
great number of. cattle were assembled, Cheirisophus, as 
soon as he came before it, made it the object of an attack; 
and when the first division that assailed it began to be tired, 


CHAP. VII. FORT OF THE TAOCHI STORMED. 135 


another suceeeded, and then another, for it was not possible 
for them to surround it in a body, as there was a river about 
it. 8. When Xenophon came up with his rear-guard, peltasts, 
and. heavy-armed men, Cheirisophus exclaimed, “ You come 
seasonably, for we must take this place, as there are no pro- 
visions for the army, unless we take it.” 

4. They then deliberated together, and Xenophon asking 
what hindered them from taking the place, Cheirisophus 
replied, “The only approach to it is the one which you see; 
but when any of our men attempt to pass along it, the enemy 
roll down stones over yonder impending rock, and whoever 
is struck, is treated as you behold ;” and he pointed, at the 
same moment, to some of the men who had had their legs and 
ribs broken. 5. “But if they expend all their stones,” re- 
joined Xenophon, “is there any thing else to prevent us from 
advancing? For we see, in front of us, only a few men, and 
but two or three of them armed. 6. The space, too, through 
which we have to pass under exposure to the stones, is, as you 
see, only about a hundred and fifty feet in length; and of 
this about a hundred feet is covered with ‘large pine trees in 
groups, against which if the men place themselves, what 
would they suffer either from the flying stones or the rolling 
ones? The remaining part of the space is not above fifty 
feet, over which, when the stones cease, we must pass at a 
running pace.” 7. “But,” said Cheirisophus, “the instant 
we offer to go to the part covered with trees, the stones fly in 
great numbers.” “That,” cried Xenophon, “would be the 
very thing we want, for thus they will exhaust their stones 
the sooner. Let us then advance, if we can, to the point 
whence we shall have but a short way to run, and from which 
we may, if we please, easily retreat.” 

8. Cheirisophus and Xenophon, with Callimachus of Par- 
rhasia, one of the captains, who had that day the lead of all 
the other captains of the rear-guard, then went forward, all 
the rest of the captains remaining out of danger. Next, about 
seventy of the men advanced under the trees, not in a body, 
but one by one, each sheltering himself as he could. 9. Aga- 
sias of Stymphalus, and Aristonymus of Methydria, who 
were also captains of the rear-guard, with some others, were 
at the same time standing behind, without the trees, for it was 
not safe fortmore than one company to stand under them. 


136 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. - BOOK ΥΥ̓͂. 


10. Callimachus then adopted the following stratagem : he ran 
forward two or three paces from the tree under which he was 
sheltered, and when the stones began to be hurled, hastily 
drew back; and at each of his sallies more than ten cart- 
loads of stones were spent. 11. Agasias, observing what Cal- 
imachus was doing, and that the eyes of the whole army, 
were upon him, and fearing that he himself might not be the 
first to enter the place, began to advance alone (neither call- 
ing to Aristonymus who was next him, nor to Eurylochus of 
Lusia, both of whom were his intimate friends, nor to any other 
person), and passed by all the rest. 12. Callimachus, seeing him 
tushing by, caught hold of the rim of his shield, and at that 
moment Aristonymus of Methydria ran past them both, and 
after him Eurylochus of Lusia, for all these sought distinction 
for valor, and were rivals to one another; and thus, in 
mutual emulation, they got possession of the place, for when 
they had once rushed in, not a stone was hurled from above. 
13. But a dreadful spectacle was then to be seen; for the 
women, flinging their children over the precipice, threw them- 
selves after them; and the men followed their example. 
/®neas of Stymphalus, a captain, seeing one of them, who had 
on a rich garment, running to throw himself over, caught hold 
of it with intent to stop him. 14. But the man dragged him 
forward, and they both went rolling down the rocks together, 
and were killed. Thus very few prisoners were taken, but 
a great number of oxen, asses, and sheep. 

15. Hence they advanced, seven days’ journey, a distance 
of fifty parasangs, through the country of the Chalybes. 
These were the most warlike people of all that they passed 
through, end came to close combat with them. They had 
linen cuirasses, reaching down to the groin, and, instead of 
skirts,’ thick cords twisted. 16. They had also greaves and 
helmets, and at their girdles a short falchion, as large as a 
Spartan crooked dagger, with which they cut the throats of 
all whom they could master, and then, cutting off their heads, 
carried them away with them. They sang and danced when 
the enemy were likely to see them. They carried also a ‘spear. 
of about fifteen cubits in length, having one spike.” 17. They 

1 ἸΑντὶ τῶν πτερύγων. That this is the true sense of this word ap- 
pears from Xen. de Re Equest. 12. 4. ; 

2 Having one iron point at the upper end, as in v. 4. 12, and p> point 
at the lower for fixing the spearin the ground. Schneider. 


cuaP. γπ. THE GREEKS IN SIGHT OF THE SEA. 1387 


staid in their villages till the Greeks had passed by, when 
they pursued and perpetually harassed them. They had 
their dwellings in strong places, in which they had also laid 
up. their provisions, so that the Greeks could get nothing 
from that country, but lived upon the cattle which they had 
taken from the Taochi- 

18. The Greeks next arrived at the river Harpasus, the 
breadth of which was four plethra. Hence they proceeded 
through the territory of the Scythini, four days’ journey, 
making twenty parasangs, over a level tract, until they came 
to some villages, in which they halted three days, and collect- 
ed provisions, 19. From this place they advanced’ four days’ 
journey, twenty parasangs, to a large, rich and populous city, 
called Gymnias, from which the governor of the country sent 
the Greeks a guide, to conduct them through a region at war 
with his own people. 20. The guide, when he came, said that 
he would take them in five days to a place whence they should 
see the sea; if not, he would consent to be put to death. When, 
as he proceeded, he entered the coantry of their enemies, he 
exhorted them to burn and lay waste the lands; whence it was 
evident that he had come for this very purpose, and not from 
any good will to the Greeks. 21, On the fifth day they came 
to the mountain ;* and the name of it was Theches. When 
the men who were in the front had mounted the height, and 
looked down upon the sea, a great shouted proceeded from them; 
22. and Xenophon and the rear-guard, on hearing it, thought 
that some new enemies were assailing the front, for in the 
rear, too, the people from the country that they had burned 
were following them, and the rear-guard, by placing an am- 
buscade, had killed some, and taken others prisoners, and had 
captured about twenty shields made of raw ox-hides with the 
hair on. 23. But as the noise still increased, and drew nearer, 
and as those who came up from time to time kept running at 
full speed to join those who were continually shouting, the 
cries becoming louder as the men became more numerous, it 


1 The word ἱερόν, which precedes ὄρος in the older editions, is inclosed 
in brackets, as being probably spurious, by most of the modern editors, 
and actually ejected by Dindorf. Yet something seems to be wanting 
in connection with dpoc, for the guide (sect. 20) says merely that he will 
bring them to a χωρίον, and on the fifth day after it is said that they 
come to the mountain. . : 


138 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. ΧΑ. BOOKIV. 


appeared to Xenophon that it must be something of very great 
moment. 24. Mounting his horse, therefore, and taking with 
him Lycius and the cavalry, he hastened forward to give aid, 
when presently they heard the soldiers shouting, “The sea, 
the sea!” and cheering on one another. They then all began 
to run, the rear-guard as well as the rest, and the baggage- 
cattle and horses were put to their speed; 25. and when: they 
had all arrived at the top, the men embraced one another, and 
their generals and captains, with tears in their eyes. Sud- 
denly, whoever it was that suggested it, the soldiers brought 
stones, and raised a large mound, 26. on which they laid a 
number of raw ox-hides,’ staves, and shields taken from the 
enemy. The shields the guide himself hacked in_ pieces, 
and exhorted the rest to do the same. 27. Soon after, the 
Greeks sent away the guide, giving him. presents from the 
common stock, a horse, a silver cup, a Persian robe, and ten 
darics ;* but he showed most desire for the rings on their 
fingers, and obtained many of them from the soldiers. Having 
then pointed out to them a village where they might take up 
their quarters, and the road by which they were to proceed 
to the Macrones, when the evening came on he departed, pur- 
suing his way during the night. 





CHAPTER VIIL 


The Greeks eg unmolested brim ἦν the country of the Macrones, and 
enter Colchis. Putting to flight the Colchians who obstructed their pass~ 
age, they arrive at Trebisond, a Greek city, where they perform whatever 
vows they had made, and celebrate games. 


1. Hence the Greeks advanced three days’ journey, a dis- 
tance of ten parasangs, through the country of the Macrones. 
On the first day they came to a river which divides the terri- 
tories of the Macrones from those of the Scythini. 2. On 


They appear to be the hides of oxen offered up as a sort of sacrifice 
to the gods. Balfour. 
* In order, says Kriiger, to render them useless, so that they might 
nok — off by any of the neighboring people. 
1.1.0; : 


CHAP. VIII. TRUCE WITH THE MACRONES. 139 


their right they had an eminence extremely difficult of access, 
and on their left another river,’ into which the boundary river, 
which they had to cross, empties itself. This stream was 
thickly edged with trees, not indeed large, but growing closely 
together. These the Greeks, as soon as they came to the spot, 
cut down,’ being in haste to get out of the country as soon as 
possible. 8. The Macrones, however, equipped: with wicker 
shields, and spears, and hair tunics, were drawn up on the op- 
posite side of the crossing-place; they were animating one 
‘another, and throwing stones into the river.* They did not 
hit our men, or cause them any inconvenience. 

4, At this juncture one of the peltasts came up to Xeno- 
phon, saying that he had been a slave at Athens, and adding 
that he knew the language of these men. “I think, indeed,” 
said he, “that this is my country, and, if there is nothing to 
prevent, I should wish to speak to the people.” 5. “ There is 
nothing to prevent,” replied Xenophon; “so speak to them, 
and first ascertain what people they are.” When he asked 
them, they said that they were the Macrones. “ Inquire, 
then,” said Xenophon, “ why they are drawn up to oppose us, 
and wish to be our enemies.” 6. They replied, “ Because 
you come against our country.” The generals then told him 
to acquaint them that we were not come with any wish to do 
them injury, but that we were returning to Greece after hay- 
ing been engaged in war with the king, and that we were 
desirous to reach the sea. 7. They asked if the Greeks would 
give pledges to this effect; and the Greeks replied that they 
were willing both to give and receive them. The Macrones 
accordingly presented the Greeks with a Barbarian lance, 
and the Greeks gave them a Grecian one; for they said that 
such were their usual pledges. Both parties called the gods to 
witness. 

8. After these mutual assurances, the Macrones immediately 
assisted them in cutting away the trees, and made a passage 


1 A stream running into the Tchdrik-si, according to Ainsworth, 
Travels, p. 189. 

2 The Greeks cut down the trees’in order to throw them into the 
stream, and form a kind of bridge on which they might cross. Schnei- 
der. 

3 They threw stones into the river that they might stand on them, 
and approach nearer to the Greeks, so as to use their weapons with 
more effect. Bornemann. 


ΓΙ 


140 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. ~ BOOK Iv. 


for them, as if to bring them over, mingling freely among the 
Greeks; they also gave such facilities as they could for buying 
provisions, and conducted them through their country for three 
days, until they brought them to the confines of the Colchians. 
9. Here was a range of hills,’ high, but accessible, and upon 
them the Colchians were drawn up in array.° The Greeks, at 
first, drew up against them in a line,’ with the intention of 
marching up the hill in this disposition; but afterward the 
generals thought proper to assemble and deliberate how they 
might engage with the best effect. 10. Xenophon then said 
it appeared to him that they ought to relinquish the arrange- 
ment in line, and to dispose the troops in columns;* “ for a 
line,” pursued he, “ will be broken at once, as we shail find 
the hills in some parts impassable, though in others easy of 
access: and this disruption will immediately produce despond- 
ency in the men, when, after being ranged in a regular line, 
they find it dispersed. 11. Again, if we advance drawn up 
very many deep, the enemy will stretch beyond us on both sides, 
and will:employ the parts that outreach us in any way they 
may think proper; and if we advance only a few deep, it would 
not be at all surprising if our line be broken through by showers 
of missiles and men falling upon us in large bodies. If this 
happen in any part, 7t will be ill for the whole extent of the 
line, - 12. I think, then, that having formed our companies in 
columns, we should keep them so far apart from each other as 
that the last companies on each side may be beyond the 
enemy’s wings. Thus our extreme companies will both outflank 
the line of the enemy, and, as we march in file, the bravest of 
our men will close with the enemy first, and wherever the ascent 
is easiest, there each division will direct its course. 13. Nor 
will it be easy for the enemy to penetrate into the intervening 
spaces, when there are companies on each side, nor will it be 
easy to break through a column as it advances; while, if any 
one of the companies be hard pressed, the neighboring one will 
support it; and if but one of the companies can by any path 
attain the summit, the enemy will no longer stand their ground.” 
14. This plan was approved, and they threw the companies 
into columns, Xenophon, riding along from the rignt wing te 


1 Kara Kapdn, or Kohat Tagh, according to Ainsw. p. 190. 
2 Κατὰ φάλαγγα.} See on iv, 3. 26. 
3 Λόχους ὀρθίους. See on iv. 2. 11 


ouap. vil. THE COLCHIANS: INTOXICATING HONEY. 141 


the left, said, “ Soldiers, the enemy whom you see before you, 
are now the only obstacle to hinder us from being where we 
have long being eager to be. These, if we can, we must eat up 
alive.” * 

15. When the men were all in their places, and they had 
formed the companies into columns, there were about eighty 
companies of heavy-armed men, and each company consisted of 
about eighty men. The peltasts and archers they divided into 
three bodies, each about six hundred men, one of which they 
placed beyond the left wing, another beyond the right, and 
the third in the center. 16. The generals then desired the | 
soldiers to make their vows* to the gods; and having made 
them, and sang the pzan, they moved forward. Cheirisophus 
and Xenophon, and the peltasts that they had with them, who 
were beyond the enemy’s flanks, pushed on; 17. and the ene- 
my, observing their motions, and hurrying forward to receive 
them, were drawn off, some to the right and others to the left, 
and left a great void in the center of their line; 18: when the 
peltasts in the Arcadian division, whom Aischines the Acar- 
nanian’ commanded, seeing them separate, ran forward in all 
haste, thinking that they were taking to flight; and these were 
the first that reached the summit. The Arcadian heavy-armed 
troop, of which Clearnor the Orchomenian was captain, followed 
them. - 19. But the enemy, when once the Greeks began to 
trun, no longer stood their ground, but went off in flight, some 
one way and some another. 

Having passed the summit, the Greeks encamped in a num- 
ber of villages containing abundance of provisions. 20. As 
to other things here, there was nothing at which they were 
surprised ; but the number of bee-hives was extraordinary, and 
all the soldiers that ate of the combs, lost their senses, vomited, 
and were affected with purging, and none of them were able to 
stand upright ; such as eaten a little were like men greatly 
intoxicated, and such as had eaten much were like mad-men, 
and some like persons at the point of death. 21. They lay 
upon the ground, in consequence, in great numbers, as if there 
had. been a defeat; and there was general dejection. The next 

1 ’Quodic-——xarddayeiv.] “Eat up raw,” without waiting to cook 
them; a metaphorical expression for to extirpate utterly and at once, 
en from Homer, Il v. 35: ’Qudv βεθρώθοις Πρίαμον Πρίαμοιό τε 
wacoac. ; 

2 See the payment of these vows in sect. 25. 


142 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK Iv. 


day no onc of them was found dead; and they recovered their 
senses about the same hour that they had» lost them on the 
preceding day; and on the third and fourth days they got up 
as if after having taken physic.’ 

22. From hence they proceeded two days’ march, seven 
parasangs, and arrived at Trebisond, a Greek city, of large 
population, on the Euxine Sea; a colony of Sinope, but lying 
in the territory of the Colchians. Here they staid about thirty 
days, encamping in the villages of the Colchians, 23. whence 
they made excursions and plundered the country of Colchis. 
_ The people of Trebsiond provided a market for the Greeks in 
the camp, and entertained them in the city; and made them 
presents of oxen, barley-meal, and wine. 24. They negotiated 
with them also on behalf of the neighbouring Colchians, those 
especially who dwelt in the plain, and from them too were 
brought presents of oxen. 

25. Soon after, they prepared to perform the sacrifice which 
they had vowed. Oxen enough had been brought them to 
offer to Jupiter the Preserver, and to Hercules, for their safe 
conduct, and whatever they had vowed to the other gods. 
They also celebrated gymnastic games upon the hill where 
they were encamped, and chose Dracontius a Spartan (who 
had become an exile from his country when quite a boy, for 
having involuntarily killed a child by striking him with a 
dagger), to prepare the course and preside at the contests. 
26. When the sacrifice was ended, they gave the hides* to 

* That there was honey in these parts, with intoxicating qualities, 
was well known to antiquity. - Pliny, H. N. xxi. 44, mentions two 
sorts of it, one produced at Heraclea in Pontus, and the other among 
the Sanni or Macrones. The peculiarities of the honey arose from 
the herbs to which the bees resorted; the first came from the flower 
of a plant called zgolethron, or goat’-bane; the other from a species 
of rhododendron. Tournefort, when he was in that country, saw honey 
of this description. See Ainsworth, Travels in the Track, p. 190, 
who found that the intoxicating honey had a bitter taste. See also 
Rennell, p. 253. “This honey is also mentioned by. Dioscorides, ii. 
103; Strabo, xii. p. 826; lian, H. A. v. 42;. Procopius, B. Goth. iv. 
2.” Schneider. 

? Lion and Kiihner have a notion that these skins were to be given 
as prizes to the victors, referring to Herod. ii. 91, where ἰδ is said that 
the Egyptians, in certain. games which they celebrate in honor of 
Perseus, offer as prizes cattle, cloaks, and δέρματα, hides. Kriiger 
doubts whether they were intended for prizes, or were given as a present 
to Dracontius, i ; 


CHAP. I. VOWS PAID: GAMES. 143 


Dracontius, and desired him to conduct them to the place 
where he had made the course. Dracontius, pointing to the 
place where they were standing, said, “ This hill is an excellent 
place for running, in whatever direction the men may wish.” 
“ But how will they be able,” said they, “ to wrestle on ground 
so rough and bushy?” “ He that falls,” said he, “ will suffer 
the more.” 27. Boys, most of them from among the prisoners, 
contended in the short course,’ and in the long course’ above 

sixty Cretans ran; while others were matched in wrestling, — 
boxing, and the pancratium. It was a fine sight; for many 
entered the lists, and as their friends were spectators, there 
was great emulation. 28. Horses also ran; ‘and they had to 
gallop down the steep, and, turning round in the sea, to come 
up again to the altar.* In the descent, many roiled down; 
but in the ascent, against the exceedingly steep ground, the 
horses could scarcely get up at a walking pace. There was 
consequently great shouting, and laughter, and cheering from 
the people. 





BOOK VY. 


CHAPTER, I. 


Cheirisophus goes to Anaxibius, the Spartan admiral, to obtain’ ships for 
the Greeks. Xenophon, meanwhile, attends to other matters, and de- 
vises another Pian for procuring vessels, if Cheirisophus should fail in 
his mission, and causing the roads to be repaired, in case the army should 
be obliged to proceed by land.: Treachery of Dexippus, and efficient 
exertions of Polycrates. 


1. Wuar the Greeks did in their march up the country 
with Cyrus, and what they underwent in their journey to the 
Euxine Sea; how they arrived at. the Greek city of Trebi- 
sond, and how they offered the sacrifices which they had vowed 
to offer for their safety as soon as they should reach a friendly 
country, has been related in the preceding part of this narrative. 


1 Σταδιον δόλιχον. ‘The stadion, or short course, was six plethra, 
or 600 Greek feet, equal to 606% feet English; the δόλεχος, or long 
course, was six or more stadia, even up to twenty-four.. Hussey, Ap- 
pend. ix. sect; 11. 

2 The altar, apparently, at which they had been sacrificing. 





144 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK Υ. 


. 2. They now assembled to hold a council concerning the 
remainder of their journey ; and Antileon, a native of Thurii, 
stood up first, and spoke thus: “ For my part, my friends, I 
am now quite exhausted with packing up my baggage, walking, 
running, carrying my arms, marching in order, mounting 
guard, and ‘fighting, and should wish, since we have come to 
the sea, to rest from such toils, and to sail the remainder of the 
way; and to arrive at Greece, like Ulysses, stretched out 
asleep.” * 3. The soldiers, on hearing these remarks, cried out 
that he spoke well; and then another, and afterward all the 
rest, expressed the same feelings. Cheirisophus then rose and 
spoke as follows: 4. “ Anaxibius’ is a friend of mine, and is 
now admiral. Τῇ therefore, you will commission me to go to 
him, I have no doubt that I shall return with galleys and 
transport-vessels to carry you. And as you wish to sail, stay 
here till I come back; for :I shall come very soon.” |» When 
the soldiers heard this offer, they were delighted, and voted 
tbat he should set sail with all speed. 

5. After him Xenophon stood up, and spoke to the follow- 
ing effect: “Cheirisophus is going to fetch ships, and we 
shall remain here; and I will now mention what I think it 
proper for us to do during our stay. 6. In the first place, 
we must get provisions from the enemy’s country; for the 
market here is not abundant enough to»supply us, nor have 
we, except some few, a sufficiency of means with which to 
purchase. . But the country around us is inhabited by ene- 
mies ; and there is danger, therefore, that many of you may 
be killed, if you go out in quest of provisions heedlessly and 
unguardedly, 7. It seems to me, then, that we ought to seek 





The winged galley flies ; 

Less swift an eagle cuts the liquid skies; 

Divine Ulysses was her sacred load, 

A man in wisdom equal to a god! 

Much danger, long and mighty toils he bore, 

In storms by sea, and combats on the shore : 

All which soft sleep now banish’d from his breast, 

Wrapt in a pleasing, soft, and death-like rest. 

* * ee * % * 

Ulysses sleeping on his couch they bore, 

_ And gently placed him on the rocky shore. 
Pope, Odyss. xiii. 

? He was then at Byzantium: see vii. 1. 3. 


CHAP. I. SUGGESTIONS OF XENOPHON. 145 


provisions in foraging-parties,' and not to wander about at 
random; so that you may preserve your lives; and that we, 
the officers, should have the regulation of these proceedings.” 
These suggestions were approved. 8. “ Attend also,” he 
said, “to the following hints. Some of you will go out 
for plunder. I chink it will be better, then, for any one that 
intends to go out, to give us notice, and say in what. direc- 
tion, that we may know the number of those who go, and of 
those who stay at home, and may take part in their projects if 
it should be necessary; and that, if it should be requisite to 
send succor to any party, we may know whither to send it; 
while if any of the less experienced make an attempt in any 
quarter, we may aid his views by trying to learn the strength 
of the enemy against whom he is going.” To this proposal 
assent was likewise given. 9. “ Consider this, too,” added 
he; “the enemy have leisure to rob us; they meditate attacks 
upon us, and with justice, for we are in possession of their 
property. They are also posted above us; and it appears to 
me, therefore, that sentinels should be placed round the camp, 
so that, if, being divided into parties, we keep guard and 
watch by turns, the enemy will be less in a condition to catch 
us by surprise. 10. Take this also into consideration. If we 
knew for certain that Cheiriscphus would come with a suffi- 
cient number of ships to transport us, there would be no occa- 
sion for what I am going to say; but, since this is uncertain, 
I think that we ought, in the mean time, to endeavor to pro- 
vide ourselves with ships from hence; for, if he comes with 
ships, and vessels are ready here, we shall sail in a greater 
number of ships; and,if he brings none, we shall make use of 
what we have procured here. 11. I observe vessels frequently 
sailing past; and if therefore we should ask the people of 
Trebisond for ships of war, and bring them in to the shore and 
keep them under guard, unshipping their rudders till a sufli- 
cient number be collected to carry us, we shall possibly not 
fail of securing such conveyance as we require.” This sugges- 
tion was also approved. 12. “ Reflect also,” said he, “ whether 
it will not be proper to support the mariners whom we bring 
into harbor from the common stock, as long as they may stay 


? Σὺτ προνομαῖς.1] A military mode of expression, as it appears, sig- 
nifying tnstructo agmine pabulatum seu frwmentatum exire. Kiihner. 
Compare Cyrop. vi. 1. 24; Hellen. iv. 1.16. Xriiger. 

VOL. I. 7 


146 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK V. 


on our account, and to make an agreement with them about 
the passage-money, that by benefiting us they may also be 
benefited themselves.” To this they also agreed. 13. “It 
appears to me further,” he continued, “that if our efforts are 
not successful to procure vessels in sufficient number,’ we 
should enjoin the towns lying on the sea to repair the roads, 
which, we hear, are scarcely passable; for they will obey 
such an injunction both from fear and from a wish to be rid of 
us.” 14, At this point of his speech they cried out that there 
must be no traveling by land. 

_ Xenophon, seeing their want of consideration, did not put 
saat particular to the vote. But he afterward prevailed on 
the towns to mend the roads of their own accord, telling them 
that if the roads were made passable, they would so much the 
sooner be delivered from the Greeks. 15. They received also 
a fifty-oared galley from the people of Trebisond, over which 
they placed Dexippus, a Spartan, one of the periceci;? who, 
neglecting to get vessels together, went off with the galley 
clear out of the Euxine. He however met with a just retribu- 
tion some time after; for being in Thrace, at the court of 
Seuthes, and engaging in some intrigue, he was killed by 
Nicander a Lacedzmonian. 16. They received too a thirty- 
eared galley, over which Polycrates an Athenian was ap- 
pointed, who brought all the vessels that he could get to the 
shore before the camp; and the Greeks, taking out their car- 
goes, if they had any, set guards over them, that they might 
be secure, and reserved the vessels for their passage. 

17. While these affairs were going on, the soldiers were 
making excursions for plunder; and some succeeded and others 
not; but Clezenetus, as he was leading out his own troop and 
another against some strong place, was killed, as well as several 
of those that were with him. 


 "Qore ἀρκεῖν πλοῖα. -“ So that vessels may be sufficient (for us).” 

? Tlepiotxov.] The periact were the free inhabitants of the towns 
around Sparta ;. they were excluded from civil offices, and held a middle 
place between the native Spartans (the ὅμοιοι of iv. 6. 14) and the Neo- 
damods and Helots. See, Thucyd. viii. 22; Arnold’s Thucyd. i. 101; 
Valekenzer. ad Herod. ix, 11, 


CHAP, It. THE GREEKS ATTACK THE DRILZ. 149% 


CHAPTER II. 


To augment their stock of provisions, Xenophon undertakes a foraging ex’ 
pedition against the Drile, who lay waste their fields, and shut themselves 
up in their chief fort, which the Greeks take and burn to the ground. 


1. Wuen it was no longer possible for the foragers to ge 
provisions, so as to return the same day to the camp, Xeno- 
phon, taking some of the people of Trebisond as guides, led 
out half the army against the Drilz, leaving the other half to 
guard the camp; for the Colchians, having been driven from 
their homes, were collected in large numbers, and had posted 
themselves on the heights. 2. The guides from Trebisond. 
however, did not conduct them. to places whence it was easyv 
to get provisions, for the imhabitants of those parts were their 
friends, but led them with great eagerness into the territoriec 
of the Drile, from whom they had receievd. injuries, inte 
mountainous and difficult tracts, and against the most warlike 
of all the people on the shores of the Pontus Euxinus. 

3.. When the Greeks had got up into their country, tho 
Drile retreated, haying first set fire to such of their places as 
seemed easy to be taken; and there was nothing for the 
Greeks to capture but swine, or oxen, or any other cattle that 
had escaped the fire. But there was one place that. consti- 
tuted their metropolis; and to this they had all flocked. 
Around it there was an extremely deep ravine, and the ways 
of access to the place were difficult. 4. However the peltasts, 
having outstripped the heavy-armed men. by five or’six stadia, 
crossed the ravine, and getting sight of. a great deal of cattle 
and other booty, made an attack upon the place; and many 
spear-men,' who had gone out for plunder, followed close’ upon 
them; so that the number of those who crossed the ravine 
amounted to more than two thousand. 5. As they found 
themselves unable to take the place by assault (for there was 
a broad trench round it, the earth from which had been thrown 
up.as a rampart, and upon the rampart were palisades, and 4 
number of wooden towers erected), they attempted to retire, 
but the enemy pressed hard upon them; 6. and as they could 


1 Δορυφόροι.] No particular class of troops is meant, but merely such 
of the foragers as had armed themselves with spears. cither for defense. 
er to assist them in bringing home what they took. ω 


΄ 


148 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK V. 


not effect a retreat, (for the descent from the place to the ravine 
would allow only one to pass at a time), they sent for aid to 
Xenophon, who was at the head of the heavy-armed men. 7. 
The messenger said that the place was stored with abundance 
of things; “ but,” said he, “we are unable to take it, for it is 
strong; nor is it easy for us to retreat, for the enemy 
sally forth and assail our rear, and the way from it is dif 
ficul ” 

8. Xenophon, on hearing this account, brought up the 
heavy-armed to the ravine, and ordered them to halt there 
under arms, while he himself, crossing over with the captains, 
deliberated whether it would be better to bring off those that 
had already gone over, or to lead over the heavy-armed also, 
in the hope that the place might be taken; 9. for it seemed 
impossible to bring off the first party without the loss of many 
lives, and the captains were of opinion that they might take 
the place. Xenophon accordingly yielded to their judgment, 
placing some reliance at the same time, on the sacrifices ; for 
the augurs had signified that there would be an action, and 
that the result of the excursion would be favorable. 10. He 
therefore dispatched the captains to bring over the heavy- 
armed men, while he himself. remained where he was, keeping 
back the peltasts, and allowing none of them to skirmish with 
the enemy. 11. When the heavy-armed troops came up, he 
ordered each of the captains to form his company in such a 
manner as he might think most advantageous for fighting ; 
for those captains, who were perpetually contending with one 
another in gallantry, were now standing close to each other. 
12. They excuted his orders; and he then directed all the 
peltasts to advance holding their javelins by the thong,’ as it 
would be necessary to hurl whenever he should give the 
signal, and the archers having their arrows resting on the 
string,’.as, whenever he gave the signal, they would have to 
shoot; he ordered the skirmishers’ also to have their bags full 
of stones, and commissioned proper persons to see these orders 
executed. 13. When every thing was ready, and the captains 


1 See on iv. 3. 28. Σ 

3 The γυμνῆται are here distinguished from the archers, although 
γυμνῆται isa general name for both archers, javelin-men, and _sling- 
ers. Compare iii. 4. 26. Kiihner. The slingers are evidently meant 
here. ὁ πὸ 


CEAP. II. ATTACK ON A FORT OF THE DRILZA. ~ 149 


and lieutenants, and all those* who thought themselves not 
inferior to these, were in their places, and had a full view of 
each other (for the disposition of the troops, from the nature 
of the ground, was in the form of a crescent), the heavy-armed 
men, 14. after they had sung the pean and the trumpet had 
sounded, raised the war-cry to Mars, and ran forward, while 
the missiles, consisting of lances, arrows, balls from slings, and 
numbers of stones flung from the hand, were hurled among 
the enemy; and some of the men, too, threw fire-brands at 
the place. 15. By reason, therefore, of the multitude of these 
missives, the enemy abandoned both the palisades and the 
towers; so that Agasias of Stymphalus and Philoxenus of 
Pellene, laying aside their armor,’ mounted the ramparts in 
their tunics only; and then one’ drew up another, and others 
mounted by themselves, and the place, as it appeared, was 
taken. 16. The peltasts and light-armed men, accordingly, 
rushed in and Jaid hands on whatever they could find ; while 
Xenophon, taking his stand at the gates, detained as many of 
the heavy-armed as he could outside of them, for other bodies 
of the enemy were showing themselves upon some strong posi- 
tions among the hills. 17. After the lapse of a short interval 
of time, a cry arose within, and the men came fleeing out, 
some carrying what they had seized, and one or two perhaps 
wounded; and there was a great crowd about the gates. 
Those who rushed out, being questioned as to the cause, said 
that there was a citadel within, and a great number of the 
enemy, who sallied forth and fell upon our men who were in 
the place. 18. Xenophon then told Tolmides the crier to pro- 
claim that whoever wished to get any plunder might go in; 
when many hastened to the entrance, and those who tried to 
push their way in got the better of those that were hurrying 
out, and shut up the enemy again within the citadel. 19. All 
the parts without the citadel were then ravaged, and the 
Greeks brought out the spoil; while the heavy-armed men 
ranged themselves under arms, some round the palisading, and 
some along the way leading to the citadel. 20. Xenophon 
and the captains then deliberated whether it would be possible 
to take the citadel, for, in that case, a safe retreat would be 


1 Halbkart supposes, with much reason, that we must understand the 
captains of fifty and twenty-five. See iii. 4. 21. 
2 In order to climb with more agility. 


150 ' THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK V. 


secured ; otherwise it seemed a difficult matter to retire; and 
it appeared to them, upon consideration, that the citadel was 
altogether impregnable. 21. They accordingly began to pre- 
pare for a retreat; each of the men pulled up the palisades 
that were nearest to him; and the captains sent out of the 
place the useless hands,‘ and those who were loaded with 
plunder, but retained those in whom they severally confided.’ 
_ | 22. When they commenced their retreat, numbers of the 
enemy sallied forth upon them from within, armed with light 
shields, spears, greaves, and Paphlagonian helmets,’ while 
others climbed upon the houses that were on each side of the 
road leading to the citadel, 23.so that it was not safe to 
pursue them toward the gate leading thither, for they hurled 
down large pieces of timber from above; and it was in con- 
sequence dangerous either to remain or retreat; and the 
night, which was coming on, increased their alarm. 24. But 
while’ they were thus engaged and in perplexity, some god 
gave them the means of saving themselves; for one of the 
houses on the right suddenly burst out in flames, whoever it 
was that set fire to it, and when it fell in, the enemy fled 
from all the houses on the right; 25. when Xenophon, haying 
learned this expedient from fortune, gave orders to set fire to 
all the houses on the left, which were of wood, and soon in a 
blaze ; and the enemy accordingly fled from these houses also, 
26. Those who were directly over against them,‘ however, 
and those only, still continued to annoy them, and gave evident 
signs of an intention to fall upon them in their egress and 
descent. Xenophon in consequence ordered all who were out 
of reach of the missiles to bring wood into the space between 
them and the enemy; and when a considerable quantity was 
collected, they set fire to it, setting fire at the same time to 
the houses close to the palisading, in order that the enemy’s at- 


1 Τοὺς ἀχρείους. Whatever camp-followers there were, with the 
wounded, and those that were laden with spoil. 

? They retained a trusty band, to cover the rear of the retreating 
Greeks. 

* Tn ch. iy. sect. 13, these are said to be made of leather; by Herodo- 
tus, vii. 72, they are calied πεπλεγμένα : whence Halbkart, who refers 
to Homer, Il. 7 258, concludes that these helmets were formed of 
pieces of leather interwoven. Kiihner. 

* Κατὰ τὸ στόμα. Those in front of the assailants. Στόμα ra 
ἕἔμπροσϑεν μέρος τοῦ στρατοῦ. Suidas 


cHAP.U. RETURN FROM THE COUNTRY OF THE DRILZ. 151 


tention might be engaged about these proceedings. 27. Thus, 
by interposing fire between themselves and the enemy, they ef- 
fected, though with difficulty, a retreat from the place. The 
whole of the town, houses, towers, palisading, and every thing 
else except the citadel, was reduced to ashes. 

28. The next day the Greeks marched away, carrying with 
them the provisions that they had taken ; but as they had some 
fears with regard to the descent to Trebisond (for it was steep 
and narrow), they placed a pretended ambuseade. 29. A cer- 
tain man, a Mysian by birth, and bearing that name,’ took ten? 
Cretans with him and waited in a woody place, making it ap- 
pear that he was endeavoring to conceal himself from the 
enemy ; while their shields, which were of brass, glittered from 
time to time through the bushes. 30, The enemy accordingly, 
observing these indications, were afraid as of a real ambuscade ; 
and in the mean time the army effected its descent. | When it 
appeared to the Mysian that they were advanced far enough,* 
he gave a signal for them to flee with all speed, and he him- 
self, and those that were with him, started up and_ hurried off. 
31. The others, the Cretans, quitting the road (for they said* 
that they were gained upon in the race), threw themselves 
down among the wood into the bushy hollows, and got off safe ; 
32. but the Mysian himself, pursuing his flight along the road, 
was heard to call out for aid, when some ran to his relief, and 
brought him off wounded. The party who had rescued him 
then retreated step by step with their face toward the enemy, 
being exposed to their missiles, while some of the Cretans dis- 
charged their arrows in return. Thus they all returned in safety 
to the camp. 


? He was a Mysus or Mysian by birth, and was called Mysus. Kriger 
aptly refers to Lucian Tox. 28: οἰκέτης αὐτοῦ Σύρος καὶ τοὔνομα καὶ 
τὴν πατρίδα. : 

52. Schneider has “four or five,” which is found in some manuscripts. 
Even ten seems to be but a small number.. 

* T have here deserted Dindorf’s punctuation, who puts a comma be- 
fore τῷ Μυσῷ. Kriiger and Kiihner agree in putting the comma after 
Μυσῷ. : 

* "Edacav.] Commentators have made needless difficulties about this 
word. It is to be translated simply “they said ;” ὦ, 6. they told their 
fellow-soldiers when they returned. 


152. THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK Ύ. 


CHAPTER III. 


Being unable, from want of provisions, to wait longer for Cheirisophus, the 
Greeks dispatch the camp-followers and e by sea, and proceed 
themselves by land to Cerasus, where the whole army is reviewed. They 
divide among themselves the money arising from the sale of the prison- 
ers, the generals taking charge of the tenth part, which had been vowed 

- to Apollo and Diana. Description of Xenophon’s residence, and of the 
temple of Diana, at Scillus. 


1. As Cheirisophus did not return, and a sufficient number 
of vessels were not collected, and as there was no longer a pos- 
sibility of getting supplies, it appeared that they must take their 
departure. They accordingly put on board the sick persons, and 
those who were above forty years of age, with the women and 
children, and whatever baggage it was not necessary to retain, 
and appointed Philesius and Sophznetus, the eldest of the 
generals to go in the vessels and take charge of them. The rest 
of the army proceeded by land; for the road was now prepared. 
2. Pursuing their march, they arrived on the third day at 
Cerasus, a Greek city upon the coast in the country of Colchis, 
and a colony from Sinope. 3. Here they staid ten days, and 
a review of the troops under arms was held, and their number 
taken; they were in all eight thousand six hundred. These 
were saved out of about ten thousand; the rest had been cut 
off by the enemy and the snow, and perhaps two or three by 
sickness. 

4. Here also they distributed the money arising from the sale 
of the prisoners. The tenth part, which they set aside for 
Apollo and Diana of Ephesus, the generals took among them, 
each a portion to keep for those duties. Neon of Asina received 
that which was intended for Cheirisophus. 

δ. Xenophon, after causing an offering te be made for 
Apollo, deposited it in the treasury of the Athenians at 
Delphi, inscribing on it his own name, and that of Proxenus, 
who was killed with Clearchus; for he had been his guest- 
friend. 6. The portion designed for Diana of Ephesus he 
left with Megabyzus, the warden of the goddess’s temple, 
when ho returned’ with Agesilaus out of Asia on an expedi- 

1 "Ore ὀπήει, x. τ. 2.] Verte: quum redibat cum Agesilao ex Asii 


expeditionem cnm eo in Boeotos faciens. Xen. Ages, i, 36, ii. 9; Hellen. 
iv. 3; Flutarch, Ages. c. 18. Kiihner. 


CHAP. ITI. XENOPHON’S RESIDENCE AT SCILLUS. 153 


tion to Beeotia, because he seemed likely to incur some peril, 
and enjoined him, if he escaped, to return the money to him, 
but, if he met with an ill fate, to make such an offerring as he 
thought would please the goddess, and dedicate it to her. 
7. Afterward, when Xenophon was banished’ from his coun- 
try, and was living at Scillus, a colony settled by the Lace- 
demonians near Olympia, Megabyzus came to Olympia to 
see the games, and restored him the deposit. Xenophon, on 
receiving it, purchased some land as an offering to the goddess 
where the god had directed him. The river Selinus happens 
to run through the midst of it; 8. and another river named 
Selinus runs close by the temple of Diana at Ephesus; and 
in both there are different kinds of fish, and shell-fish. On 
the land near Scillus, too, there is hunting, of all such beasts 
as are taken in the chase. 9. He built also an altar and a 
temple with the consecrated money, and continued afterward 
to make a sacrifice every year, always receiving a tenth of the 
produce of the seasons from the land; and all the people of 
the town, as well as the men and women of the neighbor- 
hood, took part in the festival; while the goddess supplied 
those in tents there with barley-meal, bread, wine, sweetmeats, 
and a share of the victims offered from the sacred pastures, 
and of those caught in hunting; 10. for the sons of Xenophon, 
and those of the other inhabitants, always made a general 
hunt against the festival, and such of the men as were willing 
hunted with them; and there were caught, partly on the 
sacred lands, and partly on Mount Pholoe, boars, and antelopes, 
and deer. 11. This piece of ground lies on the road from 
Lacedzemon to Olympia, about twenty stadia from the temple 
of Jupiter at Olympia. There are within the place groves 
and hills covered with trees, adapted for the breeding of swine, 
goats, oxen, and horses, so that the beasts of the persons 
coming to the festival are amply supplied with food. 12. Round 
the temple itself is planted a grove of cultivated trees, bearing 
whatever fruits are eatable in the different seasons. The 
edifice is similar, as far as a small can be to a great one, to 
that at Ephesus; and the statue is as like to that at Ephesus 


1 He was banished by the Athenians for having joined Cyrus in 
this expedition against the king of Persia, whom they then considered 
as ἃ friend. Pausan. v. 0, 4; Diog. Laert. ii. 51. See iii, 1.5; vb, 7. 
57. 

“5 


154 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK VY: 


as a statue of cypress can be to that of gold. 13. A pillar 
stands near the temple, bearing this inscription: THIS GROUND 
IS SACRED TO DIANA. HE THAT POSSESSES AND REAPS THE 
FRUIT OF IT IS TO OFFER EVERY YEAR THE TENTH OF ITS PRO- 
DUCE, AND TO KEEP THE TEMPLE IN REPAIR FROM THE RESIDUE. 
IF ANY ONE FAIL TO PERFORM THESE CONDITIONS, THE GODDESS 
WILL TAKE NOTICE OF HIS NEGLECT. 





CHAPTER IV. 


The Greeks arrive at the country of the Mossyneci, who, relying on their 
strongholds, endeavor to stop their gi ape But as they were divided 
into two parties, the Greeks defeat the one with the aid of the other, 

_ burn two fortresses, and plunder the chief city. Account of the barbar- 
ous manners of the Mossyneeci. 


- 1. From Cerasus those who had previously gone on board 
pursued their voyage by sea; the rest proceeded by land. 
2. When they came to the confines of the Mossyneeci, they 
sent to them Timesitheus, a native of Trapezus, and a guest- 
friend of the Mossyneeci, to inquire whether they were to 
march through their country as one of friends or of enemies. 
The Mossyneeci replied that “ they would allow them no passage 
at all ;” for they trusted to their strongholds. 3. Timesitheus 
then acquainted the Greeks that the Mossyneeci in the country 
beyond were at enmity with these; and it was resolved ac- 
cordingly to. ask them whether they were willing to form an 
alliance with the Greeks. Timesitheus, being dispatched for 
that purpose, returned with their chiefs. 

4. On their arrival, the chiefs of the Mossyneeci and the 
generals of the Greeks held a conference, when Xenophon 
spoke, and Timesitheus interpreted. 5. “ We are desirous,” 
said he, “O Mossyneeci, to effect a safe passage to Greece by 
land, as we have no ships; but these people, who, as we hear, 
are your enemies, oppose our way. 6. It is in your power, 
therefore, if you think proper, to take us for your allies, and 
to avenge yourselves for whatever injury they have done you, 
and make them subject to you for the future.’ 7. But if you 

1 Καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ὑμῶν ὑπηκόους εἶναι τούτους. Supply ἔξεστιν ὑμῖν, 
after which it would have been more straightforward to say ἔχειν in- 


CHAP. IY. THE MOSSYNGCL = 155 


reject our application, consider whence you will again procure 
so efficient a power to support you.” 8. To this the head chief 
of the Mossyneeci answered that they were pleased with the 
proposal, and would consent to the alliance. 9. “ Well, then,” 
said Xenophon, “for what purpose will you want to make use 
of us, if we become your allies, and how far will you be able to 
assist us with regard to our passage through the country?” 10. 
They replied, “ We shall be able to make an irruption, from the 
further side, into the country of those who are enemies to both 
you and us, and to send hither for you, both ships and men, 
who will be your auxiliaries, and guide you on your way.” 11. 
Having given and received pledges on these terms, they de- 
parted. 

The next day they returned with three hundred canoes," 
and three men in each, of whom two disembarked, and formed 
in line under arms, while the third remained on board. 12. 
The latter sailed off with the canoes, and those who were left 
behind, ranged themselves in the following manner. They 
drew up in lines, of about a hundred men in each, like rows 
of dancers fronting one another, all bearing shields made of 
the hides of white oxen, with the hair on, shaped like an ivy- 
leaf, and in their right hand a spear six cubits long, with a 
point at the upper end, and at the lower a round knob formed 
from the wood of the shaft. 18. They were clad in short 
tunics, that did not reach to their knees, of the thickness of a 
linen bag for bed-clothes,? and had on their heads helmets 
made of leather like those of the Paphlagonians, with a plait 
of hair round the middle, nearly resembling a tiara ; they had 
also battle-axes of iron. 14. One of them next went forward, 
and all the rest following him, singing to a tune; and then, 
passing through the lines and heayy-armed troops of the 
Greeks, they proceeded straight toward the enemy, to attack 
Ἢ fortress, which appeared easy to be assailed, 15. and which 
was situated in front of the city which they call their metrop- 
olis, occupying the highest pomt in the country of the Mos- 
stead of εἶναι: but ἔξεστιν ὑμῖν easily leads us to the conception of the 
verb διαπράξεσϑε. © Kithner. 

1 Πλοῖα μονόξυλα.] Boats made of the trunk of a single tree hollowed 
out. 

2 Λιψοῦ στρωματοδέσμου.] A bag or sack in which slaves had to pack 


up bed-clothes, 6. g. for their master, when he was going to trayel. 
Aristoph. Fr. 249; Plato Theset. § 84, ubi vide Heindorf, 


156 THY EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK V. 


syneci. -Jt was about this stronghold that the present war 
had arisen; for those who for the time being held this posi- 
tion, were regarded as chief of all the Mossyneeci; and they 
said that the other party had seized it unjustly, and, by appro- 
priating to themselves a common possession, had gained the 
ascendency over them. 16. Some of the Greeks followed these 
men, not by orders from their officers, but for the sake of plun- 
der. While they were advancing, the enemy were quiet for a 
time, but, as they drew near the fort, they sallied out and put 
them to flight, killing several of the Barbarians, and some few 
of the Greeks that went up with them, and continued the pur- 
suit until they saw the main body of the Greeks coming to the 
rescue. 17. They then turned and fled, and, cutting off the 
heads of the slain, exhibited them to the Greeks and their own 
enemies, dancing and singing, at the same time, to some kind 
of tune. 

18. The Greeks were much veyed on this occasion,. because 
they had rendered the enemy bolder, and because their own 
men, who had gone out with the party in considerable numbers, 
had run away; a circumstance which had never before hap- 
pened during the expedition. 19. Xenophon, however, calling 
the Greeks together, said, “Do not be cast down, soldiers, at 
what has happened, for be assured that the good which has oc- 
curred is not Jess than the evil. 20. In the first place, you are 
now convinced that those whe are to guide us, are in reality 
enemies to those to whom it is necessary for us also to be 
enemies. In the next, those of the Greeks who were regardless 
of our discipline, and thought themselvas able to do as much in 
conjunction with the Barbarians as with us, have paid the 
penalty of their rashness; so that on any other occasion they 
will be less inclined to desert our body. 21. And it is now in- 
cumbent on you so to prepare yourselves, that you may appear 
to such of the Barbarians as are your friends to be superior to. 
them in courage, and to prove to your enemies that they will 
not fight with the same kind of men now, as when they fought 
with those who were in disorder.” 

22. Thus they rested for that day. On the next, when 
they had sacrificed, and found - favorable omens, and had 
taken their breakfast, they formed themselves into columns 
ranging the Barbarians on the left in the same way, and 
marched forward with the archers between the columns, keep- 


CHAP. IV. A FORTRESS STORMED. 157 


ing a little within the front ranks of the heavy-armed troops, 
for some of the enemy’s light-armed men ran down and hurled 
stones at them. 23. These the archers and peltasts tried to keep 
in check; the rest of the Greeks proceeded at a slow pace, in 
the first place, toward the fortress, from which the Barbarians, 
and the Greeks who were with them, had been repulsed the day 
before ; for here the enemy were drawn up to oppose them. 24. 
The Barbarians awaited the charge of the peltasts, and engaged 
with them; but when the heavy-armed came up, they took to 
flight, when the peltasts immediately pursued them up the hill 
to the metropolis, and the heavy-armed followed in order. 25. 
As soon as they had reached the top, and were close to the 
houses in the metropolis, the enemy, being now collected in a 
body, encountered and hurled lances at them; and, using other 
spears of great thickness and length, such as a mau could 
hardly carry, they endeavored to defend themselves with them 
hand to hand. 

26. As the Greeks however did not give way, but engaged 
them in close combat, they fled also from this part, abandon- 
ing the place entirely. But their king who resided in a 
wooden tower,’ built upon an eminence, and whom, while he 
lives there, they all maintain and guard’ in common, would 
not consent to come out, nor would those who were in the 
fortress that was first taken,* but were burned there toge- 
ther with the towers. 27. The Greeks, in ransacking the 
place, found in the houses stores* of bread, Jaid up, as the 
Mossyneeci themselves said, according to their hereditary prac- 
tice, and the new corn put by in the straw; the most of it 
was spelt. 28. Sliced flesh of dolphins,® too, was found pic- 
kled in jars, and fat of dolphins also in other vessels, which 


1 Μόσσυνι. Μόσσυν, ξύλινος, πῦργος, as appears from Diod. Sic. xiv. 
30. Apoll. Rhodius lengthens the 1, ii. 1018, 1019, as well as Dionysius 
Periegetes, v. 766. The form μοσσύνοις from μό ¢ occurs below ; 
but Schneider, on the suggestion of Buttmann, reads μοσσύνοιν, that 
Xenophon may be consistent with himself. 

2 Φυλάττουσι.} This reading is adopted by Dindorf from a conjecture 
of Brunck, ad Apoll.: Rhod. ii. 1030, which was approved by Porson, 
and is supported by Pomponius Mela, i. 19: “The Mossyni maintain 
their king shut up in a tower.” 

3 That which is mentioned in sect. 15. Kiihner. 
᾿ 4 Θησαυρούς.] Apothecas, receptacula, cellas. Zeune. 

5 The Chalybes also are said to pickle dolphins, and use their fat, by 
Strabo, xii. 3, p. 27. 





158 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK Y; 


the Mossynceci used as the Greeks use oil. 29. In the upper 
= of the houses were vast stores of chestnuts,’ of the broad 

ind, without any fissure; these they use in great quantities 
for food, boiling them and baking loaves of them. Wine was 
likewise found, which, when unmixed, seemed sour to the 
taste by reason of its roughness, but mixed with water, was 
both fragrant and sweet. 

30. The Greeks, after dining here, proceeded on their march, 
delivering up the place to the tribe of Mossyneeci that had 
become their allies. As for the other towns at which they 
arrived, belonging to the people on that side of the enemy, 
the Barbarians deserted such as were most accessible, while 
the inhabitants of others willingly came over to them. 31. 
Most of these places were situated thus: they were distant 
from one another about eighty stadia, some more, some less; 
yet the inhabitants could hear each other calling out from 
cae town to another; so mountainous and hollow is the 
country. 

32. When the Greeks, advancing onward, arrived in the 
country of their friends they showed them some boys, sons of 
the richer sort of people, extremely fat (having been fed on 
boiled chestnuts), very soft and fair-skinned, and not far from 
being equal in height and breadth, painted also on their backs 
with various colors, and tattooed all over their fore-parts 
with flowers.?. 33. They wanted to have intercourse in public 
with the mistresses that the Greeks had with them; for such 
is their custom. Both the men and women were very fair. 
34. Those engaged in this expedition said that these were the 
most barbarous of all the people they passed through, and 
furthest removed from the manners of the Greeks; for they 
do those things in a crowd which other men would do in pm- 
vate, or would not venture to do at all; and they acted, when 
alone, just as they would have acted in company with others ; 


1 Kdpva] The commentators rightly understand castaneee nuces, chest- 
nuts, of which the name was taken from Castana, a city of Thessaly, 
where they were first. cultivated by the Greeks: see Pollux, i, 232; 
Salmas. Exercit. Plin. p. 425. Kiihner. 

? ᾿Ανϑέμιον.} So Leunclavius, Schneider, Kiihner, and most of the 
commentators interpret. Zeune, from Hesychius’s definition of dvdéucov, 
“ypauun tic ἑλικοειδής ἐν τοῖς κίοσι," is disposed to think that the 
people were datiooed in front with spiral lines, but this notion, says 
Kiihner, minim? placet. 


CHAP. Υ. ARRIVAL AT COTYORA. 158 


they talked to themselves, laughed to themselves, and stopped 
and danced wherever they happened to be, as if they were ex- 
hibiting themselves to others. 





CHAPTER. V. 


The Greeks pass through the territories of the Chalybes, and arrive at 
Cotyora, a colony from Sinope, in those of the Tibareni. Not being hos- 
pitably received, they subsist by plundering the neighboring country, 
and that of the Paphlagonians. The people of Sinope complain of these 
depredations, but are appeased by the reply of Xenophon. 


1. Turoveu this country, partly hostile and partly friend- 
ly, the Greeks proceeded eight days’ journey, and arrived 
among the Chalybes. This people are few in number, and 
subject to the Mossyneeci; and the subsistence of most of 
them is procured by working in iron. 2. They next came to 
the Tibareni, whose country was much more level, and con- 
tained some towns on the sea-coast, not very strongly fortified. 
Upon these places the generals were inclined to make an at- 
tack, and thus in some degree to benefit the army ; and accord- 
ingly they did not receive the offerings of hospitality that were 
sent them from the Tibareni, but ordered those who brought 
them to wait till they had considered how to act, and then pro- 
ceeded to sacrifice. 3. After offering several victims, all the 
augurs at last gave their opinion that the gods by no means ap- 
proved of war. They then accepted the presents, and, march- 
ing on, as through a country belonging to friends, they arrived 
in two days at Cotyora, a Greek city, a colony from Sinope, 
situated in the territory of the Tibareni. 

4. Thus far the army had proceeded by land. The length 
of their journey down the country, from the field of battle near 
Babylon to Cotyora, was a hundred and twenty-two days’ 
march, six hundred and twenty parasangs, or eighteen thou- 
sand six hundred stadia; and the length of time spent in it was 
eight months. 

5. Here they staid forty-five days; during which they 
first sacrificed to the gods, and then each of the Greeks, ac- 
cording to their tribes, celebrated processions and gymnastic 


160 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK V 


games. 6. Their provisions, meanwhile, they took partly from 
Paphlagonia, and partly from the lands of the Cotyorites; for 
they refused to permit them to purchase, or to receive their sick 
within the walls. 

7. During this state of things embassadors came from the 
people of Sinope, who were in fear about the city of Cotyora_ " 
(for it belonged to them, and the inhabitants paid them 
tribute), and about the land, as they had heard that it was 
being ravaged. Having arrived at the camp, they said 
Ronee who was thought a man of eloquence, speaking 
or the rest), 8. “The people of Sinope, soldiers, have sent us 
hither, first of all, to offer you commendation, because, being 
Greeks, you have overcome the Barbarians, and next to con- 
gratulate you on having arrived here safe, as we hear, through 
many and great struggles. 9. But we think it right that, as 
we ourselves are Greeks, we should receive favor, and not 
injury at the hands of you who are Greeks; for we have 
certainly never been aggressors in doing you any ill. 10. The 
people of Cotyora are colonists of ours, and we gave them this 
land after having taking it from the Barbarians ; on which ac- 
count they pay us as an appointed tribute, in the same manner 
as the people of Cerasus and Trebisond; so that whatever 
evil you do to them, the city of Sinope will consider itself 
aggrieved by it. 11. We are now informed that, having en- 
tered the town by force, you are quartered, some of you, in the 
houses, and are taking whatever you want from the neighbor- 
hood without having obtained the people’s consent.. 12. These 
proceedings we can not approve, and, if you continue to act 
thus, it will be necessary for us to make friends of Corylas and 
the Paphlagonians, and whomsoever else we may be able to at- 
tach to us.” 

13. In reply to these complaints Xenophon rose up and 
spoke in behalf of the army as follows: “We, O men of 
Sinope, have come hither, content with having preserved our 
persons and our arms; for to bring away spoil with us, and 
at the same time to fight with our enemies, was impossible ; 
14, and now, since we arrived among the Greek cities (at 
Trebisond for example, for there they allowed us to buy), we 
haye got our provisions by purchase; and in return for the 
honors which they did us, and the presents which they gave 
to the army, we paid them every respect, and abstained from 


cuaPr. Vv. XENOPHON JUSTIFIES THEIR PROCEEDINGS. 161 


injuring any of the Barbarians that were their friends, while 
to their enemies, against whom. they led us, we did as much 
harm as we could. 15. Inquire of them (for the men, whom, 
through friendship, the city sent along with us as guides, are 
present here), what sort of persons they found us. 16. But 
whithersoever we come and find no opportunity of purchas- 
ing, whether to a country of Barbarians or of Greeks, we 
take provisions for ourselves, not tyrannically, but from neces- 
sity. 17. Thus we made the Carduchi, the Taochi, and the 
Chaldeans (not subjects of the king indeed, but very formid- 
able people), our enemies, by being under the necessity of 
taking provisions from them, as they gave us no opportunity 
io buy; 18. but the Macrones, since they afforded us every 
facility for purchasing that they could, we regarded, though 
Barbarians, as friends, and took nothing from them by force. 
19. But as for the people of Cotyora (who, you say, are your 
subjects), for whatever we have taken from them they them- 
selves are to be blamed; for they did not make advances to us 
es friends, but, shutting their gates, would neither admit us 
within their walls, nor offer us provisions for sale without; 
and they alleged that the governor appointed by you was the 
cause of these proceedings. 20. With regard to your remark 
that we have entered the city and lodged ourselves in it by 
force, we requested them to receive our sick under their roofs ; 
but, when they would not open their gates, we, effecting an 
entrance where the place itself would admit us,’ committed no 
further act of violence ; and the sick now lodge in the houses, 
living upon their own means; while we place a guard at the 
gates, only that our disabled soldiers may not be in the hands 
of your governor, but that it may be in our power to remove 
them when we wish. 21. The rest of us, as you see, are en- 
camped in order in the open air, prepared, if any one does us 
a service, to do him a service in return; if an injury, to defend 
ourselves against him. 22. And as to your threat that, if you 
think proper, you will make Corylas and the Paphlagonians 
your allies against us, be assured that we, if it be ne ὦ 
will fight with you both (for we have already fought with 


? 'Edéyero αὐτὸ τὸ ywpiov.] Qua nos ipse locus recipiebat: h. 6. quad 
nobis per ipsius loci naturam licebat urbem intrare. Kihner. Schnei- 
pes text has οὐκ ἐδέχοντο, but all the modern editors concur with Din- 


102 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK V. 


enemies much more numerous than you), or, if we think fit, we 
will make the Paphlagonian leader our friend, 23. for we have 
heard that he covets both your city and all the other places on 
the sea. We shall try to become his friends by assisting him 
in the attainment of what he desires.” 

24. After this speech the colleagues of Hecatonymus testi- 
fied manifest displeasure at what he had said, and another of them, 
coming forward, said that they were not come to make war, but 
to declare that they were friends. “And if you come,” he con- 
tinued, “to the city of Sinope, we will receive you there, with 
tokens of friendship, and, for the present, we will desire ‘the 
people here to supply you with what they can; for we see that 
all you state is true.” 25. The people of Cotyora then sent 
presents to the army, and the generals of the Greeks entertained 
the embassadors from Sinope ; and they conversed with one 
another about many other things that concerned them, and in- 
quired about such particulars as each party wanted to know 
respecting the remainder of the route. 





CHAPTER. VI. 


The Greeks, by the advice of Hecatonymus, resolved to proceed by sea, if 
the people of Sinope will send them ships enough for their conveyance. 
A project of Xenophon’s to build a νῷ ἡ in Pontus is frustrated by the 
prey: of Silanus. Several of the Greeks are inclined to settle in 

ontus. 


1, Suc was the end of that day. On the next, the generals 
assembled the soldiers, and it was resolved to call in the em- 
bassadors from Sinope and consult them. about the rest of 
their journey; for, if it should be necessary to proceed by 
land, the Sinopeans seemed likely to prove useful as guides, 
as they were well acquainted with Paphlagonia; or if by sea, 
it appeared that they would want the aid of the Sinopeans, for 
they were the only people that seemed able to furnish a suffi- 
cient number of ships for transporting the army. 2. Having 
requested the attendance of the embassadors, therefore, they 
asked their opinion, and desired that, being Greeks, they 
would in the first place receive them well’ both by being 


* The student will find the original, in this passage, somewhat ob- 


CHAP, YI. ADVICE OF HECATONYMUS. 163 


-- 
kind to them as Greeks, and by advising them for the 
best. 

8. Hecatonymus, rising up, first stated in apology for his 
observation “that they would make the Paphlagonian their 
friend,” that he had said this, not to imply that they were 
going to make war upon the Greeks, but that they would 
prefer the friendship of the Greeks. though they had the option 
of becoming friends to the Barbarians. When ‘they called 
upon him to give them his advice, he spoke, with an appeal 
to the gods, to the following effect; 4. “If I advise you what 
seems to me to be best, may many good things befall me; if 
not, things of a contrary nature; for that sort of counsel, 
which is said to be sacred,’ appears now to be required ; and, 
if I shall be thought to have advised you well, there will be 
many of you to applaud me, and if ill, many of you to execrate 
me. 5. [ am aware, then, that we ourselves shall have much 
more trouble if you proceed by sea, for it will be necessary for 
us to furnish the vessels; while, if you go by land, it will fall 
upon you to fight your way. 6. However, I must tell you 
what I know; for I am well acquainted both with the country 
of the Paphlagonians and with their strength. As for the 
country, it presents many beautiful plains, and mountains of a 
very great height; 7. and I know, in the first place, the part 
where you must certainly make your entrance into it, for it is 
impossible to enter it at any other point than where the peaks 
of a mountain rise to a vast height on each side of the road, 
which a handful of men in possession of them would be able 
to defend ;* and, if they are pre-occupied, not even all the 


secure, as the accusative that δέχεσϑαι should govern is wanting, and 
Ἔλλησι is given in anticipation of εὔνους, on which it undoubtedly 
depends. To make it depend on ὄντας, with Henry Stephens, is mani- 
festly erroneous. 

1 An allusion, without doubt, to the proverb ἱερὸν χρῆμα ἡ σύμθουλή, 
or ἱερὰ ἡ συμθουλή, concerning which see Hesychius, Suidas, and Pha- 
vorinus; also Zenobii Proyerbb. 4. 20, ibique Schottus; also Erasmi 
Chiliadd. 2. 1. 41. Erasmus cites Plato, Epist. 5, and observes that 
ἱερά is also applied to the anchor which the sailors cast out as their 
last resort in danger. Zeune remarks that ἱερόν is applied to what- 
ever is great and distinguished in its kind, so that Xonophon may 
Bie best and most important counsel. Sturz. Lex. Xenoph. 8. v. 
ov, ῆ. 

2 Κρατεῖν.] Kriiger makes this verb equivalent to defendere. Kiihner 
understands with it τῶν πολεμίων, “to prove superior to their enemies.” 


164 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK V. 


men in the world would be able to force a passage. These I 
could show you, if you would send any body with me. 8. Be- 
yond, I know that there are plains, and a body of cavalry 
which the Barbarians themselves think superior to all 
the king’s cavalry; and, on a recent occasion, they did not 
join him when he summoned them, as their leader’ has too 
high a spirit to do so. 9. But if you could even pass the 
mountains unobserved, or anticipate the enemy in taking pos- 
session of them, and could defeat their cavalry, as well as more 
than a hundred and twenty thousand infanty, in battle on the 
plain, you would in the next place come to rivers, first to the 
Thermodon, three hundred feet in breadth, which I consider 
difficult to pass, especially with a large number of enemies 
before you, and an equal number following you behind ; next 
to the Iris, three hundred feet broad also; and, thirdly, to the 
Halys, not less than two furlongs in breadth, which you would 
be unable to cross without boats; and with boats who would 
supply you? The Parthenius, too, at which you would arrive 
if you were to pass the Halys, is equally impassable. 10. I 
consider this way, therefore, not merely as difficult, but as ab- 
solutely impracticable. But if you go by sea, you may sail 
along the coast from hence to Sinope, and from Sinope to 
Heraclea; and from Heraclea there will be no difficulty in 
proceeding either by land or sea, as there are plenty of vessels 
at Heraclea.” 

11. When he had given this advice, some suspected that he 
had given it through friendship for Corylas, as he was a 
public guest-friend of his; others thought that he was to 
receive a reward for his counsel; and others, again, imagined 
that he had thus advised them, in order that they might not, 
by marching through the territory of the Sinopeans, do any 
damage to it. The Greeks, however, gave their votes for going 
by sea. 

739, Xenophon then said, “Ὁ men of Sinope, the soldiers 
have chosen the mode of traveling which you advise; and 
the matter now stands thus: if the vessels are to be furnished 


Kriiger’s method is the more simple. “This pass appears to be situ- 
ated in the range of mountains which extends northward into the 
sea, to form the cape Jasonium, now Yasun Burnu.” Ainsworth, p. 
205. - : 

! Corylaa. 


CHAP. YI. XENOPHON WOULD FOUND A CITY. 165 


in sufficient numbers, so that not a man of us be left here, 
we will sail; but if some of us are to be left here, and others to 
sail, we shall not go on board the vessels at all; 13. for we are 
sure that wherever we are the stronger, we shall be able both 
to save ourselyes and to get provisions, but that if we are 
any where found weaker than our enemies, it is quite clear we 
shall be in the condition of slaves.’ 14. The embassadors, 
on hearing this statement, desired the Greeks to send an 
embassy to Sinope. They accordingly sent Callimachus an 
Arcadian, Ariston an Athenian, and Samolas an Achzn ; all of 
whom immediately set out. 

15. In the mean time, when Xenophon indaan the 
numerous body of heavy-armed Greeks, as well as the great 
number of peltasts, archers, slingers, and cavalry, rendered 
extremely efficient by exercise, that were now in Pontus, 
where so large a force could not be collected without great 
expense, it appeared to him that it would be an honorable 
undertaking to acquire territory and power for Greece by 
founding a city there. - 16.. He thought that such a city might 
become great; when he considered both the number of the 
Greeks themselves, and that of the surrounding inhabitants. 
of Pontus. With reference to this project he offered a sacri- 
fice, summoning to it Silanus of Ambracia, who had been 
augur to Cyrus, before he spoke on the subject to any one of 
the soldiers. 17. Silanus, fearing that the scheme might take 
effect, and that the army might form a settlement somewhere, 
spread a report through the army that Xenophon wanted 
them all to remain there, and form a city, and thus give him 
fame and power. 18. But what Silanus himself wished, -vas 
to set. off for Greece as soon as possible, as he had saved the 
chree thousand darics that he had received from Cyrus, when, 
sacrificing for him, he gave a true prediction concerning the 
en days.’ 19. As to the soldiers, when they heard of the 
matter, some thought it best to stay there, but the majority 
were of a different opinion; and Timasion the Dardanian and 
Thorax the Beeotian told some merchants of Heraclea and 
Sinope who happened to be there, that if they did not 
procure pay for the troops so that they might have provisions 
on the voyage, there would be danger of so great an army 


tL 1.13., 


166 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK V. 


remaining in Pontus; for Xenophon, said they, is forming 
this project, and desires us, when the vessels have arrived, 
suddenly to say to the army, 20. “Soldiers, we observe that 
we are now at a loss both how to get provisions for our 
voyage, and how to benefit our families on returning home. 
But if you are inclined to select some spot, wherever you 
please, in the inhabited country around the Euxine, and to 
take possession of it, allowing those to go home who are 
desirous to go, and those who are willing, to settle here, you 
have ships at command, so that you may make a sudden de- 
scent upon any part you may think proper.” 21. The mer- 
chants, on hearing this account, communicated it to their cities; 
and Timasion the Dardanian sent with them Eurymachus, also 
a Dardanian, and Thorax the Beeotian, to make the same state- 
ment. The people of Sinope and Heraclea, as soon as they 
learned this, sent to Timasion, and engaged him, on receipt of 
᾿ς a-certain sum of money, to use his influence in bringing it to 
pass that the army might sail out of the Euxine. 22. He 
willingly listened to this proposal, and made a speech, in an 
assembly of the soldiers to the following purport : “ We ought 
not to give our thoughts, soldiers, to remaining here; or to 
esteem any other country as preferable to Greece.. I hear, 
however, that certain persons are sacrificing with a view to 
this object, without informing you of it. 23. But, if you 
will sail out of the Euxine, 1 engage to give cach of you 
monthly a stater of Cyzicus' as pay, computing from the first 
day of the month; and I will then conduct you to Troas, 
from whence I am an exile, and my city shall aid you, for my 
countrymen will gladly receive me. 24. I will also guide you 
to places from which you may get wealth, for I am well 
acquainted with AXolia, Phrygia, Troas, and all the satrapy of 
Pharnabazus, partly from being a native of that quarter, and 
artly from having served. there with Clearchus and Dercyl- 
idas. 
25. Thorax the Beeotian, who was always contending with 
Xenophon for the chief command, immediately* stood up, and 
said, that if they sailed. out of the Euxine, there would: be 


1 Worth about 22s. 9d. according to Hussey, ch. vi. sect. 4. 

2 Dindorf, with most other editors, has αὖϑις. I have thought 
proper to follow Schneider in reading etic, which occurs in two 
manuscripts. ‘ 


eres ee ἐμ μμοιναι 


CHAP. VI. XENOPHON JUSTIFIES HIMSELF. 167 


before them the Chersonese,’ a fine and rich country ; so that 
such as wished might settle there, and such as were unwilling 
to do so might return home; adding that it was ridiculous, 
when there was abundance of rich land in Greece, to seek 
settlements in a country of Barbarians. 26. “ And until you 
arrive there,” said he, “I, as well as Timasion, engage that 
you shall have pay.” This he said from having learned what 
the people of Heraclea and Sinope had promised on condition 
that they sailed away. Xenophon, in the mean time, was 
silent. 27. Philesius and Lycon, however, both Achzans, 
rose up and observed that it was intolerable that. Xenophon 
should privately persuade the soldiers to remain, and sacrifice 
with a view to their stay, not allowing the army to participate 
in the sacrifice, and saying nothing on the subject to the 
general council. Xenophon was in consequence obliged to rise 
and speak as follows: 

28. “I sacrifice, as you see, soldiers, to the best of my 
ability, both for you and for myself, in order that I may say, 
and think, and do such things as may be most honorable and 
advantageous both for yourselves and me; and I was just now 
sacrificing about this very consideration, whether it would be 
better to proceed to speak and treat with you on this subject, 
or not to touch on the point at all. 29. Silanus the augur in- 
formed me, what was the most important particular, that the 
victims were favorable, but added (for he knew that I was 
not unskilled in such matters, from being constantly present 
at the sacrifices), that some fraud and treachery was indicated 
against me by the sacrifices, as being conscious, forsooth, that 
he himself was treacherously purposing to calumniate me to 
you; for he it was that spread the report that I intended to 
carry this scheme into execution without gaining your con- 
sent. 30. If indeed I had seen you in want, I should have 
meditated some scheme, of which the result might have been 
that you, after possessing yourselves of some town,? might 
sail home, such of you as were inclined, immediately, and such 
as. were not so, after they had acquired sufficient to be of some 
benefit to their families. 31. But since I see the people of 
Heraclea and Sinope sending you vessels to sail in, and 


? The Thracian Chersonese. ks 
* Πόλιν. Haken thinks that Xenophon meditated taking possession 
of the city of Cotyora. Comp. sect. 15. . J 


168 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. _ BOOK Y. 


individuals here promising you pay from the beginning of the 
month, it appears to me an excellent thing for us, after getting 
safe where we wish to be, to receive pay for allowing ourselves 
to be preserved ;’ and I myself, accordingly, give up. this 
project, and think that all who have come to me saying that 
we ought to act in this manner, should give it up likewise. 
32. For what I think is this ; that while you continue together, 
as at present, in large numbers, you are likely to be held in 
honor, and to find provisions (since in superior strength lies 
the privilege of taking what belongs to the weaker); but if you 
are divided, and your force broken into small bodies, you will 
neither be able to procure subsistence, nor effect a departure 
to your satisfaction. 88. My opinion, consequently, is the 
same with your own, that we ought to set out for Greece, and 
that if any one remain here, or be found leaving any one be- 
hind, before the whole army is in a place of safety, he be 
brought to trial as a criminal. And by whomsoever,” he add- 
ed, “these sentiments are approved, Ἰοὺ him hold up his hand.” 
They all held them up. 

34. But Silanus cried out in opposition, and attempted to 
show that such as wished to leave the army ought to be 
allowed to do so. This proposition, however, the soldiers would 
not endure, but threatened that, if they caught him running 
away, they would inflict punishment on him. 35. Soon after, 
when the Heracleans learned that it was resolved to sail out 
of the Euxine, and that it was Xenophon who had put the 
matter to the vote they sent the ships;-but about the money 
for pay, which they had .promised to Timasion and Thorax, 
they broke their word. 36. In consequence, those who had 
engaged for its payment were confounded, and in dread: of 
the army. . Taking with them, therefore, the rest of. the 


1 Μισϑὸν τῆς σωτηρίας Aaubaverr.] An elegant expression, with a 
certain irony, for if one person is sayed by another, he does not receive, 
but give, a reward for his preservation. Compare vii. 6. 30: μισϑὸν 
προσετέλει τῆς ἀσφαλείας, “he gave you in addition a reward for the 
safety which he secured you.” | With like humor Xenophon says in his 
Memorabil. ii. 6. 4, ed δὲ πάσχων ἀνέχεται: and so v. 8. 13, ὅὁσόις σώζεσϑαι 
μὲν ἤρκει Ov ὑμᾶς. That this very nicety of language has led to corrup- 
tion of the passage, is not at all surprising. Kihner.’ Hutchinson and 
Leunclavius read πορείας, which occurs in some manuscripts, and which 
Bornemann is inclined to prefer. 


cuap,vu. DASSATISFACTION OF THE TROOPS. 169 


generals, those at least to whom they had communicated what 
they were previously attempting (and these were all except 
Neon of Asina,’. who commanded under Cheirisophus, and 
Cheirisophus had not yet returned), they went to Xenophon, 
and told him that they were sorry for what had been done, 
and that it seemed the best course to them, since they had 
vessels, to sail to the river Phasis, and take possession of the 
country of the Phasians, of whom a grandson of Aetes? 
happened then to be king. 37. Xenophon replied that he 
would propose nothing of the sort to the troops, “ but assemble 
them yourselves,” said he, “and lay the matter before them 
if you please.” Timasion the Dardanian then gave his 
opinion that they should not call a general assembly, but that 
each of the leaders should: endeavor, in the first place, to 
persuade his own men. They accordingly went off and put 
this plan in execution. 





CHAPTER VII. 


‘Xenophon, being accused of encouraging the army to sail to the Phasis, de- 
fenis himself in a formal speech, and is the means of bringing certain of 
the soldiers, who had some time before insulted the embassadors from 
Cerasus, to punishment. 


1. Tue soldiers now learned that .these matters were in 
agitation; and Neon of Asina told them that Xenophon, 
having brought the other generals over to his side, was re- 
solved to deceive the army and take them back again to the 
Phasis. _ 2. The soldiers, on hearing this account, were greatly 
displeased, meetings began to be held, and knots collected 
among them; and they gave great reason to fear that they 
μεθα act as they had done to the heralds of the Colchians 
and the commissaries of the market; for as many of them as 
had not escaped te the sea had been stoned.* 8, As soon as 


1 A town of Laconia; he is accordingly called Λακωνικός, vii 2. 
293 
. ? #etes was a common name of the kings of Colchis. Strabo, i. 2, 
"1 ; 


p. et. 
3 Of this affair nc account has been given; but it is told below, sect 
VOL. 1 e 


170 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK Y. 


Xenophon observed this state of things, he thought proper to 
call the army immediately together, and not to leave them to 
collect of their own accord. He therefore ordered the herald 
- to summon a general assembly, 4. and the troops, when they 
heard the herald’s voice, hastened to the meeting with the 
greatest alacrity. Xenophon did not accuse the other generals 
of having come to him,* but addressed the troops thus : 

5. “1 hear, soldiers, that some one accuses me of intending 
to deceive you, and to take you to the Phasis. Hear me 
therefore, in the name of the gods, and if I appear to have 
done wrong, I ought not to depart hence till I have suffered 
due punishment; but if, on: the contrary, my accusers are 
proved to be in the wrong, treat them, I beseech you, as they 
deserve. 6. You doubtless know,” he continued, “where the 
sun rises and where it sets, and that whoever intends to go 
to Greece must proceed toward the west, and whoever would 
go to the Barbarians, in the contrary direction, toward the east; 
and is there any one, then, who would be able deceitfully to 
persuade you that the sun rises in this quarter and sets in that, © 
sets here, and rises there? 7. You also know that the north 
wind carries you out of the Euxine Sea toward Greece, and 
the south wind inward toward the Phasis; and you exclaim, 
when the north wind blows, that it is fair sailing for Greece. 
Ts it possible, then, that any one could deceive you with regard 
to this, to induce you to embark when the south wind is 
blowing? But you will say, perhaps, I shall put you on 
board when it is calm. 8. I however shall sail but in one 
ship, and you in a hundred δ least; and how then could I 
force you to sail with me against your will, or lead you away 
by deceit? 9. But I will suppose that you are deceived and 
bewitched by me, and arrive at the Phasis; we then land in 
the country; you will know very well that you are not in 
Greece, and. I, who have deceived you, shall be but one, while 


13-25. Weiske blames Xenophon for this omission, if it be not rather, 
he says, the fault of transcribers. Kriiger defends Xenophon on the 
ground that he wished to avoid repetition. 

1 Of having come tc him to propose an invasion of the country of the 
Phasians, c. 6, sect..36. . - 

3 ‘We must suppose the speaker to point to the different quarters as 
he alluded to them. Schefer (Meletem. Crit. p. 3), and Weiske have 
proposed other readings of the passage, but there seems to be no just 
cause for disturbing it 


CHAP. VII. ADDRESS OF XENOPHON. 171 


you who have been deceived, will be nearly ten thousand, 
with arms in your hands; and how could one individual more 
effectually bring vengeance on himself than by planning thus 
concerning himself and you? 10. But these charges proceed - 
from foolish men, and men who are jealous of me because I 
am honored by you; though indeed they are jealous without 
reason ; for which of them do I hinder from speaking before 
you, if he has any thing to propose for your advantage, or 
from fighting, if he wishes, for you and himself, or from 
watching, if he cares to do so, for your safety? When you 
choose officers, do I stand in the way of any one? I am 
ready to resign; let another’ take the command; only let 
him show that he would do something for your advantage. 
11. What I have said, however, upon this point, is sufficient. 
But if any one of you thinks that he could of himself have 
been deceived in this matter, or that any other person could 
have deceived him in it,? let him speak and make known his 
thoughts to us. 

12.“ When you arc satisfied on this head, do not dis- 
perse until you have heard something of a sort of conduct, 
which, I perceive, is beginning to show itself among the 
troops ; for if it goes on, and becomes what it threatens to be, 
it is time for us to consider about ourselves, that we may not 
appear in the sight of gods and men, of enemies and friends, 
to be the basest and most infamous of all men, and bring. our- 
selves utterly into eontempt.” 13. The soldiers, on hearing 
these words, wondered what the matter could be, and desired 
him to proceed. He accordingly resumed his speech: “ You 
are aware that there were some places upon the mountains 
belonging to the Barbarians, and in alliance with the people 
of Cerasus, from which some of the inhabitants came down 
to us, and offered to sell us cattle for sacrifice, and such other 
things as they had. Some of you seem to have gone to the 
nearest of these places, and to have made some purchases and 
returned. 14, Clearchus, one of the captains, understanding 
that this place was small and unguarded, because the people 
supposed that they were in friendship with us, went against 


_ 1 He seems to allude to Thorax, the Boeotian, mention c. 6, sect. 19, 
Hutchinson. 

? Ei δέ τις ὑμῶν, x. τ. Δ] Si quis vere vestrum putet vel fieri posse aul 
ul ipse se ita deceperit, aut alius ipsum ita deceperit. Bornemann. 


172 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. ~ BOOK V 


it in the night to plunder it, without telling any of us of his 
intention. 15. He had purposed, if he should take the place, 
not to return again to the army, but, embarking in a vessel, 
» in which his comrades were sailing along the coast, and put- 
ting on board whatever he got, to sail clear away out of the 
Euxine. His companions in the vessel had concerted all this 
with him, as I now learn. 16. Assembling therefore as many 
as he could induce to follow him, he led them toward the 

lace. But daylight overtook him on his way, and the in- 
habitants collecting together, and hurling missiles, and usin 
other weapons, from their places of defense, killed Clearchus 
and several of the rest; some few of them retreated to Cera- 
sus. 17. These occurrences happened on the day on which 
we set out hither from Cerasus by land, and while some oi 
those who were to sail’ along the coast were still at Cerasus, 
not having as yet weighed anchor. After this, as the people 
of Cerasus state, three of the older men came from the place, 
desiring to have an interview with our common assembly. 
18. As they did not find us, they told the people of Cerasus 
that they wondered why we had thought of attacking them. 
The people of Cerasus, however, said that when they told 
them that the outrage had not been committed by public au- 
thority, they were delighted, and ‘were going to sail hither to 
give us am account of what had happened, and to invite those 
who wished it to take their dead and bury them. 19. But 
some of the Greeks that had fled happened to be still at 
Cerasus, and discovering whither the Barbarians were going, 
had the daring to throw stones at them -themselves, and 
encouraged others to do the same. Thus these men, the three 
deputies, were stoned to death. 

20. “ When this crime was committed, some of the people 
of Cerasus came to us, and gave us an account of the affair. 
We, the generals, on listening to it, were greatly concerned at 
what had happened, and consulted with the men from Cerasus 
how the dead Greeks might be buried. 21. As we were sit- 
ting in council, outside the quarters of the heavy-armed men, 
we suddenly heard a great outcry of voices, ‘Strike, strike, 
throw, throw!’ and immediately saw a great number of men 
running together with stones in their hands, and others pick- 


1 “τῶν πλεόντων.} See c. 4, sect. 1; ὁ. 3, sect. 1. 


CHAP. VIL. ACCOUNT OF AN OUTRAGE. — 78: 


ing them up. 22. The people of Cerasus, as having witnessed 
what had happened among themselves, retreated in fear to their 
vessels; and there were some of us, by Jove, who were also 
in fear. 23. I, for my part, went up to them, and asked them 
what the matter was. Some of them knew nothing about it ; 
and yet had stones in their hands. When at length I met 
with one who did know, he told me that the commissaries of 
the market were treating the army in a manner not to be en- 
dured. 24. At this moment one of the soldiers perceived the 
commissary Zelarchus retreating toward the sea, and called 
out; the rest, hearing the cry, rushed toward him as if a wild 
boar or a stag had appeared. 25. The men of Cerasus, seeing 
_ the soldiers hurrying in their direction, and thinking that they 
were coming to attack them, fled in all haste, and threw theme 
selves into the sea; when some of our men threw themselves 
in likewise, and sucn as did not know how to swim were 
drowned. 26. Why do you think that these men fled? They 
had done no wrong; but they were afraid that some madness, 
like that of dogs, must have seized our men. If things are to 
go on thus, consider what will be the state of our army. 27. 
You, as a body, will not have the privilege either of commencing 
war with whom you please, or of breaking it off, but every 
man that chooses may lead off troops of his own will, on 
whatever enterprise he thinks proper. And if any deputies 
come to you, to ask for peace or any thing else, whoever 
pleases may, by putting them to death, prevent you from hear- 
ing the requests of those who apply to you. 28. Besides, those 
whom you have all elected generals, will then be of no au- 
thority, but whoever may elect himse!f general, and be inclined 
to ery ‘Throw, throw,’ will be able to put to death either 
officer or private among you, whomsoever he pleases, without 
a trial, at least if men be found, as in this recent instance, to | 
obey him. 

29. “Consider, too, what these self-elected leaders have 
done for you. If Zelarchus the commissary has done you 
any wrong, he has sailed off without making any atonement 
to you; if he has done you none, he has fled from the camp 
for fear of being put to death unjustly and without trial. 30. 
Those who stoned the deputies have made it unsafe for you 
alone, of all the Greeks, to go to Cerasus, unless with a power- 
ful foree; and with regard to the dead, whom, previously, 


174. THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK Y. 


those that killed them invited you to bury, they have rendered 
it no longer safe for you to carry them off, even though attended 
with a herald’s staff. Who, indeed, that has killed heralds, 
will be willing to go as a herald?» However, we have requested 
the people of Cerasus to bury them. 

31. “If these proceedings be right, let them be sanctioned 
by you, in order that, as such conduct is to be pursued, every 
man may procure a guard for himself, and endeavor to pitch 
his tent ina strong and advantageous position. 32. But if 
such acts appear to you rather those of wild beasts than of 
men, contrive some mode of putting a stop to them; or, if 
you do not, how, in the name of Jupiter, shall we sacrifice to 
the gods with any satisfaction, while we are guilty of impious 
deeds? Or how shall we fight with our enemies, if we kill 
one another #? 838. Or what city will receive us with friend- 
ship, that sees such lawlessness among us? Or who, with 
any confidence, will offer us provisions for sale, if we are 
found to’ offend in things of such moment?’ Or, in the coun-- 
try where we expected to obtain the praise of all, who will) 
praise us if we bear such a character? For I am very certain 
that we should pronounce others, who should be guilty of such 
acts, to be bad men.” 

34. In consequence they all stood up and said that the 
leaders in these proceedings should suffer punishment; that 
for the future it should be forbidden to enter upon any law- 
lessness of the kind, and that whoever attempted any, should 
be put to death; that the generals should bring all such per- 
sons to trial; and that there should be trials also in case any 
person had been wronged in any way since Cyrus was killed. 
The captains they appointed: to be judges. On the motion of 

1 Τὰ ἐρυμνὰ ὑπερδέξια----ἔχων oxnvodiv.].Munita et edita loca. Borne- 
.mann. Tutum presidium querat. Kiihner. Ῥπερδέξιος is properly high 
on the right, hence taken to signify cammanding, advantageous. Kriiger, 
however, thinks that either ἐρυμνάώ or ὑπερδέξια should be struck out of 
the text. But it is not likely that ὑπερδέξια was interpolated. Perhaps 
Xenophon, as he pronounced the word, pointed to some strong position 
on his right. : 
as grag to the treatment of the Greeks of Cerasus, sect. 

ὃ-Ζ20.. 

" Περὶ τὰ μέγιστα τοιαῦτα. This appears principally to allude to the 
murder of the heralds, which was the most grievous violation of the rights 
of nations, and of the ordinances of religion; but in some measure also 
to the ill-treatment of the dyopavouoc. Balfour. : 


CHAP, VIII. THE OFFICERS CALLED TO ACCOUNT. 175 


Xenophon, too, and with the concurrence of the augurs, it 
was resolved to purify the army. ‘The purification accordingly 
took place. 





CHAPTER VIL 


A resolution is passed that the generals shall give an account of their con- 
duct. Xenophon is accused by some of the soldiers of having infli 
gripes upon them. Xenophon acknowledges the facts, but amply justi- 
fies his conduct. 


1. Ir was resolved also that the generals should give an 
account of their conduct during the time past; and when 
they gave it, Philesius and Xanthicles were condemned, for 
their negligent custody of the cargoes of the merchant ships,’ 
to pay the sum that was deficient, namely, each twenty minz ;? 
and Sophznetus was fined ten minz, because, being chosen a 
general, he had neglected his duty. 

Some also brought accusations against Xenophon, alleging 
that they had been beaten by him; and made their charges 
on the ground that his conduct had been tyrannical. 2. 
Xenophon, standing up, called upon him who had spoken first,’ 
to say where he had been beaten. He replied, “ Where we 
were perishing with the cold, and where the greatest fall of 
snow was.” 3. Xenophon rejoined, “If, during such severe 
weather as you mention, when provisions were failing us, 
when we had not wine even to smell to,* when many of us 
were exhausted with fatigue, and the enemy were close be- 
hind us, if, I say, I acted tyrannically at such a time, I ac- 
knowledge that I must have been more spiteful even than 
asses,° in which they say that from spite fatigue is not pro- 


1 See vy. 1. 16. 

2 About £81 5s., the mina being valued at £4 1s. 3d. Hussey, ch. 
iii. sect. 12. 

3 The word πρῶτον occurs twice in Dindorf’s and most other texts. 
Bornemann and Kihner judiciously omit the second. 

4 Oivov δὲ und’ ὀσφραίνεσϑαι παρόν.] “ And it not being in our power 
even to smell to wine.” Kriiger would read παρόντος, which would be 
an improvement, though certainly no change is necessary. 

5 Τῶν ὄνων ὑδριστότερος. A proverbial expression. The commenta- 
tors adduce Lucian, Pseudologist. 3: εἰδέναι ὄνων ἁπάντων ὑδριστότατόν 


176 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK Y, 


duced. 4. Tell us, however, for what cause you were beaten. 
Did I ask you for any thing, and beat you when you would 
not give it me? Or did I demand any thing back from you, 
or was I fighting about any object of affection, or did I abuse 
you in a fit of intoxication?” 5. As he said that there was 
nothing of this kind, Xenophon asked him whether he was 
one of the heavy-armed men? He answered, “ No.” Whether 
he was one of the peltasts? He said that he was not, but 
was a free-man, set to drive a mule by his comrades. 6. 
Xenophon now recognized him, and asked him, “ Are you the 
man that was carrying the sick person?” - “I certainly am,” 
replied he, “for you compelled me to do so, and scattered 
about the baggage of my comrades.” 7. “The scattering,” 
rejoined Xenophon, “was something in this way; I distrib- 
uted it to others to carry, and directed them to bring it to 
me again ; and, on receiving it, I restored it all safe to you, 
after you had produced the man that I gave you in charge. 
But hear,” he continued, “how the affair happened ; for it is 
worth your while. 8. A man was left behind because he was 
no longer able to continue his march; I knew nothing of the 
man but that he was one of us; and I obliged you to carry 
him, that he might not perish; for, as I believe, the enemy 
were in pursuit of us.” This the man . acknowledged. 9. 
“ Then,” said Xenophon, “ after I had ordered you to go be- 
fore, I soon overtook you, and found you, as 1 came up with 
the rear-guard, digging a pit for the purpose of burying the 
man; when I stopped and commended you. 10. But as the 
man, while we stood by, drew in his leg, all who were present 
cried out that he was alive; and you said,‘ He may be as 
much alive as he likes, for I shall not carry him.” Upon this 
I struck yuu; you say but the truth; for you seemed to me 
to have been aware’ that the man was alive.” 11. “ What 
ce ὄντα. Piscat. 34; ἀσελγεστέρους πῶν ὄνων. Kiihner. Theo latter 
quotation, howeyer, is to be understood de libidine, with which, as 
Schneider observes, we have nothing to do here, the allusion being only 
to the malice of the animal, which it will exhibit even under the greatest 
sufferings. “Every body knows,” says Spelman, “that asses, and mules 
their offspring, have such an inbred viciousness, that no fatigue can 
subdue it.” Spelman may be rather too positive in saying that every body 
knows; but the proverb shows that such notion must have prevailed 
among the Greeks. 

: i ΓΕδοξας---εἰδότι ἐοικέναι. “You seemed to me to be like one knew- 
ing. : 


CHAP. vil. XENOPHON REPLIES TO ACCUSATIONS. τὶ 


then,” exclaimed the accuser, “did he the less die, after I had 
shown him to you?” “ We shall all die,” rejoined Xenophon, 
“but must we for that reason be buried alive ?”. 12. At this 
all the assembly cried out that Xenophon had not beaten him 
enough. 

He then called upon the rest to state on what account each 
of them had been struck. 13. But as none of them stood for- 
ward, he said, “I acknowledge, fellow-soldiers, that I have 
beaten men for leaving their ranks; such men as were con- 
tent to be saved by our exertions, and, while we marched in 
order and fought where it was necessary, tried, by quitting 
their places, and hurrying on before us, to get plunder, and 
gain in that respect an advantage over us. Had we all acted 
in this way, we should all have perished. 14.1 also struck 
some, and forced them to march, who were giving way to in- 
action, unwilling to rise, and abandoning themselves to the 
enemy; for I myself, when I was once waiting, during the 
excessive cold, for some of the men to pack up their baggage, | 
and had sat for a considerable time, found that I could hardly 
get up and stretch my legs. 15. Having therefore had ex- 
perience in my own person, whenever afterward I saw any 
other sitting down and indulging in sloth, I drove him on; 
for motion and manful exertion created a certain warmth and 
suppleness, but sitting and inaction, I observed, contributed 
to the congealing of the blood, and the mortification of the 
toes, which you know that many have suffered. 16. Others, 

rhaps, who. had loitered behind from indolence, and who 
Vindesod both you who were in front, and us whe were in the 
rear, from advancing, I may have struck with my fist, that 
they might not be struck with the spear of the enemy. 17. 
Those, therefore, who have thus been preserved, may now, if 
they have suffered any thing from me contrary to justice, ob- 
tain redress; but if they had fallen into the hands of the 
enemy, what injury could they have suffered of such magni- 
tude, as that they would ever have claimed to get satisfaction 
for it!’ 18. My case,” he proceeded, “is plain; for if I have 


1 Τί μέγα dv οὕτως ἔπαϑον ὅτου δίκην ἄν ἠξίουν λαμθάνειν :]. The 
senso cf this passage is excellently given by Amaszeus: Quid tam grave 
passt essent, ut eo nomine eum, ἃ quo violati essent, judicio persequi pos- 
sent? 7. 6. they would not have been able to get satisfaction even for the 
severest injury. Kihner. If they — fallen into the hands of the ene- 

8 


178 ΤῊΝ EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK V. 


punished any one for his good, I am willing to make such 
atonement as parents make to their children and masters to 
their scholars.’ Surgeons, too, cut and cauterize for the good 
of their patients. 19. But if you imagine that I acted thus 
from a love of tyranny, consider that I have now, through the 
favor of the gods, more spirit than I had then, and am 
bolder now than I then was, and drink a greater quantity of 
wine, and yet strike no one; for I see you now in a calm; 
20. but when a storm rises, and a great sea sets in, do you not 
observe that the commander in the prow,’ even for a mere 
nod, is angry with those in the fore-part of the vessel, and 
the steersman angry with those in the stern, because, in such 
circumstances, even small mistakes are sufficient to ruin every 
thing? 21. Even you yourselves, however, have pronounced 
that I struck these men, on those occasions, with justice, for 
you stood by with swords, not voting-pebbles, in your hands, 
and might have taken their part if you had thought proper. 
But, by Jupiter, you neither took their part, nor joined with 
me in punishing the disorderly ; 22. and you have in conse- 
quence, by letting them alone, given encouragement to the 
bad men among them to grow audacious; for you will find, I 
think, if you will but examine, that those who were then the 
worst, are now the most audacious characters. 23. Boiscus, 
for instance, the Thessalian boxer, strove earnestly, on pre- 
tense of sickness, not to carry his shield; and now, as I hear, 
he has robbed many of the people of Cotyora. 24. If there- 
fore you are wise, you will treat. this man in a way, the re- 
verse of that in which they treat dogs; for dogs, when they 
are spiteful, men tie up in the day, and let loose in the night ; 

but him, if you exercise your judgment, you will tie up in 
the night, and let loose only by day. 25. But I wonder,” 
he added, “ why, if I gave offense to any of you, you bear it 
in mind, and do not fail to speak of it, while, if I relieved any 


my, they would have been unable to get redress for any injury, however 
great. 

1 Πρωρεύς.] The proreta, he who had the command of the rowers in 
the fore-part of the vessel, and who was next in :ank to the guber- 
nator. Kiihner. An officer whose business it was to keep a look-out, 
as the sailors call it, at the head of the ship. I am informed that we 
have.no term, in our naval institution, that properly explains it; that 
of pilet. the gentlemen of the navy tell me, comes the nearest ‘to it. 
Spelman, 


CHAP. I. THE GREEKS IN PAPHLAGONIA. 179. 


of you during the cold, or kept off any enemy from you, or 
supplied any of you, in any way, when sick and in want, no 
one makes mention of these services ; nor, if I have commend- 
ed any one for good conduct in any case, or have honored any 
man, as far as I could, for valiant exertion, does any of you re- 
member these occurrences. 26. Yet is it more honorable, and 
just, and upright, and pleasing, to treasure in the memory good 
acts than bad.” 

They accordingly rose up, and called to mind his services ;* 
and the result was” that things were settled satisfactorily. 





BOOK VI. 


CHAPTER I. 


The Greeks receive an embassy from the satrap of Paphlagonia, with whom 
they make peace. They sail from Ye Se to Sinope, where they deter- 
mine to elect a commander-in-chief, and fix upon Xenophon, who declines 
the office; and they then choose Cheirisophus, who had just returned 
with vessels from Anaxibius. 


1. From this time the Greeks, during their stay here, sub- 
sisted partly by purchasing provisions, and partly by plunder- 
ing the country of Paphlagonia; while the Paphlagonians, 
on their part, secretly intercepted, and with great adroitness, 
the straggling soldiers, and made attempts, during the night, 
to annoy those who were encamped at the outposts. In con- 


? 'Aveuiuvnoxov.] As this verb has no substantive dependent on it, 
the critics have been in doubt what turn to give it. Schneider’s method 
has obtained most favor: ‘Commemorabant beneficia Xenophontis.” 
Amaszus gives “‘se memores esse testificati sunt,” which is much to the 
same purpose. There is no other suggestion worth notice. 

2 Περιεγένετο.] Res ista hunc exitum habuit (huc evasit) ut pulchre se 
haberent omnia. Stephanus. So Brodseus, Schneider, Poppo, and the 
majority of the commentators. Schneider happily refers to Thucyd. vi. 
24; 1. 32; iv. 12; to which Kiihner adds Demosth. Ol. i. 10. 4. Some 
have given to περιεγένετο the sense of vicit, and referred it to Xeno- 
phon; as Muretus: Ht vicit Xenophon eos, qui sibi calumniam intendebant. 
But the judgment of recent editors has completely set aside this view of 
the passage, > 


180 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK ¥L 


uence of. these proceedings they conceived the most hostile 
fo gs toward each other. 2. Corylas, however, who was then 
governor of Paphlagonia, sent deputies to the Greeks with 
horses and beautiful robes, to say that “ Corylas was desirous 
neither to injure the Greeks nor to receive injury from them.” 
3. The generals replied, that “they would consider of the 
matter with the army ;” but received them at the same time 
with hospitality, and invited such of the officers as they thought 
most eligible’ to meet them; 4. when, having killed some of 
the oxen that they had captured, and other cattle, they set be- 
fore them a plentiful entertainment, of which they partook re- 
clining on mats made of grass,* and drank out of horn cups 
which they had found in the country. 

5. As soon as the libations were over, and they had sung 
the pzan, two Thracians rose. up, and danced in full armor, 
to the sound of a pipe; they leaped very high, and with great 
agility, and wielded their swords; and at last one struck the 
other, in such a manner that every one thought he had Killed 
him, 6. (he fell, however, artfully) and the Paphlagonians 
cried. out ; the other, having despoiled him of his arms, went 
out singing the Sitalces τ᾽ while other Thracians carried 
off the man as if he had been dead; though indeed he had 
suffered no hurt. 7. Afterward some A®nians and Magnesi- 
ans stood up, and danced what they call the Carpzan* dance, 
in heavy arms. 8. The nature of the dance was as follows: 
one man, having. laid aside his arms, sows, and drives a yoke 
of oxen, frequently turning to look back as if he were afraid. 


1 Δικαιοτάτους.} Such as had the best claim or title to be invited, δίκαιο, 

being here used in the sense of dignus, “deserving,” as in the phrase 
δίκαιός εἶμι, on Which see Kiihner ad ἢ, 1, and Bornemann ad Conviv. 
iv. 15. 
2 Στιθάσιν.] Kiihner reads σκίμποσιν, “low couches,” which occurs 
in five manuscripts, and of which, being a rarer word, he considers 
στιδάσιν to be ἃ mere interpretation. I follow the definition of Hesy- 
chius, 

3 A song in which they seem to have celebrated the praises of one of 
their kings named Sitalces.. There were many Thracian kings of that 
name; see Herod. iv. 80; Thucyd. ii. 29. 

4 Τὴν καρπαίαν.] Perhaps from καρπός, fruit, one of the parties being 
a sower; or from καρπός, the wrist, the wrists of one being bound. Tho 
former derivation appears the more plausible. This dance is also des- 
cribed by Maximus Tyrius, Diss. xii. p. 128, ed. Davies, though not so 
fally as by Xenophen. 


CHAP. τοῦ ΓΑ FEAST AND DANCES. 181 


A robber then approaches, and the other man, when: he per. 
ceives him, snatches up his arms and runs to meet him, and 
fights with him in defense of his yoke of oxen (and the men 
acted all this keeping time to the pipe); but at last the robber, 
binding the other man, leads him off with his oxen. Some- 
times, however, the plowman binds the robber, and then, 
having fastened him to his oxen, drives him off with his hands 
tied behind him. 

9. Next came forward a Mysian, with a light shield in each 
hand, and danced, sometimes acting as if two adversaries 
were attacking him; sometimes he used his shields as if en- 
gaged with only one; sometimes he whirled about, and threw 
a summerset, still keeping the shields in his hands, presenting 
an interesting spectacle. 10. At last he danced the Persian 
dance,’ clashing his shields together, sinking on his knees, and 
rising again ; and all this he performed in time to the pipe. 

11. After him some Mantineans, and others of the Arcadi- 
ans, coming forward and taking their stand, armed as hand- 
somely as they could equip themselves, moved along m time, 
accompanied by a pipe tuned for the war-movement,’ and 
sung the pean, and danced in the same manner as in the pro- 
cessions to the gods. The Paphlagonians, looking on. testified 
their astonishment that all the dances were performed in 
armor. 12. The Mysian, observing that they were surprised 
at the exhibition, and prevailing on one of the Arcadians, who 
had a female dancer, to let her come in, brought her forward, 
equipping her as handsomely as he could, and giving her a 
light buckler. She danced the Pyrrhic dance* with great 
agility, and a general clapping followed; 13. and the Paphle- 


1 Τὸ Ueporxdr.] This Persian dance, from the frequent bendings of 
the knee in it, they called ὄκλασμα, according to Pollux, iv. 100. Zeune. 
Brunck ad Aristoph. Thesmoph. 1175, refers to Meursii Orchestra in 
ὄκλασμα and Ieporxy. 

2 Πρὸς τὸν ἐνόπλιον ῥυθμόν] To a tune adapted for a dance in 
armor. The commentators adduce. Schol. Aristoph.. Νὰ. 651; 
Sturz, Lex. Xenoph.; and Phavorinus in ἐμμέλεια and κατενόπλιον. 
Kithner. : 

3 A kind of dance in arms which was sometimes performed to the 
sound of trumpets and timbrels, and accompanied with every gesture 
of the body used in giving and avoiding blows. See Sturz, Lex. 
Xen.; Beck ad Aristoph. Av. 1169; Gronoy. Thesaur. i. p. 1280 and 
ἘΠῚ Ast ad Plat. Legg. p. 352; Miiller’s Dorians, vol. ii. p. 337. 

‘ihner. 


182 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK VI. 


gonians asked whether the women fought along with the men: 
when they replied that it was the women who had driven the 
king from his camp.’ This was the conclusion of the enter- 
tainments for that night. 

14. Next day the generals brought the deputies before the 
army; and it was resolved by the soldiers that “they would 
neither injure the Paphlagonians nor suffer any injury from 
them.” The deputies then took their departure; and the 
Greeks, as a sufficient number of ships seemed to be ready, 
went on board, and sailed all that day and the following night, 
with a fair wind, keeping Paphlagonia on the left; 15. and 
the day after, they arrived at Sinope, and cast anchor in Har- 
mene, the harbor of that city. The Sinopeans are situate in 
the Paphlagonian territory, but are colonists of the Milesians. 
They sent the Greeks, as a mark of hospitality, three thousand 
medimni? of flour, and fifteen hundred ceramia* of wine. 16, 
Here Cheirisophus now arrived with some galleys: the soldiers 
expected that he was bringing them something; but he 
brought them nothing. He announced, however, that Anaxi- 
bius the admiral, and the rest of the Lacedzmonians, gave 
them great praise ; and that Anaxibius ἡ engaged, if they would 
come away from the Euxine, that they should have pay. 

17. The troops staid five days at Harmene; and as they 
considered that they were now near Greece, it became an 
object with them, even more than before, to return home with 
some booty in their possession. 18. And they thought that, 
if they made choice of one general, that single person would 
be better able to manage the army, whether by night or day, 
than it was managed under the existing government of several ; 
so that if it should be necessary for them, in any case, to 
conceal their designs, they would be concealed more effectually, 
and if to anticipate the movements of the enemy, they would 
be less likely to be behind-hand; as there would then be no 
need of conferences, but whatever was determined by the one 
commander would be put in execution; whereas the generzls 

: — extravagant allusion, says Kriiger, to what is said in i. 
10. 

2 The medimnus is estimated as equal to 11 gallons, 7.1456 pints, 
English, in Smith’s Dict. of Gr. and Rom, Ant. art. Medimnus. 

3 The κεράμιαν is considered by Hussey, xiii. 4, as equal to the Roman 
ΡΟΝ, " cov 7.577 pints, English. 

vy. 4. 


cHaP. 1. OFFER TO MAKE XENOPHON SOLE GENERAL 183 


had hitherto done every thing by the vote of the majority.’ 
19. While they were contemplating this scheme, they turned 
their thoughts to Xenophon; and the captains came to him 
and said that the army was of this opinion, and each, express- 
ing his good-will toward him, endeavored to induce him to 
undertake the command. 20. Xenophon was in some degree 
inclined to listen to the proposal, when he reflected that, by 
this means, greater honor would fall to him; that his name 
would reach his friends and his country with greater glory, 
and that possibly he might also be the cause of some advan- 
tage to the army. 21. Such considerations influenced him to 
desire to become commander-in-chief. But when, on the 
other hand, he remembered how uncertain it is to all men 
what the future will produce, and that, consequently, he woull 
be in danger of losing the reputation which he had ainedy 
acquired, he felt uncertain how to act. 

22. While he was perplexed as to his decision, it appeared 
to him that the best thing that he could do was to lay the 
matter before the gods; and having placed by the altar two 
victims,’ he sacrificed to Jupiter the King, who had been 
pointed out to him as the god that he should consult, by the 
oracle at Delphi; and he thought that he had received from 
that god the dream which he saw, when he was first appointed 
to take charge of the army. 23. He called to mind also, that 
when he was going from Ephesus to join Cyrus, an eagle 
eried on his right, in a sitting posture however, which, as the 
augur, who accompanied him, said, was an omen portending 
something great, above the fortunes of a private individual ; 
foretelling what was honorable, but toilsome, since other 
birds attack the eagle chiefly when sitting; and he added 
that the omen was not at all indicative of gain, as the eagle 
mostly secured prey when flying. 24. While he was sacri- 
ficing on the present occasion, the god clearly directed him 
not to seek any additional command, and not to accept it if 
they should elect him; and this was the issue of the matter. 
25. The army however came together, and all suggested that 
one commander should be chosen; and, as it was resolved to 


L°EK τῆς νικώσ Se dune, from the prevailing opinion or 
ἧς. γνωμ Ρ 1: 


2 Two victims were brought, that if favorable omens were not obtain- 
ed from the first, the second might be used. Zeune. 


184 -— THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK V1 


do so, they proposed Xenophon. As it seemed evident too 
that they would elect him, if any one should put it to the 
vote, he rose up and spoke as follows: 26. “ My fellow-soldiers, 
I am delighted, as I have the feelings of a man, at receiving 
honor from you, and am grateful for it, and pray that the 
gods may grant me to be the author of some advantage to 
you; but that I should be preferred to be your leader, when a 
Lacedemonian is present, appears likely to be of no advan- 
tage either to you or me; on the contrary, it seems probable 
that if you should require assistance from them, you would 
on this very account be less likely to obtain it. I moreover 
| think such a dignity by no means safe for me; 27. for I see 
| that the Lacedemonians never ceased making war on my 
' country until they made the whole people acknowledge that 
_ the Lacedsemonians were masters of them as well as of others ;* 
' 28. though, when they made this confession, they at once 
desisted from hostilities, and no longer besieged the city. Τὶ 
therefore, seeing this state of things, I should seem, where I 
have the power, to render their supremacy uninfluential, I am 
apprehensive lest I should very soon be reminded of my duty. 
29. As to your opinion, that there will be less faction among 
you under one commander than under many, be assured that, 
if you choose another, you will not find me factious; for I 
consider that he who in war quarrels with his commander, 
quarrels with his own safety; whereas, if you should elect 
me, I should not wonder if you should find people show 
resentment against both you and myself.” 

30. After he had thus spoken, far more persons than before 
Tose up, and said that he ought to take upon him the com- 
mand. Agasias of Stymphalus said that it would be ridiculous 
if things should be in such a state, since the Lacedemonians 
might then be enraged even if a party met to sup together 
did not choose a Lacedzemonian as president of their ban- 
quet. “If such be the case,” added he, “it is not proper even 
for us, it would seem, to be captains, because we are Arcadians.” 
Upon this the assembly showed by a murmur their opinion 
that Agasias had spoken well. 

31. Xenophon, seeing that there was need of scmething 


1 Alluding to the consequences of the Peloponnesian war, by which 
the supreme power over Greece fell into the hands of the Laced»moni- 
ans. Kiihner. : 


HAP. Il. CHEIRISOPHUS CHOSEN. ᾿ 185 


additional on his part, came forward and said, “ But, my 
fellow-soldiers, that you may be fully informed on this subject, 
I swear to you by all the gods and goddesses, that after I 
learned your inclination, I sought to ascertain by sacrifice 
whether it would be better for you to confer this command 
upon me, and for me to undertake it, or not; and they gave 
me such manifest signs, by the victims, that even an untaught 
person’ would have understood that I ought to decline the 
command.” 82. They in consequence chose Cheirisophus, 
who, when he was elected, stood forward and said, “ Be: as- 
sured of this, my fellow-soldiers, that I should have made no 
factious opposition, if you had chosen another. However,” 
added he, “you have done a service to Xenophon by not 
electing him, as Dexippus* has recently been accusing him 
to Anaxibius, as far as he could, although I tried as much as 
possible to silence him. Dexippus* also said that he thought 
Xenophon * would rather be joined in command with Timasion, 
a Dardanian, over the army of Clearchus, than with himself, 
a Lacedemonian. 33. But,” he continued, “since you have 
chosen me, I will endeavor, on my part, to do you all the 
service that I can. Prepare yourselves, accordingly, to sail 
to-morrow, if it be weather for sailing. Our course will be 
for Heraclea, and it is incumbent on you all to do your 
utmost to reach it. Of other matters we wil] consider when 
we have arrived there.” 





CHAPTER IL. 


The Greeks sail to Heraclea, where disagreements arise among them, and 
they separate into three parties; one, the most numerous, formed of 
Areadians and Acheans, who create for themselves ten captains; a second 
attached to Cheirisophus ; and a third to Xenophon. 


1, Wercutne anchor from hence the next day, they sailed 
with a fair wind along the coast for two days. In their 


1 Ἰδιώτην.] A private person; a person who was not a professional 
sacrificer or augur. 

2 νυ], 15. 

* Ὁ δὲ αὐτόν. I take these pronouns, with Bornemann and Kiih- 
ner, to mean Dexippus and Xenophon. Timasion had been elected in 
the place of Clearchus, iii. 1. 47. Xenophon appears to show his willing 
ness to act with Clearchus in what is related, iii. 2. 37. 





186 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK VL 


course they saw the Beach of Jason, where the Argo is said 
to have been moored; and the mouths of certain rivers, first 
that of the Thermodon, then that of the Iris, next that of the 
Halys, and finally that of the Parthenius. After sailing by 
the last, they arrived at Heraclea, a Greek city, a colony of 
Megara, situate in the territory of the Maryandyni. 2. They 
came to anchor near the Acherusian Peninsula, where Her- 
cules is said to have gone down to bring up the dog Cerberus, 
and where they now show marks of his descent to the depth 
of more than two stadia. 3. The people of Heraclea sent 
the Greeks, as tokens of hospitality, three thousand medimni* 
of barley-meal, and two thousand ceramia’ of wine, with 
twenty oxen and a hundred sheep. Here a river named 
Lyeus runs through the plain, in breadth about two hundred 
feet. 

4. The soldiers, assembling together, began to deliberate, 
with regard to the rest of the way, whether it were proper 
to proceed by land or sea, until they were beyond the Euxine. 
Lycon, an Achzan, rising up, said, “I wonder at the generals, 
my fellow-soldiers, for not endeavoring to procure us money 
to buy provisions; for the presents received will not furnish 
subsistence to the army for three days; nor is there any 
place from whence we can get provisions as we proceed on 
our journey. It appears tome, therefore, that we ought to 
ask of the people of Heraclea not less than three throusand 
Cyzicene staters.”* 5. Another exclaimed, “ Not less than 
ten thousand,” and proposed that, having chosen deputies, we 
should send them at once to the city, while we were sitting 
there, and hear what report they brought, and take measures 
accordingly. 6. They then proposed, as deputies, first Chei- 
risophus, because he was general-in-chiei, and others then 
named Xenophon; but both resolutely refused; for they 
concurred in opinion that they ought not to compel a Greek 
city, and one in friendship with them, to supply them with 
any thing that the inhabitants did not offer of their own 
accord. 7. As they showed themselves resolved, therefore, 
not to go, the army sent Lycon the Achzan, Callimachus a, 
Parrhasian, and Agasias of Stymphalus; who, going to the 
town, informed the people of the resolutions just passed. It 
was said, too, that Lycon even threatened them with violence, 


1 vi. 1. 15. 2 vi. 1. 15. 3 vy. 6. 23. 


CHAP. Τὰ DISSENSION AND SEPARATION. 187 


if they did not comply with these demands. 8. The Heracleans 
listened to them, and said that they would consider of the mat- 
ter, and then immediately collected their property out of the 
fields, and conveyed the provisions exposed for sale into the city. 
At the same time the gates were shut, and armed men appeared 
upon the walls. : 

9. In consequence the authors of these dissensions accused 
the generals of having defeated their plan; and the Arcadians 
and Achzans began to hold meetings together, Callimachus 
the Parrhasian and Lycon the Achwan being mostly at their 
head. 10. The remarks among them were, that it was dis- 
graceful that one Athenian, who had brought no force to the 
army, should have the command of Peloponnesians and Lace- 
dzemonians; that they had the labor, and others the profit, 
although they themselves had secured the general safety ; for 
that those who had accomplished: this object were Arcadians 
and Achzans, and that the rest of the army was compara- 
tively nothing (and in reality more than half the army were 
Areadians and Achzans); 11. and therefore these, they said, if 
they were. wise, should unite together, and, choosing leaders 
for themselves, should proceed on their way separately, and 
endeavor to secure themselves something to their profit. 12. 
To this proposal assent was given; and whatever Arcadians 
and Achzans were with Cheirisophus, leaving him and 
Xenophon, united with the rest, and all chose ten captains of 
their own; and they appointed that. these should carry into 
execution whatever should be decided by the vote of the ma- 
jority. The command of Cheirisophus over the whole army 
was thus ended on the sixth or seventh day after he had been 
elected. 

13. Xenophon was inclined to pursue his way in company 
with them, thinking that this method would be safer than for 
each to proceed separately. But Neon persuaded him to go by 
himself, as having heard from Cheirisophus that Cleander the 
governor of Byzantium had said that he would come with some 
galleys to the harbor of Calpe; 14. and he gave Xenophon 
this advice, therefore, in order that no one else might take 
advantage of this opportunity, but that they themselves only, 
and their own soldiers, might sail on board these galleys. As 
for Cheirisophus, who was both disheartened at what had oc- 
curred, and who from that time conceived a disgust at the 


188 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK VL. 


army, he allowed Xenophon to act as he thought proper. 15. 
Xenophon was also inclined to detach himself from the army 
altogether, and to sail away; but as he was sacrificing to 
Hercules the Conductor, and. consulting him whether it would 
be better or more advisable to march in company with such 
of the soldiers as remained, or to take leave of them, the god sig- 
nified by the victims that he should march with them. 16. The 
army was thus divided into three bodies; the Arcadians and 
Achzans, to the number of more than four thousand five hun- 
dred men, all heavy-armed ; the heavy-armed with Cheirisophus, 
in number fourteen hundred, with seven hundred peltasts, the 
Thracians of Clearchus; and seventeen hundred heavy-armed 
men, with three hundred » peltasts, under Xenophon, who 
was the only one that had any cavalry, a body of -about forty 
horsemen. 

17. The Arcadians, having procured ships from the people 
of Heraclea, were the first to set sail with the view of getting 
as much booty. as they could by making a sudden descent upon 
the Bithynians, and accordingly disembarked at the harbor 
of Calpe, somewhere about the middle of Thrace. 18. Cheiriso- 
phus, proceeding straight from the city of Heraclea, marched 
through the territory belonging to it; but when he entered 
Thrace, he kept along near the sea, for he was then in ill-health. 
19. Xenophon, having obtained vessels, landed on the confines 
of Thrace and the region of Heraclea, and pursued his way 
through the inland parts. 





CHAPTER 1Π. 


The Areadians land at Calpe, and make an incursion into the territory of 
the Bithynians, where they are defeated by the enemy, and in danger of 
being cut to pieces ; Xenophon proceeds to rescue them. All the Greeks 
join Cheirisophus at Calpe. _ 


*1.Eacu of these three parties fared as follows. The Ar- 
cadians, disembarking by night at the port of Calpe, marched 
_ 2 Two or three lines, which occur in some copies at the beginning of 
this chapter, are not translated. They are not found in the best manu- 
scripts, an@ are rejected by Bornemann, Dindorf, and Kiihner. 


CHAP. IIT. THE ARCADIANS ATTACKED. 189 


off to attack the nearest villages, lying about thirty stadia 
from the sea. As soon as it was light, each of the officers led 
his own division against a village; but against any village 
that appeared larger than the rest, they led two divisions 
together. 2. They fixed also upon a hill on which they were 
all to re-assemble. As they fell upon the people unexpectedly, 
they seized a great number of slaves and surrounded ‘several 
flocks of cattle. 

4. But the Thracians,’ as fast as they escaped, collected 
themselves into a body; and, as they were light armed, the 
number that escaped, even from the very hands.of the heavy- 
armed men, was great. As soon as they were collected, they 
proceeded, in the first place, to fall upon the division of Smi- 
eres, one of the Arcadian captains, who was marching away 
to the place agreed upon, and carrying with him considerable 
booty. 5. For ἃ while the Greeks defended themselves as 
they pursued their march, but, as they were crossing a ravine, 
the Thracians put them to the rout, and: killed Smicres and 
all his party. Of another division of the ten captains, too, 
that of Hegesander, they left only eight men alive, Hegesander 
himself being one of those that escaped. 6. The other cap- 
tains joined him at the appointed spot, some with difficulty, 
and others without any.?. The Thracians, however, in conse- 
quence of having met with this success, cheered on one 
another, and assembled in great spirits during the night. At 
day-break, numbers of horsemen and peltasts ranged them- 
selves in a circle round the hill upon which the Greeks had 
encamped; 7. and as more came flocking to them, they at- 
tacked the heavy-armed men without danger, for the Greeks 
had neither archers, nor javelin-men, nor a single horseman, 
while the Thracians, running and riding up, hurled their 
darts. among them, and when the Greeks offered: to attack 
them, retreated with ease. 8. Some attempted one part, and 
some another; and many of the assailed were wounded, but 
none of the assailants.. The Greeks were in consequence un- 
able to move from the spot, and at last the Thracians cut 

2 The Asiatic cr Bithynian Thracians, who inhabited the villages 
which the Arcadians had attacked. See c. 2, sect. 17. 

2 Σὺν πράγμασιν---ἄνευ πραγμάτων.  Difficuller-————sine negotio. 
Kiihner. So Leunclavius and: Bornemann., I mention this, because 


Schneider, following Amaszeus, makes πράγματα equivalent to χρήματα, 
preda. Sy : ; 


190 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK VI. 


them off even from water. 9. As their distress was great, 
they began to speak of terms of surrender; and other points 
were agreed upon between them, but when the Greeks de- 
manded hostages, the Thracians refused to give them; and upon 
this the treaty was stopped. ΝΩ͂Ν were the fortunes of the 
Arcadians. 

10. Cheirisophus, adn: advancing unmolested along 
the coast, arrived at the harbor of Calpe. As for Xenophon, 
while he was marching through the middle of the country, 
his horsemen riding on before him, fell in with some em- 
bassadors who were on their journey to some place. As they 
were conducted to Xenophon, he inquired of them whether 
they had any where heard of another Greek army. 11. They 
gave him, in reply, an account of all that had occurred, saying 
that the Greeks were then besieged upon a hill, and that the 
whole force of the Thracians was collected round them.» He 
therefore had these men strictly guarded, that they might act 
as guides wherever it might be necessary, and then, after 
stationing scouts, he called together his soldiers and addressed 


~ them thus: 


12. “ Soldiers, some of the Arcadians are killed, and others 
are besieged upon a hill; and I think that, if they are de- 
stroyed, there will be no hope of safety for us, the enemy 
being so numerous and so daring. 13. It seems best for us, 
therefore, to march to their relief with all: possible speed, that, 
if they still survive, we may join with them in their struggle, 
and not, being left alone, meet danger alone. 14. Let us for 
the present, then, pitch our camp, marching on, however, un- 
til it seems time to sup,’ and while we are on the march, let 
Timasion, with the horse, ride on before, but keeping us still 
in sight, and let bim recomnoiter the country in front, that 
nothing may take us by surprise.” 15. He dispatched, at the 
same time, some of the ‘most active of the light-armed men to 
the parts on either flank, and to the hills, that if they saw any 
thing threatening in any quarter, they might give notice of it. 


2 Ὅσον dv δοκῇ καιρὸς εἷναι εἰς τὸ δειπνοποιεῖσϑαι.) Only so far, 
that they would not be fatigued or exhausted before they went to sup- 
per. This is Weiske’s interpretation, and better than Kriger’s, who 
supposes that Xenophon was thinking of a place for pitching the camp, 
not too near to the enemy, lest the troops should be obliged to ats be- 
fore they could take their supper. 


ΝΥ ὙΠ --- 


cHar. τι. ΧΕΝΌΡΗΟΝ GOES TO THEIR RESCUE. 191 


He ordered them also to burn whatever combustible matter they 
met with; 16. “for,” said he, “we could not flee from hence 
to any place of refuge; since it is a long way to go back to 
Heraclea, and a long way to go over to Chrysopolis ; and the 
enemy are close at hand. To the harbor of Calpe, indeed, 
where we suppose Cheirisophus to be, if he is safe, the dis- 
tance is but short; but even there, there are neither vessels 
in which we can sail from the place, nor subsistence, if we 
remain, even for a single day. 17. Should those who are be- 
sieged, however, be left to perish, it will be less advantageous 
for us to face danger in conjunction with the troops of Chei- 
risophus only, than if the besieged are preserved, to unite all 
our forces, and struggle for our safety together. But we must 
go resolved in mind that we have now either to die gloriously, 
or achieve a most honorable explott in the preservation οὗ 
so many Greeks. 18. Perhaps some divinity orders it thus, 
who wishes to humble those who spoke boastfully, as if they 
were superior to us in wisdom, and to render us, who com- 
mence all our proceedings by consulting the gods, more hon- 
ored than they are. You must follow, then, your leaders, and 
pay attention to them, that you may be ready to execute what 
they order.” 

19. Having spoken thus, -he led them forward. The 
cavalry, scattering themselves about as far as was safe, spread 
fire wherever they went, while the peltasts, marching abreast 
of them along the heights, burned whatever they found that 
was combustible, as did the main body also, if they met with 
any thing left unburned, by the others; so that the whole 
country seemed to be on fire, and the Greek force to be very 
numerous. 20. As soon as it was time, they mounted a hill 
and encamped, when they caught sight of the enemy’s 
fires, which were distant about forty stadia; and they them- 
selves then made as many fires as they could. 21. But as 
soon as they had supped, orders were given to put out all the 
fires; and, having appointed sentinels, they went to sleep for 
the night. At dawn of day, after praying to the gods, and 
arranging themselves for battle, they continued their march 
with as much haste as they could. 22. Timasion and the 
cavalry, taking the guides with them, and riding on before the 
rest, found themselves, before they were aware, upon the hill 
where the Greeks had been besieged, but saw no troops, either 


[92 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. | BOOK Vi. 


of friends or enemies, but only some old men and women, and a 
few sheep and oxen that had been left behind; and this state 
of things they reported to Xenophon and the army. 23. At 
first they wondered what could have happened ; but at length 
they learned from the people who were left that the Thracians 
had gone off at the close of the evening and the Greeks in the 
morning, but whither they did not know. 

24. Xenophon and his party, on hearing this account, packed 
up their. baggage, after they had breakfasted, and pursued 
their journey, wishing, as soon as possible, to join the rest of 
the Greeks at the harbor of Calpe. -As they proceeded, 
they perceived the track of the Areadians and Achzans on 
the way to Calpe; and when they met, they were pleased to 
see one another, and embraced like brothers. 25. The Area- 
dians then asked Xenophon’s men why they had put out their 
fires, “ for we,” said they, “thought at first, when we saw no 
more fires, that you were coming to attack the enemy in the 
night; (and the enemy themselves, as they appeared to us, went 
off under this apprehension, for they disappeared about that 
time) ; 26. but as you did not come, and the time passed by, we 
concluded that you, hearing of our situation, had been seized 
with alarm, and had retreated to the sea-coast ; and we deter- 
mined not to be far behind you. Accordingly we also marched 
in this direction. 





CHAPTER IV. 


Description of Calpe. The army resolve that it shall be a capital offense to 
prope another separation. -Neon leads out a party of two thousand men 
od αὶ rovisions, contrary to the omens; he is attacked by Pharnabazus, 
-to retire with the 1058 of five hundred men. Xenophon 

pce his retreat. 


1. Tats day they remained encamped upon the shore near 
the port." The spot which is called the harbor of Calpe, is 
situate in Asiatic Thrace; and this division of Thrace, begin- 

ning from the mouth of the Euxine Sea, extends on the right 
of a person sailing into the Euxine, as far as Heraclea, 2. 
From Byzantium to Heraclea it is a long day’s passage for a 


_ ἢ This question is not answered. See sect. 21. 


OHAP. IV; DESCRIPTION OF CALPE. 193 


galley with oars; and in the space between these cities there 
is no other town belonging to the Greeks or their allies; but 
the Bithynian Thracians occupy it; and whatever Greeks 
they capture, cast ashore by shipwreck or any other accident, 
they are said to treat with great cruelty. 8. The harbor of 
Calpe itself lies half-way between Heraclea and Byzantium, 
as people sail from either side.’ On the sea there is a prom- 
ontory jutting out; that part of it which reaches down into 
the water is a steep rock,’ in height, where it is lowest, not 
less than twenty fathoms; the neck of the promontory, which 
reaches up to the mainland, is in breadth about four hundred 
feet; and the space within the neck is large enough to afford 
accommodation for ten thousand men. 4. The harbor [165 
close under the rock, with its coast toward the west. A 
spring of fresh water, flowing copiously, is close by the sea, 
and under cover of the promontory. Abundance of wood, of 
various other sorts, but especially of-such as is good for 
ship-building,* grows along the coast. 5. The mountain‘ at 
the harbor? extends inland about twenty stadia, and this 
part of it has a soil of mold, free from stones; the other 
part along the sea, to the distance of more than twenty stadia, 
is covered with plenty of large trees of every kind. 6. The 
surrounding country is beautiful and of great extent, and 
there are in it many populous villages; for the soil produces 
barley, wheat, all kinds of leguminous vegetables, millet, 
sesame, figs in abundance, plenty of vines yielding a sweet 
wine, and every thing else but olive-trees. 7. Such is the na- 
ture of the country. 

The Greeks took up their quarters on the shore by the sea. 
In the part which might have been ground for a city® they 


1°Ev μέσῳ μὲν κεῖται ἑκατέρωθεν πλεόντων, x. τ. 2.] “Lies in the 
middle of those sailing from either side, from Heraclea and Byzan- 
tium, 

3 Πέτρα ἀπορρώξ.] Now called Kirpé, or Kefken Adasi, according to 
Ainsworth, p. 218. 

3 “This is so much the case now, that it is designated by the Turks 
as the Aghaj Denizi, or ‘sea of trees.’” Ainsworth, p. 218. 

4 Now Kefken Tagh, according to Ainsworth. 

* Τὸ ἐν τῷ λιμένι.] Bornemann and Kiihner regard these words as a 
mere gloss, and have included them in brackets. 
8 Ἑῤς δὲ τὸ πόλισμα ἂν. γενόμενον, x. τ. 2.] In locum qui facil op- 
pidum futurus fuisset, seu δὲ facil2 oppidum condi potuisset, noluerunt 
castra transferre. Zeane. A general suspicion seems to have pre- 

VOL, 1. 


᾿ 104 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK V1. 


were unwilling to encamp; for even their approach to it appear- 
ed to have been the effect of some insidious design, from the 
belief that certain persons were desirous to found a city there. 
8. For most of the soldiers had sailed from home upon this 
service, not from want of subsistence, but from having heard of 
the merit of Cyrus, some even bringing men with them, others 
haying spent money on the enterprise, others having left their 
fathers and mothers, others their children, in hope of returning 
when they had collected money for them, for they heard that 
other Greeks who were with Cyrus were acquiring considerable 
wealth.’ Being men of such character, they longed to return 
in safety to Greece. 

9. When the day after their meeting together began to 

dawn, Xenophon offered sacrifice with regard to an expedition, 
for it was necessary to lead out the troops to get provisions: 
and he was also thinking of burying the dead. As the victims 
were favorable, the Arcadians also accompanied him, and 
buried the greatest part of the dead where they had severally 
fallen; for they had now lain five days, and it was no longer 
possible to bring them away; some of them however. they 
gathered together out of the roads, and buried as becomingly 
as they could with the means at their command ; while for those, 
whom they could not find, they erected a large cenotaph, [with 
a great funeral pile,]’ and put garlands upon it. 10. Having per- 
formed these rites, they returned to their camp, and, after they 
had supped, went to rest. 
_ Next day all the soldiers held a meeting; (Agasias of 
Stymphalus, one of the captains, and Hieronymus of Elis, also 
a captain, and others, the oldest of the Arcadian officers, were 
the most active in bringing them together;) 11. and they 
passed a resolution, that if any one for the future should pro- 
yailed among the troops that Xenophon was desirous to detain them 
there, for the purpose of founding a city. Compare sect. 14, and 23, 
init.; also c. 6, sect. 4. See Thirlwall’s History of Greece, vol. iv. p. 
352. 

1 Πολλὰ καὶ ἀγαϑὰ πράττειν. “Were doing (for themselves) many 
and good things ;” were faring abundantly and well.’ 

3 Kai πυρὰν peydAnv.|. These words are preserved as genuine by 
Dindorf (who observes, however, that they are wanting in three manu- 
scripts), but are thought spurious by Zeune and Schneider, and utterly 
ejected from the text by Poppo and Kiihner. Zeune remarks that he 
had never read of a funeral pile being erected in conjunction with a 
cenotaph- 


CHAP. IV. SACRIFICES UNFAVORABLE. ~ 195 


pose to divide the army, he should be punished with death ; 
and that the army should return homeward in the same order 
in which it was before,’ and that the former leaders should re- 
sume the command. Cheirisophus was now dead, from having 
taken some drug* during a fever; and Neon of Asina took his 
lace. 

᾿ 12. After this Xenophon stood up and said, “It seems evi- 
dent, fellow-soldiers, that we must pursue our journey by land, 
for we have no ships; and-it is necessary for us to set out at 
once, for there are no provisions for us if we remain. We 
will therefore,” he continued, “offer sacrifice; and you must 
prepare yourselves, if ever you did so, to fight; for the 
enemy have recovered their spirit.” 13. The generals then 
offered sacrifice; and Arexion the Arcadian assisted as augur; 
for Silanus of Ambracia had already fled, having hired a 
vessel from Heraclea. They sacrificed with a view to their 
departure, but the victims were not favorable. 14. This 
day therefore they rested. Some had the boldness to say that 
Xenophon, from a desire to settle a colony in the place, had 
prevailed on the augur to say that the victims were unfavor- 
able to their departure. 15. Xenophon, in consequence, having 
made proclamation that whoever wished might be present at a 
sacrifice on the morrow, and having given notice also, that if 
there was any augur among the soldiers, he should attend to 
inspect the victims with them, made another sacrifice, and a 
great number of persons were present at it; 16. but though 
they sacrificed again three times with reference to their de- 
parture, the victims were still unfavorable to it. The soldiers 
were on this account extremely uneasy, for the. provisions 
which they had brought with them were exhausted, and there 
was no place near for them to purchase any. 

17. They therefore held another meeting, and Xenophon 
said, “The victims, as you see, fellow-soldiers, are not yet 
favorable for our departure; and I see that you are in want 
of provisions. It seems to me necessary, therefore, to offer 
sacrifice with regard to this matter.” 18. Here some one rose 


1 That is, that the soldiers should severally return to the companies 
in which they were serving before the secession of the Arcadians and 
Achzeans took place, and that thus each officer should have his own men 
agal 


n. 
2 Φάρμακον.] Some interpret φάρμακον “ poison.’ Kiihner- 


196 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK VI. 


up and said, “ It is with good reason, indeed, that the victims 
are unfavorable ; for, as I heard from a person belonging to a 
vessel that came in yesterday by accident, Cleander, the gov- 
ernor of Byzantium, is on the point of coming hither with 
transport vessels and galleys.” 19. In consequence they all 
resolved to stay. But it was necessary to go out for provi- 
sions; and to this end sacrifice was again offered three times, 
but the victims were still unfavorable. 

‘The soldiers now came to Xenophon’s tent, and told him 
that they had no provisions. He, howeyer replied, that he 
would not lead them out while the victims were adverse. 
20. The next day sacrifice was offered again, and, as all 
were concerned, almost the whole army crowded around 
the sacrifice; and the victims fell short. Still the generals 
did not lead out the troops, but called them, however, together ; 
21. and Xenophon said, “ Perhaps the enemy may be assem- 
bled in a body, and it may be necessary for us to fight: if 
therefore, leaving our baggage in the strong part of the ground, 
we march out prepared for battle, the victims may possibly 
prove more favorable to us.” 22. But the soldiers, on hear- 
ing this observation, cried out that it was of no use to lead 
them to the part that he mentioned, but that they ought to 
sacrifice without delay. Sheep were no longer to be had, but 
they bought an ox that was yoked to a wagon, and sacrificed 
it; and Xenophon begged Cleanor the Arcadian to be on the 
alert if any thing in the sacrifice should appear propitious.’ 
But not even on this occasion were the signs favorable. 

23. Neon was now general in the place of Cheirisophus, and 
when he saw how the men were suffering from want of food, was 
desirous to get them relief, and having found a man of Heraclea, 
who said that he knew of some villages in the neighborhood, 
from which it might be possible to procure provisions, he made 
proclamation that whoever was willmg might go out to get a 
supply, as there would be a guide to conduct them. A party 
accordingly proceeded from the camp, to the number of two 


1 Προθυμεῖσθαι εἴ τι ἐν τούτῳ εἴη.] “Studios? rem urgere, si exta 
nunc (boni) aliquid portenderent.” Zeune. This seems to be the best 
of the various explanations that have been attempted of this passage. 
Bornemann and Kriiger conjecture προθύεσθαι, which Kihner highly 

approves. No alteration, however, is necessary. Zeune supposes that 
Xenophon withdrew from the sacrifice to prevent any suspicion of un- 
fair play on bis part. 


CHAP. Y- BITHYNIA: THE GREEKS ATTACKED. 197 


thousand, equipped with spears, leather bags, sacks, and other 
things for holding what they might find. 24. But when they 
had reached the villages, and had dispersed themselves to plun- 
der, the cavalry of Pharnabazus first’ fell upon them, for they 
had come to aid the Bithynians, designing, if they could, in 
conjunction with them, to prevent the Greeks from penetrating 
into Phrygia. These horsemen cut off not less than five hun- 
dred of the Greeks ; the rest fled to the mountain. 

25. One of those who escaped immediately carried the news 
of the occurrence to the camp; and Xenophon, as the victims 
had not been propitious that day, took an ox from a wagon 
(for there were no other cattle), and, after sacrificing it, went 
forth to give aid, with all the other soldiers not above thirty 
years of age. 26. They brought off the rest of the party and 
returned to the camp. 

It was now about sunset, and the Greeks were taking their 
supper in great despondency, when some of the Bithynians, 
coming suddenly upon the advanced guard through the thick- 
ets, killed part of them, and pursued the rest to the camp. 27. 
A great outery arising, all the Greeks ran to their arms; but 
it did not seem safe to pursue the enemy, or break up their 
camp, in the night, for the country was full of wood ; and they 
therefore passed the night under arms, covered by sufficient 
out-posts, 





CHAPTER Υ. 


The Greeks, moved by their previous dangers, at. length consent to en 

in the strong part of the ground. Xenophon, having sacrificed, an 
laced a guard in the camp, led out the troops, who, after burying the 

Sead that they found on the way, and. possessing themselves of some 

booty from the villages, perceive the Barbarians ag upon a hill. They 

proceed to attack them, and though obstructed bya valley difficult to 

cross, are animated by the valor and eloquence of Xenophon to achieve 

a successful issue. 


1. In this manner they passed the nigkt. At daybreak 
the generals proceeded to. the strong part of the ground ;? 


- | Πρῶτοι. Afterward some of the Bithynians, as is related in sect. 


3 Τὸ ἐρυμνον χωρίον. ] See c. 4, sect. 3, 7, 27. 


198 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK VI. 


and the men followed, bringing with them their arms and bag- 

Before it was time for dinner, they completed a trench 
on the side where the entrance to the place was, and fenced 
the whole length with palisades, leaving three gates. A vessel 
meanwhile had arrived from Heraclea, bringing barley-meal, 
cattle, and wine. 

2. Xenophon, rising early, had sacrificed with reference to an 
excursion, and in the first victim the omens were favorable. 
Just as the sacrifice came to a conclusion, Arexion of Parrhasia, 
the augur, saw a lucky eagle, and encouraged Xenophon to 
lead forth. 38.The men, therefore, crossing the trench, ranged 
themselves under arms; and the heralds made proclamation 
that the soldiers, after taking their dinner, should march out 
a wing for battle, and leave the camp-followers and slaves 
where they were. 4. All the rest accordingly went out, except 
Neon ; for it was thought best to leave him in guard of the 
Pr in the camp. But when the captains and soldiers had 
eft them, they were ashamed not to follow where the others 
went, and in consequence left only those who were above forty- 
five years of age ; dices therefore remained, and the rest went 
forth. 5. But before they had proceeded fifteen stadia, they 
began to meet with dead bodies, and bringing up the rear of 
their line opposite the corpses that were first seen, they buried 
all to which the line extended. 6. When they had interred 
this first set, they marched on, and again bringing up their 
rear against the first of those that they next found unburied, 
they buried in like manner as many as the line took in. When 
they came to the road that led to the villages, where the dead 
bodies lay in great numbers, they brought them all together 
and buried them. 

7. It was now past mid-day, and having marched quiie 
through’ the villages, the men were engaged in taking what- 
ever provisions they found within reach of the line, when, on 
a sudden, they caught sight of the enemy marching over 
some hills that were facing them, disposed in a line, consisting 
of a large number of both cavalry and infantry ; for Spithri- 


1 ’Aerdv αἴσιον. An eagle on the right. sch Prom. 498. 

2 Ἔξω. The troops in front seem to have marched quite through the 
villages, and out beyond them; those in the rear appear to have col- 
lected the provisions, keeping themselves, at the same time, under cover 
of those in front. ; 


cHaP. υ. EXCURSION AGAINST THE BITHYNIANS. 199 


dates and Rathines had now arrived with a considerable force 
from Pharnabazus. 8. As soon as the enemy perceived the 
Greeks, they halted at the distance of about fifteen stadia. 
Upon this Arexion, the augur of the Greeks, immediately 
offered sacrifice, and in the very first victim the omens were 
favorable. 9. Xenophon then said, “It appears to me, fellow- 
captains, that we ought to station some divisions on the watch 
behind the main body, in order that, if it should any where be 
necessary, there may be troops to support that body, and that 
the enemy, when thrown into disorder, may be received by 
men in array and full vigor.” This proposal was approved 
by all. 10. “ Advance, then,” he continued, “on the road to- 
ward the enemy, that, since we have been seen by them, and 
have seen them, we may not stand still; and I, after having 
arranged the divisions in the rear, as you have sanctioned, will 
join you.” 

11. The others then advanced quietly forward, and Xeno- 
phon, d:iaching from the main body the three hindmost com- 
panies, consisting of about two hundred men each, ordered one 
of them to follow on the right, at the distance of about a hun- 
dred feet behind; this company Samolas the Achzan com- 
manded. The second he directed to follow in the center ; this 
company Pyrrhias the Arcadian headed. The other he sta- 
tioned on the left; this Phrasias the Athenian led. 12. As 
the front line, in marching on, came to a woody ravine, of great 
extent and difficult to pass, they halted, not knowing whether 
it were possible to cross it, and passed the word for the gen- 
erals and captains to come to the front. 18. Xenophon, won- 
dering what it was that stopped their progress, but soon hearing 
the word passed, rode up as fast as he could. When the offi- 
cers came. together, Sophzenetus, the oldest of the generals, 
said that it was not worth consideration whether a ravine of 
such a nature were passable or not. 14. But Xenophon, eager- 
ly seizing an opportunity to speak, said, 

“ You are certain, my fellow-soldiers, that I have never vol- 
untarily brought danger upon you, for I 566 that you do not 
want reputation for valor, but safety. 15. But now the matter 
stands thus with us: it is not possible for us to move from 
hence without fighting ; for if we do not advance upon the en- 


1 That is, that no deliberation was necessary; that they ought cer- 
tainly to cross the ravine. 


200 τ ΤῊΒ EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK YL 


emy, the enemy will pursue and attack us when we retreat. 
16. Consider, then, whether it is better for us to proceed against 
the foe holding out our arms in front of us, or, when we have 
turned. them back, to find the enemy following behind us. 17. 
You know, assuredly, that to flee from an enemy has nosem- 
blance of honor, but that pursuit puts courage even into cow- 
ards. For my own part, I had rather pursue with half the 
number of men than retreat with twice as many. As for 
these enemies, I know that you yourselves do not expect them 
to make a stand against us, if we charge them ; but we are all 
aware that if we draw back they will have courage enough to 
follow us. 

18. “ But that we, by crossing, should place a difficult ravine 
in our rear, when we are going to engage, is not this an ad- 
vantage worth securing? As for the enemy, I should wish 
every spot of ground to appear passable to them, so that they 
may retreat; but it is for us to be instructed by the nature of 
our position that there is no safety for us unless we conquer. 
19. I wonder, too, whether any of us thinks this ravine more 
formidable than many other places that we have passed. 

“‘ How, indeed, will the plain be passable unless we defeat 
the cavalry? How will the hills that we have traversed be 
passable, if so many peltasts pursue us? 20. Even if we ar- 
rive safe at the sea, how large a ravine will the Euxine prove 
to us, where there are neither vessels to convey us away, nor 
provisions to support us if we remain; and the more haste we 
should make thither, the more haste must we make to go out 
again to find subsistence. 21. It is better therefore for us to 
fight now, when we have dined, than to-morrow, when we may 
be without a dinner. The sacrifices,’ soldiers, are favorable, 
the omens encouraging, the victims most auspicious. Let us 
march against the foe. Since they have certainly seen us, they 
ought not now to sup at their ease, or to encamp where they 
like.” 

22. The captains then bade him lead on, and no one made 
any objection. He accordingly put himself at their head, or- 
dering each to cross at that part of the ravine where he hap- 
pened to be; for he thought that the army would thus sooner 
get over the ravine in a body than if they defiled over the 





Τά τε ἱερὰ τά τε σφάγια.} i. 8. 15. 


CHAP. V. THE GREEKS VICTORIOUS. 201 


bridge’ that lay across it. 23. When they had passed over, he 
said, as he passed along the line, “ Remember, soldiers, how 
many battles, with the assistance of the gods, you haye gained 
by coming to close quarters with the enemy, and how those 
fare who turn their backs upon their adversaries. Reflect also 
that you are at the very gates of Greece.” 24. Follow, then, 
Hercules your Conductor,’ and exhort one another by name.* 
It is pleasing to reflect, that he who now says and does any 
thing brave and honorable, will preserve a remembrance 
of himself among those with whom he would wish to pre- 
serve it.” 

25. These exhortations he uttered as he rode along, and at 
the same time proceeded to lead forward the troops in column ; 
and with the peltasts on each flank, they marched upon the 
enemy. He gave orders that they should carry their spears 
upon the right shoulder until a signal should be given with 
the trumpet, and that then, lowering them for a charge, they 
should follow their leaders at a steady pace, and that none 
should advance running. The word was immediately after 
given, JuPITER THE PREsERVER AND Hercu.es THE ConpucToR. 
The enemy, meanwhile, kept their position, thinking that they 
had the ground in their favor. 26. As the Greeks approached 
them, the peltasts shouted, and ran forward to charge them 
before any one gave orders; and the enemy rushed to meet 
them, both the horse and the mass of the Bithynians, and put 
them to flight. 27. But when the body of heavy-armed men 
came up, advancing at a quick pace, and when the trumpet 
sounded, and the men sang the pean and shouted, and low- 
ered their spears, the enemy then no longer awaited their 
charge, but took to flight. 28. Timasion and the cavalry pur- 
sued them, and killed as many as they could, being but few. 
The enemy’s left wing, to which the Greek cavalry were op- 
posed, was at once dispersed, but the right, not being closely 
pursued, rallied upon a hill. 29. As soon as the Greeks, how- 


1 Kriiger supposes that the ravine (νάπος) was the bed of a mount- 
ain torrent, and that the bridge was constructed to afford a passage 
over it when it was inundated by rains in winter. From what Xeno- 
oy says above, it would hardly have been conceived that there was a 

ridge. 

3 That is, close upon Greece. Compare ii. 4. 4. 

3 See ch. 2. sect. 15. See also below, sect. 25, 

* Asin Il. x. 68. 

9* 


202 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK VL 


ever, saw them making a stand, it appeared to them the easiest 
and safest thing they could do, to charge them without delay. 
Singing the pzan, therefore, they immediately advanced upon 
them ; and the enemy withdrew. The peltasts then pursued 
them till the right wing was also dispersed ; but only a small 
number were killed ; for the enemy’s cavalry, being numerous, 
kept the Greeks in awe. 30. But when they observed the 
cavalry of Pharnabazus still standing in a body, and the 
Bithynian cavalry flocking to join them, and looking down 
from an eminence on what was going on, they determined, 
tired as they were, to make an assault upon them as vigorously 
as possible, that they might not take breath and recover their 
courage. 31. Drawing up in close order, therefore, they ad- 
vanced ; when the enemy’s horse fled down the hill as if they 
had been pursued by cavalry; for there was a valley to re- 
ceive them, of which the Greeks were not aware, as they had 
desisted from the pursuit before they reached it, it being now 
late. 32. Returning then to the place where the first en- 
counter occurred, they erected a trophy, and went off toward 
the sea about sunset. The distance to their camp was about 


sixty stadia, 





CHAPTER VI. 


The Greeks plunder Bithynia. Cleander, the Spartan governor of Byzan-~ 
tium, arrives, and is ΘΝ against the Greeks by Dexippus, but re- 
conciled to them by the efforts of pe νερὰ Cleander declines the chief 
command, which is offered him, and the army march under their former 
generals ugh Bithynia to Chrysopolis. 


1. THE enemy now employed themselves about their own 
affairs, and removed their families and effects as far off as they 
could. The Greeks,in the mean time, waited for Cleander 
and the galleys and transport vessels that were to come, and, 
going out every day with their baggage-cattle and_ slaves, 
brought in, without fear of danger, wheat, barley, wine, legu- 
minous vegetables, millet, and figs; for the country afforded 
every useful production except olives. 

2. While the army lay at rest in the camp, the men had 
liberty, individually, to go out for spoil, and those only who 


CHAP. VI. DEXIPPUS: AGASIAS. 203 


went out had a share of it; but when the whole army went 
out, and any one, straggling from the rest, took any booty, it 
was adjudged to be public property. 

3. They had now abundance of every thing; for provisions 
for sale were brought from the Greek cities in every direction, 
and people who were sailing along the coast, hearing that a 
city was going to be built and a harbor formed, willingly 
put in there. 4. Such of the enemy, too, as lived in the 
neighborhood, sent to Xenophon, hearing that he had the 
management of the intended settlement, to ask what they 
should do in order to become his friends; and he introduced 
them among the soldiers.’ 

5. Cleander now arrived with two galleys, but no transport 
vessel. At the time of his coming, it happened that the body 
of the army was gone out; while some stragglers, going over 
the mountain for plunder, some one way, some another, had 
taken a great number of sheep, and being afraid that they 
would be taken from them,’ informed Dexippus of the matter 
(the same that had run away with the fifty-oared galley from 
Trebisond), and requested him to keep the sheep for them, tak- 
ing part for himself, and giving them back the rest.. 6. Dexip- 
pus immediately drove off the soldiers* that stood round, and 
who said that the sheep were public property, and, going to 
Cleander, told him that they were endeavoring to seize them as 
plunder for themselves. Cleander desired him to bring who- 
ever should seize them before him. 7. Dexippus accordingly 
laid hold on one of the men, and was taking him off, when 
Agasias, meeting him, rescued the man; the prisoner being 
a private of his own troop. The rest of the soldiers that were 
there began to throw stones at Dexippus, calling him again 
and again, “the traitor.” Not only he, in consequence, but 
also many of the men belonging to his galleys, were struck 
with terror, and fled toward the sea; and Cleander fled like- 
wise. 8. But Xenophon, and the other generals, endeavored to 
stop their flight, and told Cleander that there was no reason 
for alarm,* but that the resolution passed by the army was 

1 Xenophon, therefore, had not yet given up hopes of being able to 
persuade the troops to stay there and found a city. hneider. 

2 As being public property. See sect. 2 and 6. 


3 Not the soldiers that had taken the sheep, but others that had 
gathered round. 


4 Ὅτι οὐδὲν ein πρᾶγμα.] ἸΠρᾶγμα is often used to signify some 


204 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK VI. 


the cause of the occurrence. 9. Cleander, however, being 
instigated by Dexippus, and vexed with himself for having 
shown so much fear, said that he would sail off and make proe- 
lamation that none of the cities should receive them, as being 
public enemies. The Lacedzmonians were at that time mas- 
ters of all Greece. 

10. This affair appeared to the Greeks to threaten evil, and 
they entreated Cleander not to do so; but he said that it could 
not be otherwise, unless somebody should give up to him the 
man that began to throw stones, and the person that rescued 
him. 11. The person that he wanted was Agasias, the con- 
stant friend of Xenophon, for which reason Dexippus had ac- 
cused him. As there was much perplexity, therefore, the gen- 
erals called together the soldiers; and some of them made 
light of Cleander’s menaces, but to Xenophon the affair ap- 
peared of no small importance. Rising up, he said, 

12. “It seems to me, soldiers, a matter of no trifling mo- 
ment, if Cleander goes away, as he threatens, cherishing these 
feelings toward us; for the Greek cities are close at hand, 
the Lacedemonians are the chief people of Greece, and each 
individual Lacedemonian is able to do what he ‘pleases in 
these cities. 18. If, therfeore, he first shuts us out of Byzan- 
tium, and then gives notice to the other governors not to ad- 
mit us into their cities, as persons refusing obedience to the 
Lacedemonians and submitting to no law, and this character 
of us reaches the ear of Anaxibius the Admiral, it will be 
difficult for us either to remain or to sail away, for at this 
moment the Lacedzemonians are masters both by land and sea. 
14. We ought not, therefore, for the sake of one or two men, 
to exclude ourselves from Greece, but to do whatever they 
direct ; for the cities, from which we come yield them obedi- 
ence. 15. 1, for my own part (for I hear that Dexippus 
assures Cleander that Agasias would have done nothing in 
the matter, if I had not instigated him), for my part, I say, 
I am ready to clear you and Agasias from blame, if Aga- 
sias himself shall say that I was at all the cause of these 
proceedings, and I am prepared to condemn myself, if I en- 
couraged. stone-throwing or any other act. of violence, as de- 
serving of the severest punishment, and that punishment J will 


thing dangerous, or, at any rate, something of great moment. Kiih- 
ner. ! 


CHAP. VI. AGASIAS: CLEANDER. 205 


submit to suffer. 16. I say, too, that if Dexippus accuses 
any other person, he ought to surrender himself to Cleander to 
be tried; for by this means you may be exonerated from all 
censure. Under the present complexion of the case, it will be 
hard, if, when we expect applause and honor in Greece, we 
shall, instead of obtaining them, be not even on an equality 
with the rest of our countrymen, but. be excluded from the 
Greek cities.” 

17. Agasias then stood up and said, “I swear, my fellow- 
soldiers, by all the gods and goddesses, that neither Xenophon, 
nor any other person among you, desired me to rescue the 
man; but, when I saw a brave fellow, one of my own troop, 
led off by Dexippus (who, you are aware, has played the 
traitor toward you), it seemed to me, I own, intolerable, and 
I set him free. 18. You need not, then, deliver me up, for I 
will surrender myself, as Xenophon recommends, to Cleander, 
to do to me, after having tried me, whatever he pleases. As 
far as this matter is concerned enter into no contention with 
the Lacedemonians. May each of you return in safety to 
whatever place he would reach! Make choice, however, of 
some of your own number, and send them with me to Cleander, 
that, if 1 omit any thing, they may speak and act for me.” 19. 
Upon this the army allowed him to choose whomsover he 
would, and to go. He chose the generals. 

Agasias, and the generals, and the man that had been. re- 
leased by Agasias, accordingly proceeded to Cleander ; and the 
generals said, 20. “The army has sent us to you, Ὁ Cleander, 
and requests that if you accuse them all, you will yourself be 
the judge of them all, and treat them as you may think fit; or, 
if you accuse one or two more, they think it right that they 
should surrender themselves to you for judgment. Τῇ therefore, 
you accuse any one of us, we are here before you; if any other, 
let us know ; for no man, who is willing to obey us, shall refuse 
to submit to you.” 

21. Agasias next stood forward, and said, “I am the. per- 
son, Ὁ Cleander, that. rescued this man when Dexippus was 
carrying him off, and. that incited the men to stone Dexippus ; 
22. for I knew that the soldier was a deserving man, and I 
knew also that Dexippus, after having been chosen by the 
army to command the galley which we begged of the people 
of Trebisond, for the purpose of collecting transport vessels te 


908 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK VI, 


save ourselves, had run away and betrayed the soldiers in 
common with whom he had preserved his life. 23. Through 
his misconduct, therefore, we have both deprived the people 
of Trebisond of their galley, and seem to have acted dishon- 
estly ; and, as far as depended upon him, we were utterly un+ 
done; for he had heard, as well as we, that it would be im- 
practicable for us, going by land, to cross the rivers and get 
safe to Greece. 24. It was from such a character as this that 
I rescued the man. Ifyou had been leading him away, or 
any one of those belonging to you, and not one of our own 
deserters, be assured that I should have done nothing of the 
kind. Consider, then, that if you put me to death, you will 
put to death a man of honor for the sake of a coward and a 
villain.” 

25. Cleander, on hearing this statement, said that he could 
not approve of the conduct of Dexippus, if he had acted in 
such a way, but observed, at the same time, that even if Dex- 
ippus were the worst of villains, he ought not to suffer any 
violence, but to be tried (“as you yourselves,” said he, “now 
propose”), and to have his deserts. 26. “For the present, 
then,” he continued, “retire, leaving Agasias with me, and, 
when 1 give you notice, come to witness his trial. I neither 
accuse the army, nor any one else, since Agasias himself con- 
fesses that it was he who released the man.” 27. The man 
who had been released then said, “If you suppose, Ὁ Clean- 
der that I was apprehended for doing something wrong, be 
assured that I neither struck nor threw stones at any one, but 
merely said that the sheep were public property; for it was a 
resolution passed by the soldiers, that if, when the whole army 
went out, any particular person made any capture by himself, 
that capture should go to the public store. 28. This was what 
I said ; and Dexippus, in consequence, seized me and was lead- 
ing me off, so that no one might utter a syllable,’ but that he 
himself, securing a share of the booty, might keep the rest for 
the plunderers, contrary to the resolution of the army.” To 
this Cleander replied, “Since you are that sort of person, 
stay here, that we may consider respecting you likewise.” 

29. Cleander and his party then went to dinner; and Xen- 


Δ Ἴνα μὴ φϑέγγοιτο μηδείς] That no one might report any thing 
about him (Dexippus). Kiihner. Dexippus (as the man intimates) sup- 
posed that the apprehension of one would be a terror to the rest. 


CHAP, VI. AGASIAS EXCULPATED. 207 


ophon assembled the troops, and advised them to send soms 
nersons to Cleander to make intercession for the men. 30, 
They accordingly resolved to depute the generals and captains, 
with Dracontius' the Spartan, and such of the rest as seemed 
eligible, to entreat Cleander by all means to set the two men 
free. 81. Xenophon, going to him, said “ You have the men 
in your hands; O Cleander, and the army has allowed you to 
do what you please with regard both to them and to their whole 
force. They now, however, request and entreat of you to 
give up the two men to them, and not to put them to death ; 
for they exerted themselves ‘ereatly, in time past, to be of 
service to the army. 32. Should they obtain this favor from 
you, they promise you, in return for it, that. if you are willing 
to be their leader, and the gods are propitious, they will let you 
see both how well-disciplined they are, and how incapable, when 
obedient to their general, and aided by superior powers, of fear- 
ing an enemy. 33. They also beg of you, that when you have 
come and taken the command of them, you will make trial of 
Dexippus and the rest of them, ascertain what sort of person 
each is, and give every one his desert.” 

84. Oleander on hearing this application replied, “ By the 
twin gods,’ I will give you an answer at once. I give up the 
men to you, and will come to you myself; and, if the gods 
permit, I will lead you into Greece. Your words are very 
different from the accounts that I heard of. some of you, 
namely, that you were alienating the army from the Laceda- 
monians.” 85. The deputies then took their leave, applauding 
Cleander, and taking with them the two men. 

Cleander offered a sacrifice with reference to the journey, 
and associated in a friendly way with Xenophon; and they 
contracted a bond of hospitality: between them. When he 
saw the Greek. soldiers, too, execute their orders with regu- 
larity, he grew still more desirous to become their commander. 
36.. But as the omens were not favorable to his wishes, though 
he offered sacrifices three days, he called the generals together, 
and. said, “The victims have not been favorable for me* to 


liv. 8. 25. 

2 Nai τὼ σιώ.] Castor and Pollux, by whom the Lacedzemonians were 
accustomed te swear. See Schol. on Aristoph. oe 81, Pac. 214; Xen. 
Hellen. iv. 4. 10. 

3 "Ἐμοὶ μὲν οὐκ ἐτελέσϑη τὰ ἱερὰ ἐξάγειν. “The sacrifices have πος 


208 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK VII. 


lead you out; but be not discouraged on that account ; for it 
is given to you, as it appears, to conduct the army home, Pro- 
ceed then, and we will receive you at Byzantium, when you ar- 
rive there,’ in the best manner that we can.” 37. It was then 
resolved by the soldiers to make him a present of the sheep 
that were public property ; and he, having accepted them, gaye- 
them back to the soldiers again, and then sailed off. 

The army, having disposed of the corn which they had col- 
lected, and the other booty that they had captured, advanced 
through the territory of the Bithynians. 38. But as, while they 
pursued the straight road, they met with nothing to enable 
them to enter the country of their friends with a portion of 
spoil, they resolved upon marching back for a day and a night; 
and, having done so, they took great numbers both of slaves 
and cattle, and arrived, after six days’ march, at. Chrysopolis 
in Chalcedonia, where they staid seven days to sell their 
booty 





BOOK VII. 


CHAPTER 1. 


Anaxibius, at the instigation of Pharnabazus, who wishes to get the Greeks 
out of his territory, allures them, with hopes of employment and pay; to 
Byzantium. They accordingly appear in arms before the city, but finding 
the gates shut against them, force an entrance, and are wi eat difli- 
culty pacified by Xenophon. Cceratades, a Theban, offers to lead them 
into Thrace, and his proposal is accepted ; but he soon shows his incapac- 
ity, and lays down the command. 


1. Waar the Greeks did in their march up the country 
with Cyrus, until- the battle was fought, what they ex- 
perienced in’ their retreat, after Cyrus was dead, till they 
reached the Euxine sea, and how they fared, in their ,pro- 
gress by sea and land, from the time that they arrived at the 
Euxine until they got beyond the mouth of it to Chrysopolis 


been concluded (so as to be favorable) for me,” ete. Οὐκ ἐτελέσϑη is a 
conjecture of Bornemann’s, adopted by Dindorf, for the common reading 
οὐκ ἐϑέλει, which Kihner prefers and retains. A ᾿ 

? T follow Kiihner in the interpretation οὗ ἐκεῖσε in this passage. The 
speaker probably pointed toward Byzantium. 


CHAP. L . OFFERS FROM SEUTHES. 209 


in Asia, has been related in the preceding part of the nar- 
rative. 

2. Pharnabazus, fearing that the army of the Greeks might 
make an irruption into his province, sent to Anaxibius the 
Spartan admiral, who was at Byzantium, and begged him to 
transport the army out of Asia, promising to do for him in re- 
turn whatever he might require of him. 3. Anaxibius, accord- 
ingly, sent for the generals and captains of the troops to Byzan- 
tium, engaging that if they came over to him, pay should be 
given to the men. 4. The rest of the officers said that they 
would give him an answer after they had considered of the mat- 
ter; but Xenophon told him that he was going to leave the 
army, and wanted to sail away. Anaxibius, however, requested 
him to come across with the rest, and then to take his departure. 
Xenophon therefore said that he would do so. 

5. In the mean time Seuthes’ the Thracian sent’ Medosades 
to Xenophon, requesting that general to join with him in using 
his efforts that the army might cross over, and saying that he 
should have no cause to repent of assisting him in that object. 
6. Xenophon replied, “The army will doubtless cross over ; 
let him give nothing to me therefore, or to any one else, on that 
account. When it has crossed, I shall quit 1t; so let him ad- 
dress himself to those who stay, and who may seem able to 
serve him in such a manner as may appear bkely to be suc- 
cessful.” 

7. Soon after the whole army of the Greeks crossed over to 
Byzantium. Anaxibius however gave them no pay, but made 
proclamation that the soldiers should take their arms and bag- 
gage, and go out of the city, signifying that he intended at once 
to send them away home, and to take their number. The 
soldiers were in consequence greatly troubled, because they had 
no money to get provisions for their journey, and packed up 
their baggage with reluctance. 

8. Xenophon, who had become a guest-friend to Cleander 
the governor, went to take leave of him, with the intention of 

1 For some account of him, see 6. 2, sect. 32. . He is not to be con- 
founded with Seuthes the son of Sparadocus, who succeeded Sitalces as 
king of the Odrys, nor is to be altogether regarded as a king, though 
he is distinguished by this name in-c. 7, sect. 22. He is with more pro- 
priety called ἄρχων (τῶν) ἐπὶ ϑαλάταῃ, c. 3, sect. 16. See Xen. Hellen. 
iv. 8. 26. Aristot. Polit. v. 8. 15.”. Poppo. He was at this time merely 
a commander in subjection to Medocus. 


210 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK VIL. 


sailing away immediately. But Cleander said to him, “ By no 
means do 50, for, if you do, you will incur blame, since some 
people, indeed, already accuse you as the cause that the army 
proceeds out* so slowly.” 9. Xenophon replied, “ I am not the 
cause of this, but the soldiers, being in want of provisions, are 
for that reason, of themselves, reluctant to go out.” 10. “ How- 
ever I advise you,” rejoinded Cleander, “to go out with them, as 
if you intended to accompany them, and when the army is clear 
of the city, then to quit it.” “ We will then go to Anaxibius,” 
said Xenophon, “and further the proceedings.” They accord- 
ingly went, and told him that such was their intention. 11. He 
recommended that they should act in conformity with what they 
said, and that the troops should go out as soon as possible with 
their baggage packed up; desiring them to give notice, at the 
same time, that whoever should not be present at the review 
and numbering of the army, would have himself to blame. 12. 
The generals then went out first, and the rest of the army fol- 
lowed them. 

They were now all out except a few, and Eteonicus’ was 
standing by the gates, ready to shut them, and thrust in the 
bar, as soon as they were all outside, 13. when Anaxibius, 
summoning the generals and captains, said, “You may take 
provisions from the Thracian villages; for there is plenty of 
barley and wheat, and -other necessaries, in them; and when 
you have supplied yourselves, proceed to the Chersonesus, and 
there Cyniseus’ will give you pay.” 14. Some of the sol- 
diers that overheard this, or some one of the captains, com- 
municated it to the army. The generals, meanwhile, in- 
quired about Seuthes, whether he would prove hostile’ or 
friendly, and whether they must march over the Sacred 
Mountain,* or round about through the middle of Thrace. 


1 Ἑξέρπει.] Non celeriter, sed quasi rependo exit (ex urbe). Hutchin- 
son. This notion of the word is condemned by Heiland, Dial. Xen. p. 
7, who shows, with much learning, that ἕρπειν in the Doric dialect sig- 
nifies incedere, ire, so that ἐξέρπειν in this passage is merely fhe same as 
ἐκπορεύεσϑαι. Kiihner. 

2A monian of some rank. See Thucyd. viii. 93, Kriiger. 

3 A Spartan commander, doubtless, who was then engaged in a war 
with the Thracians in the Chersonesus. | Zeune. 

4 Διὰ τοῦ ἱεροῦ ὄρους.] To be distinguished from the mountain of 
the same name mentioned iv. 7. 21. Schneider. Its situation is un- 
certain, but there was a road by it into the Chersonesus, as is ap- 


CHAP. 1. A TUMULT QUELLED BY XENOPHON. Q11 


15. But while they were talking of these matters, the soldiers, 
snatching up their arms, ran in haste to the gates, with a de- 
sign to make their way back within the walls.. Eteonicus, how- 
ever, and those about him, when they saw the heavy-armed 
men running toward them, shut the gates, and thrust in the 
bar. 16. The soldiers then knocked at the gates, and said that 
they were treated most unjustly, in being shut out as a prey to 
the enemy, and declared that they would split the gates asun- 
der, if the people did not open them of their own accord. 
17. Some ran off to the sea, and got over into the city by the 
pier of the wall; while others of them, who happened to be 
still in the town, when they perceived what was passing at the 
gates, cut the bars in twain with their axes, and set the gates 
wide open. They then all rushed in. 

18. Xenophon, observing what was going on, and fearing 
lest the army should fall to plundering, and irreparable mis- 
chief be done not only to the city, but to himself and the 
men, ran and got within the gates along with the crowd. 19. 
The people of Byzantium, at the same time, when they saw 
the army entering by force, fled from the market-place, some 
to the ships, and some to their houses, while others, who hap- 
pened to be within doors, ran out; some hauled down the 
galleys into the water, that they might save. themselves in 
them; and all believed themselves ruined, regarding the city as 
captured. 20. Eteonicus fled to the citadel. Anaxibius, run- 
ning down to the sea, sailed round to the same place in a fish- 
ing-boat, and immediately sent for men from the garrison at 
Chalcedon ; for those in the citadel did not appear sufficient to 
repel the Greeks. 

21. The soldiers, as soon as they saw Xenophon, ran up to 
him in great numbers, and cried, “ You have now an oppor- 
tunity, O Xenophon, to become a great man. You are in 
possession of a city, you have galleys, you have money, you 
have this large number of men. Now, therefore, if you are 
inclined, you may benefit us, and we may make you a distin- 
guished man.” 22. Xenophon replied, “ You say well, and I 
will act accordingly ; but if you aim at this object, range your- 
selves under arms as quickly as possible,” for he wished to quiet 
parent from ὁ. 3, sect. 3. “The fort ἱερὸν ὄρος is mentioned by De- 


mosth. de Hal. p. 85, extr.; Phil. iii, p. 114, and De Fals. Leg. p. 390." 
Kriiger. .— . 


212 . THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK Vir. 


them, and not only gave these orders himself, but desired the 
other officers also to command the men to range themselves 
under arms. 23..As the men, too, began to march themselves, 
the heavy-armed troops soon formed eight deep, and the peltasts 
ran to take their station on each wing. 24. The ground, which 
was called. the Thracian Area,’ was excellent for the arrange- 
ment of troops, being clear of houses, and level. When the 
arms were in their places,’ and the men somewhat tranquilized, 
Xenophon called the soldiers round him, and spoke as 
follows : 

25. “That you are angry, soldiers, and think you have 
been treated strangely in being deceived, I am not at all sur- 
prised ; but if we gratify our resentment, and not only take 
revenge on the Lacedemonians, who are here, for their impo- 
sition, but plunder the city which is not at all to blame, consider 
what will be the consequences; 26. we shall be the declared 
enemies both of the Lacedzemonians and their allies. What 
will be the nature of a war with them, we may conjecture, as 
we have seen and remember what has recently occurred. 27. 
We the Athenians entered upon the contest with the Lacede- 
monians and their allies, with not less than three hundred* gal- 
leys, some at sea and some in the docks, with a great sum of 
money in the Acropolis,‘ and with a yearly revenue from our 
customs at home and our territory abroad, of not less than a 
thousand talents; but though we were masters of all the islands, 
were possessed of many cities in Asia, and many others in 
Europe, and of this very Byzantium where we now are, yet we 
were reduced in the war to such a condition as you all know. 
28. And what may we now expect to be our fate, when the 


1 πὸ Opdxiov.] Larcher has not inaptly supposed that this place was 
near the gates called the Thracian Gates, referring to Xen. Hellen. i. 3, 
extr., τὰς πύλας τὰς ἐπὶ τὸ Θράκιον καλουμένας. Zeune. The Thracian 
Gates of Byzantium, before which there were seven towers, are men- 
tioned by Dio Cassius, lxxiy. 14. _Schnetder.—With Θράκεον understand 
χωρίον: it was an open space, an area or square. 

5 *Execto τὰ ὅπλα. Arma ordine disposita erant. Hutchinson.. Leun- 
clavius renders it postquam in armis ordine constiterant, but this is less 
suitable to the passage. The soldiers had laid down their arms, that 
they might listen to Xenophon more at ease. See iv. 2. 20. 

* Thucyd. ii. 13. 

* Ἔν τῇ πόλει. The Athenians used to call their ᾿Ακρόπολις by the 
simple name πόλις: see Thucyd. ii. 15. The sum of money in the 
Acropolis was not less than six thousand talents, Thucyd. ii, 24 


CHAP. I. C@RATADES. 213 


Lacedeemonians and Acheans are in alliance; when the Athe-’ 
nians, and those who were then allied with them, have become 
an accession to the Spartan power; when Tissaphernes, and 
all the other Barbarians on the sea-coast, are our enemies, 
and the king of Persia himself our greatest enemy, whom we 
went to despoil of his throne, and, if we could, to deprive of 
life? When all these opponents are united against us, is there 
any body so senseless as to think that we could get the superi- 
ority ? 29. Let us not, in the name of the gods, act like mad- 
men, and perish with disgrace, by becoming enemies to our 
country, and to our friends and relations! For our connections 
are all in the. cities that will make war upon us, and that will 
make war justly indeed, if, when we declined to possess ourselves 
of any Barbarian city, though we were superior in force, 
we should plunder the first Greek city at which we have ar- 
rived. 30. For my own part, I pray that before I see such an 
atrocity committed by you, I may be buried ten thousand 
fathoms under ground. I advise you, as you are Greeks, to 
endeavor to obtain justice by submitting to those who are mas- 
ters of the Greeks. . Should you be unable to obtain it, how- 
ever, we ought not, though wronged, to deprive ourselves of 
all hope of returning to Greece. 31. It appears to me, there- 
fore, that we should now send deputies to Anaxibius, with this 
message: ‘We came into the city with no design to commit 
violence, but, if we could, to obtain some services from you ; but, 
if we obtain none, we intend to show that we shall go out of it, 
not because we have been deceived, but because we are willing 
to obey you.’ ” 

32. This proposal met with approbation ; and they dispatched 
Hieronymus the Elean, Eurylochus the Arcadian, and Philesius 
the Achzan, to carry the message. They accordingly proceeded 
to deliver it. : 

33. But while the soldiers were still, seated, Ccoeratades,* a 
Theban, came up to them; a man who was going about the 
country, not banished from Greece, but wanting to be a 
general, and offering his services wherever any city or people 
required a leader ; and, as he came forward, he said that he 


1 He had been a commander of the Boeotians toward the end of the 
Peloponnesian war, and, at the surrender of Byzantium, fell into the 
hands of the Athenians, by whom he was carried prisoner to Athens, 
but contrived to escape. See Hellen. i. 8. 1ὅ.. Zeune. 


Cr THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK Vit. 


was prepared to conduct them to that part of Thrace called the 
Delta, where they would find plenty of good things, and that, 
till they should arrive there, he would supply them with meat 
and drink in abundance. 34. The soldiers listened to this offer, 
and heard, at the same time, the reply brought from Anaxibius, . 
for he had sent an answer that “if they complied with his 
wishes, they should have no cause to repent; and that he would 
report their conduct to the authorities at Sparta, and would 
contrive to do for them whatever service he could.” 35. The 
soldiers, in consequence, took Cceratades as their leader, and 
went out of the city, Coeratades engaging to come to the army 
next day with victims for sacrifice, an augur, and meat and 
drink for the troops. 36. As scon as they were gone out, 
Anaxibius caused the gates to be shut, and proclamation made, 
that whoever of the soldiers should be found within, should be 
sold as a slave. 

37. Next day Ceeratades came with the victims and the 
augur; and twenty men followed him carrying barley-meal, 
and other twenty carrying wine; three also with as large a 
load as they could bear of olives; one with as much as he could 
carry of garlic, and another of onions. Having ordered these 
things to be laid down, as if for distribution, he proceeded to 
offer sacrifice. 

38. Xenophon, meanwhile, having sent for Cleander, urged 
him to obtain permission for him to enter the walls, and to 
sail away from Byzantium. 39. When Cleander arrived, he 
said, “I am come, after having obtained the permission with 
extreme difficulty ; for Anaxibius says that it is not proper for 
the soldiers to be close to the walls, and Xenophon within ; 
and that the Byzantines are split into factions, and at enmity 
one with another; yet he has desired you,” he added, “to 
enter, if you intend’ to sail with him.” 40. Xenophon ac- 
cordingly took leave of the soldiers, and went into the city 
with Cleander. 

Coeratades, the first day, had no favorable omens from the 
sacrifice, and distributed nothing among the troops. The 
next day the victims were placed at the altar, and Cceratades 


1 Tread εἰ μέλλοις, with Kriiger, instead of εἰ μέλλοι, the common 
reading, which gives, “he has desired you to enter, if he (Xenophon) 
intends to sail with him (Anaxibius),” a confusion of persons at which 
Bornemann expresses his wonder. 


coHAP. 1 DISAGREEMENT AMONG THE GENERALS. 215 


took his station with a chaplet on his head, as if intending to 
offer sacrifice; when Timasion the Dardanian, Neon the 
Asinzan, and Cleanor the Orchomenian, came forward and 
told Cceratades not to sacrifice, as he should not lead the 
army, unless he supplied it with provisions. 41. He then 
ordered a distribution to be made. But as his supply fell far 
short of one day’s subsistence for each of the soldiers, he went 
off, taking with him the victims, and renouncing the general- 
ship. 





CHAPTER Ii. 


The generals disagreeing about the route, many of the soldiers desert. 
Anaxibius and Xenophon, on their voyage, are met at Cyzicus by Aris- 
tarchus, Cleander’s successor; he sells four hundred of the Greeks for 
slaves. Xenophon returns to the army, and the Greeks, on his advice, 
agree to sail back to Asia, but are hindered by Aristarchus. Their βοῦν τ 
ices are solicited by Seuthes, and Xenophon goes to learn his terms. 


1. Bur Neon the Asinzan, Phryniscus,’ Philesius, Xanthi- 
cles, all Achzans, and Timasion the Dardanian, remained in 
command of the army, and marching forward to. some villages 
of the Thracians, over against Byzantium, encamped there. 
2. The generals had now some disagreement, Cleanor and. 
Phryniscus wishing to lead the army to Seuthes (for he had 
gained them over to his interest, having presented a horse to 
the one, and a mistress to the other), and Neon desiring to 
take it to the Chersonesus, as he thought that if they came 
into the dominions of the Lacedzmonians, he himself would. 
get the command of the whole army.. Timasion, however, 
wanted to cross over again into Asia, expecting by this means 
to effect his return home. 3. The army were of the same 
mind; but, while time was wasted in the discussion, many of 
the soldiers deserted; some, selling their arms up and down 
the country, sailed away as they could; others joined’ the 


? He was one of the generals, as appears from sect. 29, and e. 5, 
sect. 10. .“‘ But at what time he was chosen, Xenophon has neglected 
to state.” Kriiger. 

3 The words διδόντες τὰ ὅπλα κατὰ τοὺς χώρους, which Dindorf and 
others inclose in brackets, are not translated. They appear to have 
arisen from the error of some copyist, whose eye was caught by nearly 
the same words above. Kiihner preserves them, adopting the notion 


216 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK VIL 


people in the neigboring towns. 4. Anaxibius was pleased 
to hear these accounts of the dispersion of the army; for he 
thought that by such a state of things he should most gratify 
Pharnabazus. 

5. As Anaxibius was ‘on his voyage from Byzantium, Aris- 
tarchus, the successor of Cleander as governor of Byzantium, 
met him at Cyzicus, and said that Polus, the successor of Anax- 
ibius as admiral, was on the point of entering the Hellespont. 
6. Anaxibius desired Aristarchus to sell all the soldiers of Cyrus, 
whom he should find remaining in Byzantium, as slaves. As 
for Cleander, he had sold none, but had even attended, from 
compassion, to such as were sick, and obliged the inhabitants 
to receive them into their houses; but Aristarchus, as soon as 
he arrived, sold not less than four hundred. 

7. Anaxibius, when he had sailed along the coast as far as 
Parium, sent to Pharnabazus according to an agreement between 
them. But Pharnabazus, when he found that Aristarchus was 
going as governor to Byzantium, and that Anaxibius was no 
longer admiral, neglected Anaxibius, and entered into a nego- 
tiation with Aristarchus about the army of Cyrus, similar to 
that which he had previously made with Anaxibius. 

8. Soon after, Anaxibius called Xenophon to him, and urged 
him, by every means and contrivance, to sail ‘back to the army 
as soon as possible, to keep it together, to collect as many of 
the dispersed soldiers as he could, and then, leading them along 
the coast to Perinthus, to transport them without delay into 
Asia. He gave him, at the same time, a thirty-oared galley 
and a letter, and sent a man with him to tell the people of Pe- 
rinthus to dispatch Xenophon on horseback to the army as soon 
as possible. 9. Xenophon then sailed across,’ and arrived at 
the army. The soldiers gladly welcomed him, and followed 
him at once with cheerfulness, in expectation of passing over 
from Thrace into Asia. 

10. Seuthes, when he heard of his return, sent Medosades 
to him by sea, and begged him to bring the army to him, 
promising him. whatever he thought likely to prevail.on him. 
Xenophon told him in reply that nothing of the kind was pos- 


of Sturz and Lion, that the soldiers gave away their arms among the 
country people, that they might enter the towns unarmed, so as not tc 
the inhabitants. 
! Across the Propontis. 


ORAP. τι. ILL CONDUCT OF ARISTARCHUS. 217 
sible; 11. and Medosades, on receiving this answer, went 


way. 

When the Greeks came to Perinthus, Neon, drawing cff 
from the rest, encamped apart with about eight hundred men. 
All the other troops remained together under the walls of 
Perinthus. 

12. Xenophon was next engaged in getting vessels, in order 
that they might cross over to Asia as soon as possible. But 
just at this time Aristarchus the govenor, instigated by 
Pharnabazus, came with two galleys from Byzantium, and 
forbade the masters of the ships to carry over the Greeks, and 
then, going to the army, desired the soldiers not to go across 
into Asia. 13. Xenophon told him that Anaxibius had or- 
dererd him to go, “ and sent me thither,” added he, “ with that 
view.” “ Anaxibius,” retorted Aristarchus, “is no longer 
admiral, and Iam governor here; and if I find one of you on 
the sea, I will drown him.” Having said this, he went off into 
the town. 

14. Next day he sent for the generals and captains of the 
army; but, as they came up to the wall, somebody gave notice 
to Xenophon, that if he went in, he would be apprehended, 
and either suffer some injury there, or be delivered to Phar- 
nabazus. Hearing this, he sent the others on before, and said 
that he himself had a mind to offer sacrifice. 15. Returning, 
accordingly, he sacrificed to know whether the gods would per- 
mit him to attempt to lead the army to Seuthes, for he saw that 
it was not safe to cross over into Asia, as he who would hinder 
him had galleys at his command, nor was he willing to go to 
the Chersonesus and be shut up there, or that the army should 
be in great want of every thing in a place where it would be 
necessary to obey the governor, and where the troops would be 
able to procure no supplies. . 

16. He was engaged about this matter, when the generals 
and captains returned from Aristarchus, and brought word 
that he had told them to go away for the present, and to come 
back to him in the evening. » Hence his treacherous intentions 
became still more manifest. 17. Xenophon, therefore, as the 
sacrifices seemed favorable for himself and the army to go 
in security to Seuthes, took with him Polycrates the Athenian, 
one of the captains, and from each of the generals, except 
Neon, a person in whom they confided, and went in the night 

VOL. f. 10 


218 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK vn. 


to the camp of Seuthes, a distance of sixty stadia. 18. As he 
drew near it, he met with several watch-fires without guards, 
and thought that Seuthes had decamped; but, hearing a 
noise, and the men about Seuthes making signals to one 
another, he understood that these fires had been kindled by 
Seuthes in front of the night-posts, in order that the sentinels, 
being in the dark, might not be seen, or show how many or 
where they were, while those who approached might not be 
concealed, but be conspicuous in the light. 19. When he 
found that such was the case, he sent the interpreter whom he 
had with him, and told him to Jet Seuthes know that Xeno- 
phon was there, and desired a conference with him. They 
inquired if it was Xenophon the Athenian, from the Grecian 
army. 20. As he answered that it was he, they leaped upon 
their horses, and hastened off. A little after, about two hun- 
dred peltasts appeared, and conducted Xenophon and his party 
to Seuthes. 

21. Seuthes was in a tower, strictly guarded, and round it 
stood horses ready bridled; for, through fear, he fed his 
horses during the day, and kept on guard with them bridled 
during the night. 22. For Teres, one of his ancestors, when 
he had once a large army in this country, was said to, have 
lost. great numbers of his men, and to haye been stripped of 
his baggage by the natives, who are called Thynians, and are 
said to be the most formidable of all enemies, especially in the 
night. 

23. When they approached, Seuthes gave notice that Xeno- 
phon, with any two of his attendants that he chose, might 
enter. As soon as they went in, they first saluted one 
another, and, according to the Thracian custom, drank to 
each other in horns full of wine; Medosades, who acted as the 
embassador of Seuthes on all occasions, being present with 
him. 24. Xenophon then began to speak as follows. “ You 
sent Medosades, who is present here, to me, O Seuthes, for 
the first time at Chalcedon, requesting me to join my efforts 
to yours that the army might cross over out of Asia, and, 
promising, as Medosades here ‘said, that if I succeeded, you 
would do me some service in return.” 25. When he had said 
this, he asked Medosades if it was true; and he said that it 
was. “ When I had gone over again to the army from Pari- 
um, Medosades came to me a second time, assuring me, that if 


CHAP... XENOPHON CONFERS WITH SEUTHES. 219 


I would bring the army to you, you would not only treat me 
as a friend and a brother in other respects but that the towns 
also along the sea, of which you are master, would be assigned 
to me from you.” 26. He then again asked Medosades 
whether he said this, and Medosades acknowledged it. - “ Well 
then,” said. Xenophon, “ tell Seuthes what answer I gave you, 
on the first occasion, at Chalcedon.” 27. “ You answered 
that the army was going to cross over to Byzantium, and that 
there would therefore be no occasion on that account to give 
any thing either to you or to any other person; you added that, 
as soon as you had crossed, you would quit the army; and all 
took place as you said.” 28. “And what did I say,” con- 
tinued Xenophon, “when you came to Selybria?”’ “ You_ 
said that what I proposed was impracticable, but that the 
army was to go to Perinthus, and pass over into Asia.” 29. 
“ Well then,” said Xenophon, “I am now present before you, 
with Phryniscus here, one of the generals, and Polycrates, one 
of the captains; and, without, are deputies from. the other 
generals, the most confidential friends of each, except from 
Neon the Lacedemonian. 30. If you wish the business to 
have greater sanction, call them in also; and do you, Poly- 
erates, go and tell them that I desire them to leave their arms 
outside; and do you leave your sword there, and come in 
again.” 

31. Seuthes, on hearing this, said that he would distrust no 
one of the Athenians, for he knew that they were connected 
with him by lineage,’ and regarded them as. kind friends. 


1 I have adopted this mode of spelling the name with all the 
modern editors, though not without reluctance, for Selymbria is much 
more pleasing to the ear than Selybria. If Strabo’s derivation is 
right, however (lib. vii. c. 6, p. 111, ἡ τοῦ Σήλυος τόλις, the city of 
Selys, βρία being the Thracian word for a city), it would appear that 
the letter m is an intruder. . Yet, as Kiihner observes, Stephanus of 
Byzantium has Σηλυμύρία, and Selymbria is the invariable mode of 
speuns. among the Latins, I like Thimbron, too, much better {μὰν 

ibron. 

? Svyyeveic.] Valckenaer (ad Herod. iv. 80) deduces this συγγένεια 
from the circumstance of Sadocus, the son of Sitalces, having received 
the rights of citizenship from the Athenians. (Thucyd. ii. 29; Schol. 
ad Aristoph. Acharn. 146). Kriiger (de Authent. p. 33) rejects this no- 
tion, observing that συγγένεια would not follow from πολιτεία. . But as 
Procne, the daughter of Pandion, king of Athens, is said to have been 
married to Tereus, king of Thrace (see Apollod. iii. 14. 8, ibique Heyne), 


290 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK Vil 


Afterward, when those who were wanted had come in, Xen- 
ophon first asked Seuthes what use he proposed to make of 
the army. 32. Seuthes then proceeded to speak thus: “ Mz- 
sades was my father; and under his government were the 
Melandite, the Thynians, and the Tranipse. But when the 
power of the Odryse declined, my father, being driven from 
this country, died of a disease, and I, being left an orphan wes 
bred up with Medocus, the present king. 33. As soon as I 
became a young man, however, I could not bear to subsist in 
dependence upon another person’s table; and I sat on my seat* 
before him as a suppliant that he would give me as many troops 
as he could, in order that, if I found it at all in my power, I 

-might inflict some evil on those who had expelled us, and might 
cease to live by looking, like a dog, to his table. 34. In com- 
pliance with my request he gave me the infantry and cavalry 
which you will see as soon as it is day. I now subsist with the 
aid of these troops, making depredations on my own hereditary 
dominions; and if you join me, I should expect, with the as- 
sistance of the gods, to recover my authority with ease. This 
is what I desire of you.” 

35. “If we should come, then,” said Xenophon, “ what would 
you be able to give to the soldiers, captains, and generals? Let 
me know, that these who are with me may carry word to them.” 
36. Seuthes then promised to give every soldier a Cyzicene 
stater,? twice as much to a captain, and four times as much 
to a general, with as much land as they should desire, yokes 
of oxen, and a walled town near the sea. 387. “ But if,” said 
Xenophon, “when we attempt this service, we should not 
succeed, but something to deter us should arise on the part of 
the Lacedemonians, will you, if any of us should wish to take 
refuge with you, receive them into your country?” 38. “ Nay, 
more,” replied he, “I will even treat them as brothers, make 
them guests at my own table, and sharers of all that we may 
be able to acquire. To you, Xenophon, I will give my 


is it not more probable that this is the συγγένεια to be here understood? 
See c. 3, sec. 39. Kithner. 

1 *Evdigptoc.] In selid, the same as ἐν δίφρῳ, ς. 3, sect. 29. Kithner. 
The Thracians did not recline on couches at meals, but sat on seats. 
Zeune. But the exact meaning of ἐνδίφριος in this passage is uncertain. 
Sturz ‘settles nothing. In sect. 38, the word is used in the sense of 
ὁμοτράπεζοι, table-companions. 

2 See v. 6. 23. ‘ Monthly’ is to be understood: see on c. 3, sect. 10. 


CHAP. III. XENOPHON ADDRESSES THE ARMY. 22 


daughter ; and, if you have a daughter, I will buy’ her accord- 
ing to the Thracian custom, and will give you Bisanthe, which 
is the finest of my towns upon the sea, as a residence.” 





CHAPTER III. 


All the Greeks, except Neon and his party, accept the proposals of Seuthes, 
and join him. They march with Seuthes against his enemies, whom they 
surprise unawares, and take a great number of slaves, aud much spoil. 


1. Tue party having heard these offers, and having ex- 
changed right hands, rode off. They got back to the camp 
before day-break, and made each his report to those who sent 
him. 2. As soon as it was light, Aristarchus sent again for 
the generals and captains, but they determined to decline 
going to him, and to call together the army. All the troops 
came, except those of Neon, who were about ten stadia dis- 
tant. 3. When they were met, Xenophon stood up and spoke 
as follows : 

“ Soldiers! Aristarchus, having galleys at command, seeks 
to prevent us sailing whither we desire; and in consequence 
it is not safe for us to embark. He would have us make our 
way by force over the Sacred Mountain into the Chersonesus ; 
and, if we should succeed in crossing that mountain, and ar- 
rive there, he says that he will not again sell any of you, as 
he did at Byzantium, or deceive you again, but that you shall 
receive pay, and that he will no longer suffer you, as at pres- 
ent to be in want of provisions. 4. Thus speaks Aristarchus. 
Seuthes, on the other hand, says that if you go to him, he 
will be of service to you. Consider, therefore, whether you 
will decide on this point while remaining here now, or after 
having gone back to get provisions. 5. My own opinion is, 
that since we have no money here to purchase, and since they 
will not allow us to take provisions without money, we should 


1 ἸΩνήσομαι. So Herodotus, v. 6: The Thracians buy their wives from 
their parents with large sums of money. Kiihner.. The people of the 
Kast, as is well known, had the same custom, as also the ancient Greeks: 
see Ariston. Polit. ii. 8. Weiske. See also Tacit. Germ. c. 13. Liom 
Consult Mannert, vii. p. 24. Bornemann. 


222 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK VIL 


return to the villages where the inhabitants, being weaker 
than we are, permit us to take them, and that there when we 
have got supplies, and heard what each of them desires of you,’ 
you may choose whatever may seem best. 6. To whomsoever 
this proposal is agreeable, let him hold up his hand.” They 
all held up their hands. “Go then,” continued he, “and pre- 
pare your baggage, and when any one gives the signal, follow 
your leader.” 

7. Soon after, Xenophon put himself at their head, and 
they followed him. Neon, however, and some other persons 
sent by Aristarchus, tried to persuade them to turn back; but 
they paid no regard to their words. "When they had advanced 
about thirty stadia, Seuthes met them; and Xenophon, when 
he saw him, invited him to ride up that he might state to him, 
in the hearing of as many as possible what he thought for 
their advantage. 8. As he came forward, Xenophon said, 
“We are going to some place where the army will be likely 
to get provisions, and where, after hearing your proposals, and 
those of the Lacedemonian, we shall determine upon that 
course which may seem best to us. _ If, therefore, you will con- 
duct us to a place where provisions are in the greatest abund- 
ance, we shall consider ourselves as being your guests.” 9. 
Seuthes replied, “ I know of several villages lying close together, 
containing all sorts of provisions, and distant from us only so 
far that you may go over to them and dine in comfort.” “Con- 
duct us, then,” said Xenophon. 

10. When they had reached the villages, in the afternoon, 
the soldiers assembled, and Seuthes spoke thus: “I wish you, 
soldiers, to take service with me, and propose to give each of 
you a Cyzicene stater? monthly, and the captains and generais 
what is customary. In addition to this, I will do honor to 
every man that proves himself worthy of it. Meat and drink 

ou shall have, as at present, by taking it from the country ; 
Dut whatever spoil shall be taken, I shall think proper to keep 
myself, that, by disposing of it, 1 may provide pay for you. 


1 Ὅ τε τὶς ὑμῶν δεῖται. Ad quam rem uterque (Seuthes et Aristarchus) 
pperd vestra uti velit. Zeune. 

2 See v. 6. 23. The words τοῦ μηνός, which occur in Hutchinson’s and 
other old editions after κυζικηνόν, are omitted by Dindorf and Kiihner. 
Τὸ appears better to preserve them. They are wanting in c. 2, sect 
36. 


CHAP: τ᾿: PROPOSALS OF SEUTHES ACCEPTED. 223 


11. Such enemies as flee from us, and conceal themselves, we © 
shall be able to pursue and discover : and such as resist us, we 
shall endeavor, with your assistance, to overcome.” 12. Xeno- 
phon then inquired, “ How far from the sea shall you require 
the army to follow you?” He replied, “ Never more than seven 
days’ march, and often less.” 

13. Liberty was then given to any one that wished, to speak ; 
and many concurred in saying that Seuthes made proposals 
of the greatest advantage, as it was winter, and no longer 
practicable, even for such as desired, to sail home; and as it 
was impossible for them to live, though in a country of friends, 
if they were to subsist by purchasing, while it would be safer 
for them to remain and find subsistence in an enemy’s country 
jointly with Seuthes than by themselves, so many advantages 
offering themselves, and if, in addition to these, they also re- 
ceived pay, it appeared to them an unexpected piece of good 
fortune. 14. Xenophon then said, “If any one has aught to 
say aga-nst this opinion, let him speak at once; if not let him 
vote for it.” As no one said any thing against it, he put it to 
the vote, and the decision was in favor of it. © Xenophon 
immediately told Seuthes that they would take the field with 
him. 

15. The soldiers then pitched their tents according to their 
divisions ; the generals and captains, Seuthes, who occupied a 
neighboring village, invited to supper. 16. When they were 
at the entrance, going in to supper, a man named Heraclides, 
a native of Maronea,* presented himself before them. This 
man, addressing himself to every one whom he thought pos- 
sessed of any thing to present to Seuthes, and first to certain 
people from Parium,® who were come to establish a friendship 
with Medocus, king of the Odrys, and had brought presents 
for Seuthes and his wife, said that Medocus resided up the 
country, twelve days’ journey from the sea, and that Seuthes, 
since he had taken this force into his service, would be master 
on the coast; 17. “being your neighbor, therefore,” he added 


1 Διώκειν καὶ pacredev.| Διώκειν, to pursue, with the aid of the cay- 
alry; μαστεύειν, to search out, through being well acquainted with the 
country. Zeune. 

2 A town of .Thrace between Abdera and Doriscus, now called 
Maronia. 

3 A town of Mysia, mentioned c. 2, sect 7. 


224 - THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOx VIL 


“he will be greatly in a condition to do you both good and 
harm; and, if you are wise, you will accordingly give him 
what you have brought, and it will be bestowed to better 
account than if you were to give it to Medocus, who lives at a 
distance.” 18. By these arguments he prevailed upon them. 
Accosting, in the next place, Timasion the Dardanian, as he 
had heard that he had cups and Persian carpets, he observed 
that it was customary, whenever Seuthes invited people to 
supper, for those who were invited to make him presents; 
“and,” sail he, “if he becomes powerful in this country, he 
will be able either to restore you to yours, or to make you 
rich here.” In this manner he sued for Seuthes, addressing 
himself to each of the guests, 19. Advancing also toward 
Xenophon, he said, “ You are of a most honorable city, and 
your name stands very high with Seuthes; and perhaps you 
will desire to have some place of strength, and a portion of 
land, in this country, as others’ of your countrymen have. 
It will be proper for you, therefore, to honor Seuthes most 
magnificently ; 20. and I give you this advice as your well- 
wisher ; for I know that the greater presents you make him,? 
the greater benefits you will receive from him.” Xenophon,. 
on hearing this, was in some perplexity ; for he had come over 
from Parium with only one servant, and just enough money for 
the journey. 

21. When the company went in to supper, consisting of the 
chief Thracians who were there, the generals and captains of 
the Greeks, and such embassadors as had come from any city, 
the supper was prepared for them as they took their seats in 
a circle, and tables with three feet were then brought in for 
each. These tables were full of pieces of meat piled up, and 
large leavened loaves were attached to the meat. 22. The 
tables* were always placed near the strangers in preference to 
others; for such was their custom. Seuthes then first pro- 
ceeded to act as follows: taking up the loaves that were sct 
by him, he broke them into smail portions, and distributed to 

1 He seems chiefly to allude to Alcibiades. See Corn. Nep, Are. c. 7. 
Zeune, Consult Hellen. ii. 1. 25, where the reiy7 of Alcibiades on the 
coast of Thrace are mentioned. Schneider. 

3 Τούτῳ. Kiihner, and most other editors, read τούτων, “ than these,” 
ὦ. 6. those of your countrymen to whom I have alluded. 


3 Ai τράπεζα:.] These are the same that are before called tpimedec. 
Kiuhner. 


CHAP. III. PRESENTS MADE TO SEUTHES. 225 


those whoin he pleased, and the flesh in a similar way, leaving 
for himself only just sufficient to taste. 23. The rest of those 
before whom tables were placed, followed his example. But 
a certain Arcadian, whose name was Arystas, an extraor- 
dinary eater, took no care about distributing, but taking in his 
hand a loaf of about three cheenices,* and placing some meat 
upon his knees, went on with his supper. 24. In the mean 
time they carried round horns of wine, and every body took 
some ; but Arystas, when the cup-bearer came to him with the 
horn, and he observed that Xenophon had finished his supper, 
said, “Give it to him, for he is now at leisure; I am ‘not so 
yet.” 25. Seuthes, hearing the voice, asked the cup-bearer 
what he said; and the cup-bearer (for he knew the Greek lan- 
guage) told him. A laugh in consequence followed. 

26. As the cup made its way, a Thracian entered leading a 
white horse, and, taking up a horn full of wine, said, “I drink 
to you, O Seuthes, and present you with this horse, mounted 
on which, and pursuing whomsoever you please, you will over- 
take him, and when retreating, you will have no cause to fear 
an enemy.” 27. Another, bringing in a boy, presented him, 
drinking to Seuthes, in like manner, and another vestments 
for his wife. Timasion, drinking to him, made him a present 
of a silver cup, and a carpet worth ten minx. 28. But one 
Gnesippus, an Athenian, rose up and said, that it was an ex- 
cellent custom in old times, that those who had any thing 
should give presents to the king to do him honor, and that 
the king should give to those who have nothing ;. I, therefore, 
beg something of you,’ that I may have something to present 
you, and to do you honor.” 

29. As for Xenophon, he was in doubt how to act, for he 
was seated, as a person held in honor, in the place next to 
Seuthes; and Heraclides now desired the cup-bearer to pre- 
sent him the horn. However, he stood up boldly (for he had 
by this time drunk rather copiously), and taking the horn, 
said, 30. “I present you, O Seuthes, myself, and these my 
comrades, to be your faithful friends, no.one of them being 
reluctant, but all desiring, even more than myself, to be your 
adherents. 31. They are now here before you, asking nothing 


1 See i. 5, 7. 
2 "Iva καὶ ἐγὼ, «. τ. 2.] Sententia aliqua mente supplenda est, ut dico 
ἰδὲ hoc, aut peto abs te hoc. Kiihner. ke 
10* 


226 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK VIL. 


else of you, but desiring to labor for you, expressing their 
willingness to incur dangers for your sake; with whose as- 
sistance, if the gods are favorable, you will recover, on the 
one hand, a large portion of country which was your father’s, 
and, on the other, acquire some in addition ; and you will also 
become master of many men and women, whom it will not be 
necessary to take by force, but they themselves will come to 
you with presents in their hands.” 32. Seuthes then stood up 
and drank with him,* and then joined with him in sprinkling 
what remained in the horn upon himself? 

_ Soon after some people came in that played on horns, such 
as they make signals with, and trumpets made of raw ox-hides, 
blowing regular tunes, and as if they were playing on the 
magadis.’ 33. Seuthes himself rose up and uttered the war- 


1 Suvegérte.] The preposition σὺν, says Kiihner, shows that Seuthes 
received the address of Xenophon with pleasure. Porson (ed. Hutch.) 
reads συνέπιε, which is given by Suidas sub voce Κατασκεδάζειν. The use 
of the preposition ἐξ, indeed, is not very apparent, unless it be to signify 
that Seuthes drained the cup to the bottom. 

2 Καὶ κατεσκεδάσατο μετὰ τοῦτο τὸ κέρας. “It was a custom of the 
Thracians at their banquets, when the guests had drunk as much wine 
as they could, to pour the rest of the wine upon the garments of the 
guests, which they called κατασκεδάζειν." Suidas, “ The Scythians and 
Thracians, iudulging in wine, both their wives and themselves, to ex- 
cess, and pouring it over their garments, think that-they observe an 
honorable and excellent custom.” Plato de Legg. 1. 9. The middle 
voice, in this passage of Xenophon, signifies that the Thracians poured 
whatever remained in the cup, after they had drunk, not on the gar- 
ments of their guests, but on their own. Kiihner. This critic accord- 
ingly rejects the emendation of Pierson and Meerin, p. 217, though 
approved by Toup and Porson: συγκατέσκέδασε τῶν μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ τὸ κέρας, 
quod reliquum erat vini, in convivas effudit. But as Athenzeus, iv. 35, 
Eustathius ad Hom. p. 707, Suidas sub voce κατασκεδάζειν and Pha- 
vorinus, all read μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ instead of μετὰ τοῦτο, he has admitted that 
reading into his text, thus making the sense of the passage, “‘ Seuthes 
joined with Xenophon in sprinkling the wine on himself,” ἃ e. Seuthes 
sprinkled wine from his own goblet on his own garments, and Xeno- 
phon, imitating him, sprinkled wine from his own goblet on his own 
garments. This is, perhaps, the best way in which the passage can bo 
read and interpreted, if the verb be kept in the middle voice, which is 
in accordance with the passage just cited from Plato, though some- 
what at variance with what is said by Suidas. But whether they 
sprinkled the wine over their own clothes or those of others, or both, we 
may dismiss the passage with Spelman’s observation, that it was a 
“ridiculous custom.” 

3 Atheneus, iv. c. ult., says, Ὁ δὲ μάγαδις καλούμενος αὐλὸς---ὀξὺξ 


cHAP. 11. PREPARATIONS FOR AN EXPEDITION. 227 


cry, and sprang out of his place with the utmost agility, like a 
man guarding against a missile. Buffoons also entered. 

84. When the sun was near setting, the Greeks rose, and 
said that it was time to place the guards for the nigh4, and to 
give out the watch-word. They requested Seuthes, at the 
same time, to give orders that none of the Thracians should 
enter the Greek camp by night; “for,” said they, “both your 
enemies are Thracians, and. so are you, our friends.”* 35. As 
they were going out, Seuthes stood up, not at all like a man 
intoxicated, and, walking forth, and calling back the generals 
by themselves, said to them, “The enemy, my friends, know 
nothing as yet of our alliance; if, then, we should march upon 
them before they are on their guard against a surprise, or are 
prepared to make any defense, we should be very likely to 
take both prisoners and booty.” 36. The generals expressed 
their assent to what he said, and desired him to lead them. 
“ Prepare yourselves then,” he replied, “and wait for me, and, 
when the proper time comes, I will come to you, and, taking 
the peltasits and yourselves, will, with the aid of the gods, 
conduct you.” 37. “Consider, however, rejoined Xenophon, 
“whether, since we are to march in the night, the Greek 
practice is not preferable; for on the march, during the day, 
whatever part of the army be suitable for the ground, takes 
the lead, whether it be the heavy-armed men, or the peltasts, 
or the cavalry; but in the night it is the custom among the 
Greeks for the slowest part of the force to lead the way. 388. 
Thus the troops are least likely to be dispersed, and least in 
danger of straggling unobserved from one another; for bodies 
that have been separated often fall foul of each other, and both 
do and suffer injury unawares.” 39. “ You say well,” replied 
Seuthes, “and I will conform to your custom; I will also pro- 
vide you guides, some of the oldest men, best acquainted with 
the country; I will bring’ up the rear myself with the cavalry, 


καὶ βαρὺν φϑόγγον ἐπιδείκνυται : ‘The magadis, a pipe so called, gives 
forth a shrill and strong sound.” This seems to be the instrument here 
meant, though the same author (ibid.) observes that there was another 
kind of μάγαδις, resembling a harp. Poppo refers to Boeck. Comment, 
Metr. in Pind. p. 261. 

1 Your enemies are Thracians, and you our friends are also Thrae 
-_ so that in the dark we might mistake you for our enemies, 


298 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK VIL 


end, if there be occasion, will soon come up to the front.” For 
the watch-word they fixed upon Minerva, on account of their 
relationship.’ After this conversation they went to rest. 

40. When it was about midnight, Seuthes came to them 
with his cavalry clad in their corslets, and his _peltasts 
equipped with their arms. After he had appointed the guides, 
the heavy-armed men took the lead, the peltasts followed, and 
the cavalry formed the rear-guard. 41. As soon as it was 
day, Seuthes rode up to the front, and extolled the Greek 
custom, for he said that he himself, when marching in the 
night, though but with a small force, had often been separated, 
along with the cavalry, from the infantry; “but now,” he 
added, “ we all appear in a body at break of day, as we ought 
to be. But halt here, and take some rest, and I, after having 
taken a survey of the country, will return te you.” 42. When 
he said this, he rode off over a hill, taking a particular road. 
Having come to some deep snow, he examined whether there 
were any footsteps of men on it, pointing either forward or 
the contrary way. But as he found the way untrodden, he 
soon came back, and said, 43. “ All will be well, my friends, 
if the gods be but favorable; for we shall fall upon the in- 
habitants unawares. For my own part, I will lead the way 
with the cavalry, in order that, if we come in sight of any per- 
son, he may not run off and give notice to the enemy. Follow 
me; and, if you are left behind, keep in the track of the 
cavalry. When we have crossed these hills, we shall come to 
a number of well-stored villages.” 

44, When it was mid-day, he had already reached the sum- 
mit, and, after taking a view of the villages, came riding back 
to the heavy-armed. men, and said, “I will now send off the 
horse to gallop down into the plain, and the peltasts to attack 
the villages. Follow therefore as fast as you can, that if any 
of the enemy offer resistance, you may give your support.” 
45. Xenophon, on hearing this, alighted from his horse. “ Why 
do you alight,” inquired Seuthes, “when it is necessary to 
make haste?” “I am sure,” replied Xenophon, “that you do 
not want me only; and the heavy-armed men will hasten on 
with greater speed and alacrity, if I lead them on foot.” 46. 
Seuthes then rode off, and Timasion, with about forty of the 


1G, 2, sect. 31. 


cus7.rv. ΒΟΟΤῪ TAKEN: VILLAGES BURNED. 229 


Greek cavalry, went with him, Xenophon called on the most 
active men of each company, such as were under thirty years 
of age, to come forward, and, taking these, he hurried on, 
while Cleanor led up the rest of the Greeks. 47. When they 
came to the villages, Seuthes, riding up to Xenophon, with 
about fifty horse, said, “ What you said,’ Xenophon, has hap- 
pened; the inhabitants are captured; but my cavalry are 
gone off without a leader, pursuing the people some one way, 
some another; and I am afraid that the enemy, collecting in a 
body somewhere, may do us some mischief. It is necessary, 
too, that some of us should remain in the villages, for they are 
full of people.” 48. “I then,” said Xenophon, “with the 
force that I have, will possess myself of the heights; and do 
you, meanwhile, order Cleanor to extend his line along through 
the plain by the villages.” When they had made this arrange- 
ment, about a thousand slaves, two thousand oxen, and ten 
thousand head of other cattle, were captured, They then took 
up their quarters there for the night. 





CHAPTER IV. 


Seuthes burns the villages, and takes more spoil. The Greeks suffer from 
cold. The Barbarians, who had fled, come down from the mountains on 
pretense of wishing to make a truce ; they thus reconnoitre the camp, and 
then attack the Greeks in the night, by whom they are repulsed; they 
make submission to Seuthes, and their lives are spared. 


1. Tue next day, Seuthes, having entirely burned the vil- 
lages, and left not a single house standing (in order to strike 
terror into the rest of the people, when they saw what they 
would suffer if they did not submit), made a retreat. 2. The 
booty he sent Heraclides to sell at Perinthus, that pay might 
be raised for the soldiers. He himself and the Greeks en- 


1 To what this alludes, the critics are not agreed. Zeune refers it to 
sect. 38; Schneider to sect. 37; Bornemann, perhaps with more proba- 
biltty, to sect. 31, where Xenophon says, ‘‘ You will become master 
of many men and women,” to which he considers that the words of ~ 
Seuthes, “the inhabitants are captured,” refer. Halbkart, however, 
considers that it alludes to something which Xenophor hag cmitted to 
mention. 


. 380 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK VIL 


camped on the plain of the Thynians, who left their dwellings, 
and fled to the mountains. 

3. There was now a great fall of snow, and ‘such severe 
frost, that the water which the attendants brought in for 
dinner, and the wine in the vessels, were frozen, and the noses 
and ears of many of the Greeks were bitten off. 4. Hence it 
became evident why the Thracians wear the skins of foxes 
over their heads and ears, and coats that extend not only 
over their breasts, but round their thighs; and why, when on 
horseback, they wear wide garments,’ not cloaks, reaching 
down to their feet. 

5. Seuthes, sending some of the prisoners to the mountains, 
made it known that if the inhabitants did not come down and 
submit to him, he would burn both their villages and their 
corn, and that they would then perish with hunger. In con- 

- sequence the women, children, and old men came down, but 
the younger sort encamped in the villages at the foot of the 
hills. 6. Seuthes, on receiving notice of their proceedings, 
desired Xenophon to take the youngest of the heavy-armed 
men, and to follow him. Starting, accordingly, in the night, 
they arrived at the villages by break of day. Most of the 
occupants fled, for the mountains were close at hand. ΑἹ] that 
Seuthes took, he put to the spear without mercy. 

7. There was with him on this occasion one Episthenes,” an 
Olynthian, a great lover of boys, who, seeing a handsome youth, 
just in his bloom, with a shield in his hand, about to be put 
to death, ran up to Xenophon, and begged him to intercede 
for so beautiful a young man. 8. Xenophon, going up to 
Seuthes, begged him not to kill the youth, and made him ac- 
quainted, at the same time, with the character of Episthenes, 
telling him that he once raised a company in which he made 
it his sole object that the men should be handsome; and that 
at the head of these he proved himself a man of valor. 9. 


1 Ζειράς. From what is said by Harpocration, that the Cecpai were 
put on μετὰ τοὺς χιτῶνας, ὥσπερ ἐφαπτίδας, Zeune concludes that the 
ζεφά was a penula or outer garment, reaching to the feet, and fastened 
with a belt; referring also to what Herodotus (vii. 69) says of the Arabs, 
ζειρὰς ὑπεζωσμένοι ἦσαν. Kiihner. The lower part seems to have been 
something of the nature of a petticoat. Spelman renders the werd 
“ cassocks.” 


2 Not he that is mentioned i. 10. 7; iv. 6. 1. 


CHAP. IV. AN ATTACK FROM THE THRACIANS. 231 


Seuthes then put this question to Episthenes: “Would you 
be willing, Episthenes, to die for this youth?” Episthenes, 
stretching out his neck, replied, “ Strike, if the youth desires 
it, and will feel grateful to me.” 10. Seuthes next asked the 
youth whether he should kill Episthenes instead of him. The 
youth would not consent, but besought him to kill neither. 
Episthenes then embraced the youth, and said, “ Now, Seuthes, 
you must fight with me for him; for 1 will not give up the 
youth.” 11. Seuthes laughed, and. did nothing further in the 
matter. 

It was resolved by Seuthes that they should encamp where 
they were, in order that the people upon the mountains might 
not get subsistence from the villages. He himself, going dewn 
a little lower into the plain, pitched his camp there. Xeno- 
phon, with the select body of men,’ fixed himself in the village 
highest up under the hills. The rest of the Greeks took up 
their quarters close by, among the people called-the mountain 
Thracians. 

12. Not many days had elapsed, when the Thracians, coming 
down from the hills to Seuthes, made a treaty with him about 
a peace, and the giving of hostages. Xenophon, at the same 
time, went and told Seuthes that they were encamped in a 
dangerous place, and that the enemy were near at hand; and 
said that he would rather encamp in some secure post abroad, 
than in a sheltered position with the danger of being cut off. 
Seuthes bade him fear nothing, and pointed to the hostages 
then in his hands. 13. Some of the people from the mount- 
ains, too, came down and begged Xenophon to assist them in 
effecting a treaty. Xenophon assented, told *hem to keep up 
their spirits, and engaged that they should suffer no harm if 
they submitted to Seuthes. But. they had come with this re- 
quest only for the purpose of acting as spies. 

14. These things took place during the day. In the course 
ef the following night the Thracians cathe down from the hills 
and attacked them. Each master of a house acted as a leader, 
for it would have been difficult for them, under any other ar- 
rangement, to find the houses in the villages in the dark, as 
they were surrounded with high palisades to secure the cattle. 
15. When they came up to the door of cach house, some hurled 


* Ch. 3, sect. 46. 


232 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK VIL. 


their spears in at them, others struck them with their clubs, 
which they carried, they said, to knock off the heads of the 
spears, while others set fire to the buildings, and calling for Xe- 
nophon by name, bade him come forth and be put to death; or 
else they declared that he should be burned to ashes upon the 
spot. 16. The fire soon began to show itself through the roof, 
and Xenophon and his men were within, with their corslets 
on, and their shields, swords, and helmets’ in their hands, 
when Silanus, a native of Macestus,’ about eighteen years of 
age,* blew a signal with a trumpet, and they immediately 
rushed out, with their swords drawn, as well as those from 
the neighboring houses. 17. The Thracians at once took to 
flight, slinging their slields, as was their custom, over their 
shoulders; and some of them, as they were trying to leap over 
the palisades, were caught and suspended, their shields stick- 
ing fast among the stakes; some were killed through missing 
the outlets; and the Greeks drove the rest out of the village. 
18. A party of the Thynians, however, came back under cover 
of the darkness, and hurled their javelins at some of the Greeks 
that were running past a burning house, taking aim out of the 
darkness at those who were in the light; they wounded Hiero- 
nymus a Euodean,* and Theogenes a Locrian, both captains ; 
but. nobody was killed; though the clothes and baggage of 
some of them were burned. 19. Seuthes came to their relief 
with seven horsemen, the first that he met, bringing with 
him the Thracian trumpeter; and, when he saw how matters 
stood, the trumpet, by his orders, continued to sound as long 
as he was on the march to give aid; so that this noise also 


1 Perhaps they had been prevented by the lowness of the roofs from 
putting on their helmets. 

2 A town in the Triphylian district of Elis. Steph. Byz. 

3. Schneider supposes that the age of the youth is mentioned because 
it properly required a grown-up person to inflate a trumpet effectually ; 
Halbkart, because he showed such presence of mind as would have been 
remarkable in one of maturer years. 

4 Ἱερώνυμόν te Evodéa.] The last word is generally regarded as 
corrupt. ‘Kiihner supposes that this is the same Hieronymus who is 
mentioned as a native of Elis, iii. 1.34; vi. 4.10; vii. 1. 32; and thinks 
that Xenophon here gives him an epithet from the particular town cf 
Klis in which he was born.. Some copies have Ἱερώνυμόν τε καὶ Eiodéc, 
as if EKuodeus were the name of another man; but the καὶ is justly 
rejected by Bornemann; and Kiihner, though he retains, does not de- 
fend it. 


CHAP. Y. SEUTHES BECOMES POWERFUL. 233 


contributed to strike terror into the enemy. When he came 
up, he congratulated the Greeks, and said that he had ex- 
pected to find many of them killed. 

20. Xenophon then requested Seuthes to give up the host- 
ages to him,’ and to march with him, if, he was willing, to the 
mountains; if not, to permit him to go himself. 21. The next 
day, accordingly, Seuthes gave him the hostages (who were 
men of advanced age, the most considerable persons, as they 
said, among the mountaineers), and joined him with his army. 
Seuthes had now a force three times as large as before ;? for 
many of the Odrysz, on hearing what he was doing, had come 
down to take the field with him. 22. The Thynians, when 
they beheld from the mountains so fast a force of heavy- 
armed men, peltasts, and cavalry, came down and besought 
him to make peace with them, engaging to serve him in every 
way, and requesting him to accept pledges from them. 23. 
Seuthes, calling in Xenophon, communicated to him what 
they said, and observed, at the same time, that he would not 
make peace, if Xenophon wished to take revenge on them 
for their attack. 24. Xenophon replied, “I consider my- 
self sufficiently revenged, if these people, instead of remain- 
ing free, are to become slaves;” adding, however, that he 
advised him to take as hostages in future those who had most 
power to harm him, and to let the old men stay at home. ΑἹ] 
the people in this part of the country accordingly submitted 
to Seuthes, 





CHAPTER V. 


The Greeks are not paid in full, yet continue to serve Seuthes ; the soldiers 
are dissatisfied, on this account, with Xenophon. Unfairness of Seuthes ; 
the expedition to Salmydessus. 


1. ΤΉΕΥ now crossed over*® to the Thracians above By- 
zantium, into what is called the Delta. This had not formed 


1 The reason for this request is not very clear. 

ΠΑ force three times as great as he had before the Greeks joined him. 
Zeune. 

3 In the translation of the commencement of this chapter, I have 
adhered to the pointing of Dindorf, which makes ὑπερδάλλουσι the third 


9284 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK VII. 


any part of the dominion of Mesades,* though it had belonged 
to Teres, a son of Odryses,? some ancient king. 2. Here He- 
raclides met them with the price of the spoil. 

Seuthes, selecting three pairs of mules (for there were no 
more), and others of oxen, sent for Xenophon and requested 
him to accept the first for himself, and to distribute the others 
among the generals and captains. 3. Xenophon replied, “For 
myself it will be sufficient to receive something another time ; 
give these to the generals and captains that have followed you 
in company with me.” 4. Timasion the Dardanian then re- 
ceived one of the pairs, Cleanor the Orchomenian another, 
and Phryniscus the Achzan the third; the pairs of oxen were 
divided among the captains. But Seuthes gave the army 
only twenty days’ pay, though the month was expired ; for 
Heraclides said that he had been unable to sell any more.* 
5. Xenophon, being concerned at this deficiency, exclaimed, 
with an imprecation, “You seem to me, Heraclides, not to 
have such care for the interests of Seuthes as you ought to 
have; for, if you had such care, you would have brought the 
full pay, even though you had borrowed money to make it up, 
or sold your own clothes, if you could not raise the sum by 
any other means.” 

6. At this reproach Heraclides was extremely vexed, and 
feared that he should be deprived of the friendship of Seuthes ; 
and, from that day, in whatever way he could, he labored to 
bring Xenophon into disgrace with Seuthes. 7. The soldiers, 
too, threw blame upon Xenophon because they did not receive 
their pay; and Seuthes was displeased with him because he 
was earnest in demanding it for them. 8. Until that time he 
had been constantly telling him that, when he arrived at the 
sea, he would put him in possession of Bisanthe, and Ganos, 
person plural. Kriiger and Kiihner point the passage in such a way as 
to make ὑπερδάλλουσι the dative plural of the participle, dependent on 
παρῆν. 

᾿ The father of Seuthes, ¢. 2, sect. 32. 

2 The article τοῦ after Τήρου shows us that we should understand 
Xenophon as meaning eres the son of Odryses, the old king from whom 
the Odrysz were named. Bornemann. The sense of the passage seems 
to be that the Delta had formerly been part of the kingdom of the Odrys 
in the time of Teres, but had ceased to belong to it before or during the 
reign of Meesades, the father of Seuthes. 

3 Οὐ πλεῖον ἐμπολήσαι.] Not to be rendered with Leunclavius non 
pluris, but non majorem prede partem. Kiihner 


CHAP. Υ͂. DECEITFULNESS OF HERACLIDES. 235 
and Neontichos, but, after that period, he alluded to none of 
those places; for Heraclides had maliciously insinuated that 
it was not safe to intrust fortresses to a man at the head of an 
army. 

Ἂ Xenophon, in consequence, began to consider with him- 
self what he ought to do about the expedition further up the 
country. Heraclides, meantime, was thrusting the other gen- 
erals upon Seuthes, and urging them to say that they could 
lead the army not less effectively,than Xenophon ; he assured 
them also that, in a few days, their full pay for two months 
should be given them, and recommended them to continue in 
the service of Seuthes. 10. To this Timasion replied, “ For 
my part, even if five months’ pay were to be given me, 1 
would not serve without Xenophon.” Phryniscus and Cleanor 
expressed the same sentiments as Timasion. 

11. Seuthes then blamed Heraclides for not calling in Xen- 
ophon with them; and they accordingly sent for him alone. 
But Xenophon, seeing that this was a trick of Heraclides, to 
render him unpopular with the rest of the generals, took with 
him, when he went, not only all the generals, but all the cap- 
tains. 12. As they were all moved by the arguments of 
Seuthes, they joined him in an expedition, and proceeded 
through the country of the Thracians called Melinophagi, 
keeping the Euxine Sea on the right, to Salmydessus. Here 
many of the ships sailing into the Euxine are grounded and 
driven ashore ; for a shoal there stretches far out into the sea. 
13. The Thracians who live in those parts, set up pillars as 
boundaries, and each party plunder the wrecks stranded on 
their own portion of the coast; but for some time before they 
erected the pillars, it was said that they fell in great numbers 
by the hands of each other while engaged in plundering. 14. In 
this place were found couches, boxes, written books,’ and 


1 Πολλαὶ δὲ βίβλοι γεγραμμέναι. If γεγραμμέναι is genuine, as can 
not indeed be doubted, we must necessarily suppose that written books 
are meant. But some commentators have expressed great surprise at 
the mention of written books in this passage, because they were ex- 
tremely scarce in those days, and because it was not at all likely that 
they would have been brought by merchants into those parts. This 
consideration induced Larcher to set aside the word γεγραμμέναι, 
and suggest that we should read πολλὰ δὲ βυδλία, that is, many 

‘uniculi, restes, rudentes, “ropes or cables.” * *.* On the traffic in 

ooks, see Becker’s Charicles, tom. i. p. 207. Kiihner. Some have 


236 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK VIL 


many other things, such as seamen carry in their wooden 
store-chests.' Having subdued this people, they went back 

in. 15. Seuthes had now an army superior in number to 
that of the Greeks; for many more of the Odryse had come 
down to him, and others, as fast as they submitted, joined his 
force. They encamped in a plain above Selybria, at the dis- 
tance of about thirty stadia from the sea. 16. No pay as yet 
appeared ; the soldiers were greatly dissatisfied with Xeno- 
phon; and Seuthes no longer treated him with familiarity, 
but, whenever he went to desire to speak with him, many 
engagements were pretended. 





CHAPTER VI. 


The Greeks are solicited by the Lacedsmonians to join them in a war with 
Tissaphernes, when a certain Arcadian brings a formal accusation against 
Xenophon ; he defends himself, and is justified by others. He is request- 
ed by Seuthes to remain in his service with a thousand men, but resolves 

. to depart. 


1. Ar this time, when two months had nearly expired, 
Charminus, a Lacedzemonian, and Polynicus, came from Thi- 
bron, and stated that the Lacedzmonians had resolved to take 
the field against Tissaphernes, and that Thibron’ had set sail 


thought that 6620: here means merely rolls of bark, as Theophrastus (H. 
P. iv. 8. 4) says that the βίέθλος was used for sails, ropes, mats, and 
other articles; but this notion, as well as that of Zeune and Weiske, 
who think that nothing but paper is meant, is irreconcilable with the 
word γεγραμμέναι, which, as Kihner observes, we have the strongest 
reason to think genuine. ‘‘ And as so many books were written and 
read in Greece,” says Kriiger, “it is not at all surprising that some of 
them should have been transported to the Greek colonies.” Hutchinson 
refers to a passage of Theopompus, similar to that of Xenophon, preservy- 
ed by Longinus, sect. 43. 

"Ev ξυλίνοις τεύχεσι. These, in case of shipwreck, would not sink, 
but float to the shore. Kriiger. 

? @i6pwr.] Sec c. 2, sect. 28.  Tissaphernes, unsuccessful in his 
attempts on the Ten Thousand Greeks, had returned to Asia Minor 
to assume Cyrus’s authority, and take vengeance on such as had 
supported him. The cities of Ionia, fearing his resentment, had applied 
for protection to the Lacedemonians, who had sent out Thibron 
thither as harmost, with an army of 4500 men. See Xen. Hellen, 
iP. 9: 


car. vi. SOLICITATIONS FROM THE LACED MONIANS. 23% 


for the purpose of carrying on the war with him; adding that 
he was in want of this auxiliary force, and promised that a 
daric a month should be the pay for each common soldier, 
twice as much for the captains, and four times as much for the 
nerals. 2. When these Lacedemonians arrived, Heraclides, 
earing that they were come for the army, remarked to Seu- 
thes that it was a fortunate occurrence, “ for the Lacedzemoni- 
ans,” said he, “are in want of the army, and you no longer 
require it; by resigning it, therefore, you will gratify them, 
. and the soldiers will cease to ask you for pay, and will leave 
the country.” 

3. Seuthes, listening to these representations, desired him to 
bring the Lacedzemonians to him; and as they told him that 
they were come for the army, he said that he would give it up, 
and was willing to be their friend and ally, and invited them 
to a banquet, at which he entertained them magnificently, but 
did not invite Xenophon, or any of the other generals. 4. 
The Lacedemonians inquiring what sort of a person Xeno- 
phon was, he replied, that in other respects he was not a bad 
man, but that he was a great friend to the soldiers, “and on that 
account,” added he, “it is the worse for him.”* “Does the 
man then,” said they, “try to make himself popular with the 
soldiers?” “Certainly,” replied Heraclides. 5. “ Will he not 
then oppose us,” said they, “respecting the removal of the 
army?” “But if you call the soldiers together,” rejoined He- 
taclides, “and promise them pay, they will show little regard 
to him, and will hasten away with you.” 6. “How, then,” 
said they, “ean they be assembled to hear us?” “To-morrow 
morning,” answered Heraclides, “ we will bring you to them, 
and I feel assured that, as soon as they see you, ἊΨ will 
readily flock together.” "Thus ended that day. 

7. Next morning Seuthes and Heraclides condbeted the 
Lacedemonians to the army, and the soldiers were called to- 
gether. The Lacedzmonians then stated that it was resolved 
by their countrymen to go to war with Tissaphernes, “ who,” 
said they, “has injured you. If therefore you join with us, 
you will both revenge yourselves on an enemy, and will re- 
ceive, each of you, a daric a month, a captain double, and a 
general fourfold.” 8. The soldiers listened to this offer with 


? He is in a worse condition than he would be, if he paid less regard 
to the soldiers. Kiihner. 


238 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK Vii. 


pleasure; and one of the Arcadians immediately rose up to 
make an accusation against Xenophon. Seuthes was also pres- 
ent, being desirous to know how the matter would end, and 
was standing where he could easily hear, attended by an in- 
terpreter, though he himself understood most of what was 
spoken in Greek. 9. The Areadadian proceeded to say, “ We 
should certainly, O Lacedemonians, have been with you long 
ago, if Xenophon had not wrought upon us and led us hither, 
where, serving through a severe winter, we have had no rest* 
night or day; while he has the fruit of our labors, and Seu- 
thes enriches him personally, and deprives us of our pay; 10. 
so that if I, who am the first to speak on this occasion, could 
see him stoned to death, and paying the penalty for what he 
has made us suffer in dragging us about, I should think that I 
had received my pay, and should cease to be concerned at 
what I have undergone.” After him another stood up, and 
then another ; when Xenophon proceeded to speak as follows : 

11. “A man may well, indeed, expect any kind of fate, 
since I now meet with accusations from you, at a time when I 
am conscious of having displayed the utmost zeal to serve you. 
After I had set out homeward, I turned back, not certainly 
from learning that you were in a satisfactory condition, but 
rather from hearing that you were in difficulties, and with the 
intention of aiding you if I could? 12. When I got back to 
the army, though Seuthes here sent many messengers to me, 
and promised me many advantages, if I would induce you to 
go to him, I made no attempt, as you yourselves know, to do 
so, but led you toa place* from which I thought you would 
have the quickest passage into Asia; for I considered that 
this course would be best for you, and knew that you desired 
it. 13. But when Aristarchus came with his galleys, and 
prevented you from sailing across, I then (as was doubtless 
proper) called you together, that we might consider what 
measures we ought to take. 14. After hearing then Aristar- 
chus, on the one hand, desiring you to go to the Chersonesus, 


1 Πεπαύμεϑα.] Πεπάμεϑα has crept into many editions, Henry Steph- 
ens having said that it was found in.some manuscripts. But Dindorf 
and Kiihner declare that eyery manuscript that has yet been examined 
presents πεπαύμεϑα. 

τ 3. See 6: 1, sect. 40, and-e. 2, sect. 8. 

3 Perinthus: ὁ. 2, sect. 10. Kihner. 


CHAP. τι. XENOPHON OBLIGED TO JUSTIFY HIMSELF. 939 


and listening to Seuthes, on the other, urging you to take the 
field with him, you all said that you would go with Seuthes, 
and all gave your votes for that course. In what respect then 
did I wrong you on that occasion, by leading you whither you 
all resolved to go? 

15. “Since Seuthes, however, has begun to break his word 
concerning your pay, you, if I were to express approbation of 
his conduct, would justly accuse and detest me; but if I, who 
was previously his greatest friend, and now most of all men at 
variance with him, with what reason can I, who have prefer- 
red your interest to that of Seuthes, incur censure from you 
for that very conduct through which I have brought upon me 
his enmity? 16. But perhaps you may say that I have re- 
ceived your pay from Seuthes, and am merely deluding you. 
This however is certain, that if Seuthes has paid me any thing, 
he did not pay it with a view of losing what he paid me, and 
of paying, at the same time, an additional sum to you; but, I 
should think, if he had given me any thing, he would have 
given it with this intention, that by bestowing on me a less 
sum, he might not have to pay you a greater. 17. If there- 
fore you suppose that sach is the case, it is in your power to 
render the compact profitless to both of us, by requiring from 
him your pay; for it is evident that Seuthes, if I have re- 
ceived any thing from him, will in that case demand it back 
from me, and will demand it justly, if I fail to fulfill the con- 
tract for which I was bribed? 18. But I am conscious of 
being far from possessing any thing that belongs to you; for I 
swear-to you by all the gods and goddesses, that I have not 
even received what Seuthes promised me for myself; and he 
is himself present, and as he hears me, knows whether I com- 
mit perjury or not; 19. and, that you may be still more sur- 
prised, I swear that I have not even received as much as tho 
other generals have received, no, nor even as much as some of 
the captains. 20. From what motive, then, did I act thus? 
I thought, my fellow-soldiers, that the more I participated in 
his poverty for the time, the more effectually should I render 
him my friend when he should be able to serve me. But 
I now see him at once in a state of prosperity, and understand 
his real disposition. 21. Possibly some .one may say, ‘Are 
you not ashamed, then, of having been thus foolishly deceived ? 
I should indeed be ashamed, if I had been thus deceived by an 


240 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK VIL. 


enemy, but in a friend it appears far more disgraceful to de- 
ceive than to be deceived. 22. If however we are to be on our 
guard against friends, I know that we have been on the strictest 
guard not to give Seuthes any just pretense for refusing to pay 
us what he promised ; for we have neither done him any harm, 
nor neglected his interests, nor shrunk from any undertaking to 
which he called us. 

23. “But, you may say, I ought to have taken pledges at 
the time, that even if he had had the will, he might not have 
had the power to deceive. With regard to this point, hear 
what I should never have mentioned before him,’ if you had 
not shown yourself either extremely inconsiderate or ex- 
tremely ungrateful toward me. 24. For recollect in what 
circumstances you were placed, when I extricated you from 
them by conducting you to Seuthes. Did not* Aristarchus 
the Lacedemonian prevent you from entering Perinthus, shut- 
ting the gates if you offered to approach the city? Did you 
not encamp without the wall in the open air? Was it not the 
middle of winter? Had you not to buy provisions, when you 
found but. few commodities for sale, and had but little with 
which to buy? 25. Were you not obliged to remain in 
Thrace, because galleys at anchor prevented you from sailing 
across, while, whoever staid, had to stay in an enemy’s 
country, where there were numbers of cavalry and numbers of 
peltasts to oppose you? 26. And though we had a heavy- 
armed force, with which, going to the villages in a body, we 
might perhaps have procured a moderate supply of food, we 
had no troops with which we could pursue or capture slaves 
or cattle; for I found neither cavalry not peltasts any longer 
existing in a body among you. 27. If, then, when you were 
in such straits, I had, without demanding any pay for you, 
procured you Seuthes for an ally, who had cavalry and pel- 
tasts, of which you were in want, should I have appeared to 
have consulted ill for you? 28. For, through having the aid 


1 He would not have said this in the presence and hearing of Seuthes, 
jest Seuthes might say, in justification of his conduct, that he had done 
the Greeks benefit, and that they had not been led to join him from any 
liking for his service, but from being compelled by the difficulties of their 
circumstances. Weiske. 

2 Most editors, I might perhaps say all, give this passage interroga- 
tively, except Dindorf, who puts no note ‘of interzogation. 1 have ποὺ 
thought prover to adhere co him or this occasion. 


CHAP. VI. SPEECH OF XENOPHON. 241 


of these troops, you not only found a greater abundance of 
provisions in the villages, from the Thracians being obliged to 
flee with greater precipitation, but had a greater share of both 
cattle and slaves. 29. As for enemies, we no longer saw any 
after the cavalry was attached to us, though, before that time, 
they pursued us both with horse and peltasts, hindering us 
from dispersing any where in small parties, so as to get provi- 
sions in greater quantities. 30. And if he who offered you this 
security, did not give you, in addition, very high pay for the 
security,’ is this the dreadful calamity of which you complain, 
and do you think that, on this account, you ought by no means 
to allow me to live? 

31. “But under what circumstance is it that you are now 
leaving the country? Is it not after having passed the winter 
in the midst of abundance, and while you have in your pos- 
session, besides, whatever you haye received from Seuthes ? 
‘What you have consumed belonged to the enemy; and while 
faring thus, you have neither seen any of your number killed, 
nor lost any alive. 32. If any reputation had been gained by 
you against the Barbarians in Asia, have you not that still un- 
diminished, and have you not added to it a new glory by subdu- 
ing the Thracians, against whom you took the field, in Europe? 
T think, indeed, that you may justly return thanks to the gods, 
as for so many blessings, for those very things for which you 
are incensed against me. 

33. “Such is the state of your affairs; and now, in the 
name of the ‘gods, consider what is the condition of mine. 
When I first set sail for home, I went off with great praise 
from you, and with honor, through your means, from the rest 
of the Greeks. 1 was also trusted: by the Lacedemonians, or 
they would not have sent me back to you.’ 34, But now I 
go away calumniated in the eyes of the Lacedemonians by 
your statements, and at enmity with Seuthes upon your ac- 
count, whom I hoped, by serving him in conjunction with you, 
to secure as an honorable protector both for myself and my 
children, if I should have any. 35. Yet you, for whose sake 
chiefly I haye incurred hatred, and incurred it from people 
far more powerful than myself, and while I do not yet cease 
attempting whatever good I can for you, entertain such an 


1 Consult what is said on v. 6. 31. 2 Ὁ. 2; sect. 8. 
VOL. I. 11 


242 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK VIL. 


opinion of me as you now express. 86. But you have me in 
your power, having neither found me fleeing nor attempting 
to flee ; and, if you do what you say, you will put to death a 
man who has often watched for your safety; who has gone 
through many toils and dangers in company with you, accord- 
ing to y his share and beyond his share ; who, by the favor of 
the gods, has raised with you many trophies over the Barba- 
rians; and who has exerted himself most strenuously for you," 
in every way that he could, in order that you might not make 
yourselves enemies to any of the Greeks. 37. As it is, you are 
at liberty to go whither you please, by sea or land, without 
censure; and now, when abundance of every thing presents it- 
self before you, when you are going to sail whither you have 
long desired to go, when those who are at the height of power 
solicit your services, when pay is offered, and when Lacede- 
monians, who are thought to be the best of leaders, are come 
to take the command of you, does it seem to you to beva fit 
time for putting me at once to death? 38. You had no such 
inclination when we were in the midst of hardships, O men of 
admirable memories!* You then called me father, and promis- 
ed always to remember me as your benefactor. However, those, 
who are now come to request your services, are not void of 
judgment, so that, as I think, you will not, by being such as 
you are toward me, appear better in their estimation.” Having 
spoken thus, he ceased. 

39. Charminus, the Lacedzemonian, then stood up and said, 
“By the twin gods,* soldiers, you do not appéar to be dis- 
pleased with this man on any reasonable grounds; for I my- 
self can bear testimony in his favor: since, when Polynicus 
and myself asked Seuthes about Xenophon, inquiring what 
sort of man he was, he had nothing else to lay to his charge, 


1 Πρὸς ὑμᾶς. Contra vos or apud vos. The former is perhaps pre- 
ferable. στ alludes, y. στ. ‘to vii. 1. 25, segg. Weiske. Also to vi. 
6. 11, seqgg. Kiihner. Weiske is right-in interpreting. “contra vos.” 
Schneider. I follow those who are in favor. of vesird. causa, “for 
your sake.” Bornemann. I think Bornemann in the right. Yet 
rain vos might perhaps be Englished, “against your follies or capri- 


ae Ὦ πάντων μνημονικώτατοι.] Must be understood ironically, Henry 
Stephens thinks that we should read ἀμνημονικώτατοι, which Jacobs 
peproren, considering that i wae Ag is unsuitable to the passage. 

3 Seo on vi. 6. 34. 


CHAP. VI. ' XENOPHON DEFENDED. 243 


but, as he said, that he was a great friend to the soldiers, on 
which account, he observed, it was worse for him’ both with 
us Lacedemonians and with himself.” 40. Eurylochus an 
Arcadian, a native of Lusia,’ rising up after him, exclaimed, 
' “Tt seems to me, Lacedemonians, that your first act of gener- 
alship for us should be this, to exact our pay from Seuthes, 
either with his consent or against it, and that, till you do so, 
you ought not to lead us from hence. 41. Polycrates, the 
Athenian, next rose and spoke in favor of Xenophon:* “I 
see,” said he, “soldiers, Heraclides also present here, who, after 
receiving the spoil which we obtained by our exertions, and 
having sold it, gave the proceeds neither to Seuthes nor to us, 
but having appropriated it to himself, still keeps possession of it. 
If therefore we are wise, we shall lay hold of him, for he is not 
a Thracian, but, being himself a Greek, acts dishonestly to 
Greeks.” 

42. Heraclides, on hearing this remark, was still more* 
alarmed, and, moving toward Seuthes, said, “If we are wise,° 
we shall withdraw from hence, out of the power of these men.” 
Mounting their horses, accordingly, they rode off to their own 


1 See sect. 4. 2 iv. 2. 21. 

3. Elrev ἐνετὸς ὑπὸ Ξενοφῶντος. This is the reading which Dindorf’s 
text exhibits, but to which most critics must surely prefer the common 
reading, εἶπεν ἀναστὰς ὑπὲρ Ξενοφῶντος, “arose and spoke on behalf of 
Xenophon,” ὦ 6. in favor and justification of Xenophon. ‘ Eurylochus 
did not indeed speak undisguisedly,” observes Kiihner, “in behalf of 
Xenophon, but rather with a covert attempt to transfer the blame from 
Xenophon to Heraclides. It is, however, greatly to be doubted,” ho 
adds, ‘‘ whether the received reading be genuine; for instead of ἀναστὰς 
three manuscripts exhibit αἰνετῶς, ‘in a praiseworthy manner,’ and two 
have ἐνετὸς, which Dindorf has admitted into his text, changing at tho 
same time ὑπὲρ into ὑπὸ, so that ἐνετὸς ὑπὸ Ξενοφῶντος will be ‘suborn- 
ed by Xenophon.’ But a strong objection to this reading is, that ἐνετός 
is a word of the later age of the Greek language; it occurs in Appian; 
but Xenophon would rather have used ὑπόπεμπτος, as in iii. 3. 4. Nor 
is this word altogether suitable to the narrative. Some have objected to 
the order of the words εἶπεν ἀναστάς, instead of ἀναστὰς εἶπεν, which is 
more usual in Xenophon; but this is a matter of very small moment, 
and is completely nullified by the examples adduced in Bornemann’s 
note and in Sturz’s Lex. Xen. tom. i. p. 209, as well as by Cyrop. ii 3. 
4; De Rep. Ath. i. 6; and Hellen. i. 7. 7.” 

4 Five manuscripts have μᾶλλον, instead of μώλα, which Dindorf has 
injudiciously adopted. Kiihner. 

“5. Ἣν σωφρονῶμεν.} This seems to be an intentional repetition of these 
words, which occur just above, in the speech of Polycrates, 


244 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK VIL 


camp; 43. from whence Seuthes sent Abrozelmes, his inter- 
preter, to Xenophon, and begged him to remain in his service 
with a thousand heavy-armed men, engaging at the same time, 
to give him the fortresses on the sea, and the other things which 
he had promised him. He also told him, causing it to be com- 
municated as a secret, that he had heard from Polynicus, that 
if he fell into the hands of the Lacedemonians, he would cer- 
tainly be put to death by Thibron. 44. Many other persons, 
too, sent notice to Xenophon that he had been made an object 
of calumny, and ought to be upon his guard. Xenophon, on 
receiving these communications, took two victims and sacrificed 
to Jupiter, consulting him whether it would be better for him 
to stay with Seuthes on the conditions that he proposed, or to 
go away with the army. Jupiter signified to him that he had 
better depart. 





CHAPTER VII. 


The Greeks go to get provisions from the villages. Medosades tries to send 
them away, and prevails on Xenophon to go and consult the Lacedemo- 
nians. The Lacedemonians refuse to take away the army till Seuthes has 
paid them. Xenophon’s speech to Seuthes. Seuthes at last produces the 
money, which Xenophon gives to the Lacedemonians to be distributed 
among the soldiers. 

1. Szurnes then encamped at a great distance; and the 
Greeks quartered in villages from which they intended to get 
plenty of provisions, and then to march to the sea. These 
villages had been given by Seuthes to Medosades; 2. who, 
seeing his property in them consumed by the Greeks, was much 
displeased ; and, taking with him one of the Odrysz, the most 
influential of all those that had come down from the upper 
country, and about fifty horse, went and called Xenophon out 
of the Grecian camp. Xenophon, taking some of the captains, 
and other proper persons, came out to meet him. 3. Medosades 
then said, “ You act unjustly, O Xenophon, in laying waste our 
villages. We give you notice therefore, I on the part of Seuthes, 
and this man on the part of Medocus the king of the upper 
country, to quit this district; if, however, you do not quit it, 
we shall not allow you to continue your depredations, but, if you 
do harm to our territories, we shall defend ourselves against you 
as enemies.’ 


cuap. vu. XENOPHON REPLIES TO MEDOSADES. 245 


4, Xenophon, on hearing this warning, said, “To give you 
an answer, when you speak in such terms, is painful, yet for 
the information of this young man, I will reply to you, that he 
may know what sort of people you are, and what sort we are. 
5. We,” he continued, “ before we became your allies, march- 
ed through this country whithersoever we thought fit, laying 
waste what we pleased, and burning what we pleased; 6. and 
you yourself when you came to us as an embassador, pitched 
your tent with us, without fear of any enemy; but your people 
never entered this region at all, or, if ever you did venture 
into it, used to encamp with your horses still bridled, as in the 
territory of those more powerful than yourselves. 7. But 
now, since you have become allied with us, and have by our 
means, and with the assistance of the gods, got possession of 
the country, you would drive us from that very land which 
you received from us, when we held it as our own by force of 
arms, for, as you are aware, the enemy were not strong enough 
to dispossoss us. 8. And you would send us away, not only 
without offering us a present, or doing us any service in re- 
turn for the benefits that you have received from us, but even 
without allowing us to encamp, as far as you are able to pre- 
vent us, when we are just taking our departure. 9. In ad- 
dressing us thus, you show no respect either for the gods or 
for the man that accompanies you, who beholds you now 
abounding in wealth, but who saw you, before you were our 
ally, supporting your existence by plunder, as you yourself 
have acknowledged.’ 10. But why do you address yourself 
thus to me,” added Xenophon, “ for I no longer hold the com- 
mand, but the Lacedzemonians, to whom you gave the army 
that they might lead it away, and gave it, O most admirable 
of mea, without calling on me to take part in the resignation 
of it, so that, as I incurred their disapprobation when I 
brought it to you, I might now do them a pleasure by restor- 
ing it to them.” 

11. When the Odrysian heard this account, he said, “I, O 
Medosades, am ready to sink into the earth with shame, as I 
listen to such a statement. Had I known this before, I should 
certainly not have accompanied you, and shall now take my de- 
parture ; for Medocus, my king, would by no means approve 
my conduct, if [ should assist in expelling his benefactors 


C. 2, sect. 34. Kithner. 


246 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK VIL 


from the country.” 12. As he uttered these words, he mounted 
his horse and rode off, and all the other horsemen went with 
him, except four or five. But Medosades (for the devastation 
of the country made him uneasy) requested Xenophon to call 
to him the two Lacedemonians. 13. Xenophon, taking the 
most eligible persons to attend him, went to Charminus and 
Polynicus, and told them that Medosades wished to speak 
with them, intending to warn them, as they had warned him, 
to quit the country. 14. “I think, therefore,” continued 
Xenophon, “that you might secure the pay owing to the 
army, if you were to say that the troops have entreated you to 
support them in obtaining their dues from Seuthes, whether 
with his consent or without it; that they engage to follow you 
cheerfully if they gain their object; that they appear to you 
to say what is just; and that you have promised them not to 
depart until they have received their just demands.” 15. The 
Lacedemonians replied that they would say this, and what- 
ever else they might be able to urge with the. greatest effect; 
and immediately set out, with all proper persons accompany- 
ing them. 

When they arrived, Charminus said, “If you have any thing 
to say to us, Medosades, speak; if not we have something to 
say to you.” 16. Medosades replied, very submissively, “I 
have to say, and Seuthes says the same, that we desire that 
those who have become our friends may suffer no eyil at your 
hands; for whatever harm you-do to them, you do at the same 
time to us, as they are our allies.” 17. “ We, then,” said the 
Lacedzmonians, “shall be ready to depart, when those who 
have effected such services for you, have received their pay ; 
if they do not receive it, we are here even now to take their 
part, and to take vengeance on such as have wronged them in 
violation of their oaths. If you are of that number, it is from 
you that we shall begin to require justice for them.” 18. 
“Would you be willing, Medosades,” rejoined Xenophon, “ to 
leave it to the people in whose country we are (as you say 
that they are your friends), to decide whether it is fit that you 
should quit the country, or we?” . 19. To this proposal he 
would not consent, but urged the two Lacedemonians by all 
means to go to Seuthes about the pay, and said that he thought 
they would succeed with Seuthes; if they did not, he re- 
quested them to send Xenophon with him, and promised ta 


cuar. vi. ΧΕΝΟΡΗΟΝΒ SPEECH ΤῸ SEUTHES. 247 


support their application. In the mean time he begged them 
not to burn their villages. 

20. They then deputed Xenophon, and those who appeared 
most eligible along with him. When he came to Seuthes, he 
said, “I am not come, O Seuthes, to ask any thing of you, 
but to convince you, if I am able, 21, that you had no just 
cause to be displeased with me for demanding, on behalf of the 
soldiers, the pay which you so readily promised them ; since 
I thought it would be not less advantageous for you to pay it 
than for them to receive it; 22. for I knew that, next to the 
gods, they have been instrumental in placing you in a con- 
spicuous position, by making you king over a large extent of 
country and great numbers of people, so that it is not possible 
for you to escape the notice of mankind, whether you do what 
is. good or what is evil. 23. To a man in such a con- 
dition it seems to me to be of no small importance that he 
should not be thought to send away his benefactors without 
gratitude; of importance also to have the approbation of 
six thousand men ; and most important of all to show that you 
are never to be distrusted in what you say. 24. For I observe 
the words of the faithless wander about. without power, influ- 
ence, or regard ; while the words of those who are known to 
observe truth, are not less effectual, if they desire any thing, 
in accomplishing their desire, than the strength of other men; 
if they wish to recall any one to his duty, I know that the 
threats of such men are not less influential in producing re- 
form than the actual punishments of others; and if men. of 
such a character promise any thing, they produce no less ef 
fect by their promises than others by giving at the moment. 
25. Consider with yourself; what did you pay us before you 
obtained our alliance? You know that you paid us nothing; 
but from confidence being placed in you that you would truly 
perform what you said, you induced such a number of men to 
join you in the field, and to conquer for you a kingdom not 
worth fifty talents merely, the sum which they now think they 
ought to receive from you, but many times that sum. 26. 

: First. of all, then, this confidence which was placed in you, 
and which secured you the kingdom, is bartered away by you 
for this sum of money. 

27. “ Consider, too, how great a matter you then thought it 
to obtain those dominions which you have now subjugated 


248 . THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. - BOOK Vil. 


and possess. I am well aware that you would have prayed 
for the accomplishment of what has now been done for you 
rather than for many times such a sum of money. 28. To 
me, then, it seems a greater disadvantage, as well as a greater 
disgrace, not to retain this power than not to have acquired 
it; just as it is more grievous to a man to become poor after 
being rich than never to have been rich at all, and as it is 
more afflicting to appear as a private man after having been 
a king, than never to have been on a throne. 29. You are 
sensible, moreover, that those who have now become your 
subjects, have not submitted to be governed by you from any 
affection for you personally, but from necessity, and that they 
would endeavor to make themselves free again, if there were 
no fear to restrain them. 30. Whether therefore do you think 
that they will be more under the restraint of fear, and act 
more sensibly for your interests, if they should see these troops 
so disposed toward you, as to be willing to stay now if you 
uest them, or soon to return again if it should be necessary, 
and find that others, hearing many good accounts of you from 
these, are ready to join you at once whenever you wish ; or if 
they should form an unfavorable opinion of you, and believe 
that no others will engage in your service through distrust 
arising from what has now happened, and that the Greeks are 
better affected toward your new subjects than yourself? 31. 
These people, besides, did not submit to you because they 
were inferior in number to us, but because they wanted lead- 
ers. It is now a matter of apprehension, then, that they may 
choose some of our men, who think themselves wronged by 
you, or the Lacedzmonians, who are still more powerful than 
they, as leaders, especially if, on the one hand, our soldiers 
promise to serve the Lacedemonians with greater alacrity, on 
condition that they* exact what is due to them from you, and 
the Lacedemonians on the other, assent to this condition 
from the need which they have of our army. 82. That the 
Thracians who have just become subject to you, would march 
against you much more willingly than with you, is indisput- 
able ; for, while you hold the mastery, servitude is their loi, 
but, if you are conquered, freedom. 
33. “If, again, it be your business to take forethought for 


? That is, the Lacedzmonians. 


CHAP. VII. XENOPHON’S SPEECH TO SEUTHES. 249 


the country, as being your own properiy, whether you do 
think that it would be less exposed to harm, if these soldiers, 
after having received from you what they claim, should go 
away leaving peace behind them, or if they say in the coun- 
try as in that of an enemy, and you, with other soldiers more 
numerous than they, who will be constantly in want of pro- 
visions, proceed to take the field against them? 34, Or wheth- 
er will more money be expended by you, if what is due to the 
Greeks be paid, or if this be left due, and you have at the same 
time to take other troops, able to overcome them, into. your 
service ? 

35. “ But this sum, in the opinion of Heraclides (as he ex- 
pressed himself to me), appears excessively large. It is 
doubtless, however, a much lighter matter for you either te 
receive or pay such a sum, than it was before we joined you, to 
receive or pay the tenth part of it. 36. For it is not the ac- 
tual amount that defines the much or the little, but the ability 
of him who has to pay or to receive. But your annual income 
is now greater than the whole of the property which you form- 
erly possessed. 

37. “In these observations, O Seuthes, I have had regard 
to your interest as to that of a friend, in order that you may 
appear worthy of the advantages which the gods have be- 
stowed upon you, and that I, at the same time, may not lose 
all reputation with the army. 38. For be assured, that if I 
now wished to do harm to an enemy, I should not be able to 
effect it with these troops, and that, if I desired again to give 
assistance to you, I should not be in a condition to do so; such 
is the feeling of the army toward me. 39. Yet I call both you 
yourself, and the gods who know the truth, to witness, that I 
have neither received any thing from you on account of the sol- 
diers, nor have I ever asked of you, for my own private use, 
what was due to them nor have I claimed what you promised 
me. 40. I also swear to you, that, even though you had 
offered to pay me, I would not have received any thing from 
you, unless the soldiers had been at the same time to receive 
what was due to them; for it would have been disgraceful in 
me to have settled my own business, and to have allowed theirs 
to continue in an unsatisfactory condition, especially when I had 
received the honor from them. 

41. “To Heraclides, however, every thing seems a trifle, in 

ii? 


2580 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. -BOOK VI 


comparison with the acquirement of money by whatever 
means. But I, O Seuthes, think no possession more -honor- 
able or more glorious to a man than that of virtue, and justice, 
and generosity. 42. He that has these qualities, is rich in the 
numerous friends that he has, and rich in the good-will of 
numbers that wish to become his friends; if he is prosperous, 
he has associates ready to rejoice with him; if he meets with 
a reverse of fortune, he is not in want of people to lend him 
aid. 

43. “If you have neither understood from my actions that 
I am a friend to you at heart, nor are able to discover it from 
my words, yet consider, by all means, the expressions of the 
soldiers concerning me; for you were present and heard what 
those said who thought to asperse me. 44. They accused me 
to the Lacedemonians of regarding you more than them ; 
they also charged me with taking more care that your affairs 
might prosper than their own; and they added, that I had 
received presents from you. 45. Whether, then, do you 
think that they accused me of having received those presents 
from you, because they saw in me some ill-will toward you, 
or because they observed in me a great zeal for your good ? 
46. I consider, indeed, that all men are of opinion that grati- 
tude ought to be cherished’ toward him from whom they 
have received favors. You, before I did you any service, 
entertained me favorably with looks, and words, and demon- 
strations of hospitality, and were never satisfied with promis- 
ing how great rewards should be mine; and now, when you 
have accomplished what you desired, and have become as 
great as I could assist you to become, have you the heart to 
allow me to be thus dishonored among the soldiers? 47. I 
have, nevertheless, confidence that time will yet teach you to 
resolve to pay, and that you, of yourself will not endure to 


? "AroxeioSat.] Two manuscripts have dzoxetoda, which Dindorf, 
Poppo, and Kriiger have admitted into their texts (instead of the com- 
mon ἐποδείκνυσϑαι). It can not be denied that there is much elegance 
in this reading, for ἀποκεῖσϑαι, like κατατίϑεσϑαι and other similar 
verbs, are very frequently used in regard to favors and benefits, as is 
shown by Poppo, referring to Jacobs ad Achill. Tat. p. 678; yet this 
circumstance does not appear to me of sufficient weight to justify us in 
deserting that reading which is supported by the authority of almost all 
the manuscripts, and makes very good sense. See my note on the Mem. 
Soc. ii-~1. 21.- Kiihner. ὦ ἷ 


CHAP, VII. SEUTHES PROMISES TO PAY. 251 


see those who freely did you service,‘ loading you with re- 
proaches. I entreat you, then, when you make the payment, 
to study to leave me in as much credit with the army as you 
found me.” 

48. Seuthes, on hearing this address, uttered imprecations 
on the man who had been the cause that the debt was not dis- 
charged long before (and every one surmised that Heracli- 
des was meant), “for,” said he, “I never meant to deprive 
the men of their pay, and will now give it to them.” 49, 
Xenophon then said again, “ Since, therefore, you are resolved 
to pay, I now beg you to make the payment through me, and 
not to suffer me, on your account, to bear a different character 
with the army from that which I bore when we came to you.” 
50. Seuthes replied, “ You shall not lose more credit with the 
army by my means; and if you will stay with me with only a 
thousand heavy-armed men, I will give you the fortresses, and 
every thing else that I promised.” 51. “ It can not be so,” re- 
joined Xenophon ; “ let us, therefore, depart.” “ Yet I know,” 
replied Seuthes, “that it will be safer for you to remain with 
me than to go away.” 52..“I commend’ your care of me,” 
rejoined Xenophon, “ but it is impossible for me to stay; yet 
be assured that wherever I receive greater honor, there will 
be good attendant on it for you.” 53. Seuthes then said, “I 
have but very little money, and that I give you, one talent ;* 
but I have six hundred oxen, four thousand sheep, and a hun- 
dred and twenty slaves; take these, and the hostages‘ from 
those who were treacherous to you, and depart.” 54. “ And 
if these,” said Xenophon, laughing, “are not sufficient to 


1 Τούς σοι προεμένους ebepyeciav.] Schneider observes that the phrase 
προέσϑαι τινὶ εὐεργεσίαν was used when a person conferred a benefit 
on another without being certain whether he should receive any return; 
and refers to Plato, Gorg. p. 520. “The Greeks,” says Kiihner, “had 
indeed bargained for a remuneration (c. 2, sect. 36), but, though it was 
not paid, they still continued to give their services to Seuthes.” Kriiger, 
however, observes that Xenophon certainly indulges in a little rhetorical 
exaggeration. 

2 ᾽Επαίνω.] A similar mode of expression to that of people declining 
an invitation, “I thank you,” “I am obliged to you,” as in Latin laude, 
benign>. See Bos. Ellips. p. 785, ed. Scheefer. Kithner. 

fe Fok A 8 

* Weiske observes that these were Thynians, who had broken their 
word, by attacking Xenophon in the night, c. 4, sect. 14. See also sect. 
13, 20, 21. Poppo. 


252 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK VII. 


make up the pay, for whom shall I say that I have the 
talent? Will it not be better for me, since danger threatens 
me, to secure myself against stoning by taking my departure ? 
You heard the threats.” The remainder of that day they con- 
tinued there. 

55. The next day Seuthes delivered to them the cattle he 
had promised, and sent men with them to drive them. The 
soldiers, in the mean time, began to say that Xenophon was 
gone to Seuthes to live with him, and to receive what Seuthes 
had promised him; but when they saw him returning, they 
were rejoiced, and ran to meet him. 56. As soon as Xeno- 
phon saw Charminus and Polynicus, he said, “ This property 
has been saved for the army through your influence ; I deliver 
it to you; dispose of it, and divide the proceeds among the 
soldiers.”. The Lacedemonians accordingly received the 
cattle, and, appointing salesmen, sold it, and incurred much 
blame.’ 57. As for Xenophon, he took no part in the pro- 
ceeding, but openly prepared to return home; for a vote of 
banishment had not yet been passed against him at Athens. 
But his friends in the camp came to him, and begged him 
not to desert them until he had led off the army and delivered 
it to Thibron. 


? Τσνος τάλαντον φήξω ἔχειν ;| “ whose talent shall I say that I have ?” 
Among which of the Greeks shall I divide this talent, when their num- 
ber is so great? Kiihner. 

2 Xenophon is to be considered as speaking with a sort of irony or 
sarcasm. If I return to the camp of the Greeks with this small sum 
of money, great danger will threaten me; it will, therefore, be better 
for me to go away than to return tothe camp. Kiihner—The passage 
may be understood thus: Since danger threatens me, Seuthes, as you 
yourself observed (sect. 51), will it not be better for me to go away into 
my own country, and so escape stoning! Bornemann. Comp. c. vi. 
sect. 10. 

* It being supposed that they had been guilty of fraud in the distri- 
bution. Kihner. 

* See the biography of Xenophon prefixed to this volume. 


CHAP, VIII. THE GREEKS PROCEED TO LAMPSACUS. 253 


CHAPTER VIL 


The Greeks pass over to Lampsacus. Xenophon, having received no pay, 
is obliged to sell his horse. He sacrifices to Jupiter Meilichius. Whe 
Greeks arrive at Pergamus. Xenophon is prevailed upon to attack Asi- 
dates, a Persian nobleman, and at length takes him prisoner, with a great 
yuantity of booty, of which he receives a considerable share. He deliv- 
ers the army into the hands of Thibron, to be incorporated with the 
forces assembled against Tissaphernes. 


1. From hence they sailed. across to Lampsacus, when Eu- 
clides the augur, a native of Phlius,’ the son of Cleagoras, who 
wrote THe Derams ΙΝ THE Lyceum,’ came to meet Xeno- 
phon. He congratulated Xenophoa on having returned safe, 
and asked him how much gold he had. 2. Xenophon as:ured 
him, with an oath, that he should not have enough for his ex- 
penses in traveling home, unless he sold his horse, and what 
he had about him. . Euclides did not believe him. 3. But 
after the people of Lampsacus had sent presents to Xenophon, 
and Xenophon was proceeding to sacrifice to Apollo, he made 
Euclides stand beside him at the time, who, on inspecting the 
victims, said that he was now convinced he had no money. 
“But I observe,” added he, “that even if money should ever 


? A city of Achaia in the Peloponnesus, between Sicyon and Argos. 
2 Too τὰ ἐνύπνια ἐν Λυκείῳ γεγραφότος.} I interpret with Brodzus 
and Kriiger, ‘he who wrote the Dreams in the Lyceum,” ὦ, 6., the book 
entitled.‘‘ Dreams in the Lyceum.” Whether the received reading be 
genuine, is uncertain; for three manuscripts read τοῦ td ἐνοίκια ἐν 
oixiw. Several conjectures have been proposed by scholars, as ἐντοίχια, 
eixovia, ἐνώπια, but’ these, as nothing is known of Cleagoras, can be 
of no service in leading us to a decision. The conjecture ἐνώπια (a 
Homeric word) was thrown out by Toup, Ep. Critic. p. 48, Lips., in the 
sense of ‘‘he who painted the front or facade of the Lyceum.” Weiske 
defends ἐνύπνια, on the supposition that Cleagoras might have been a 
painter of such genius as to have given a striking representation of 
the dreams mentioned in the Odyssey, τ΄, 562, as going out of the horn 
and ivory gates; or of such as went on foot, Il. β΄, 8, 16; or of such as 
flew about, Eur. Hec. 71. Schneider remarks that there was a statue of 
a dream in the temple of Ausculapius, as is told by Pausanias, Corinth. 
10.2. Bornemann thinks the word ἐνύπνια suspicious, and incloses it 
in brackets. As to the omission of the article after ἐνύπνια, it can of- 
fend no one, if we consider, with Kriiger, that ᾿Ενύπνια ἐν Λυκείῳ, was 
the title of the book.—I read γεγραφηκότος, instead of γεγραφότος, with 
po of the best manuscripts. See Lobeck. in Addend. ad Phryn. p. 764. 
uhner. 
The Lyceum was a sacred inelosure at Athens, dedicated to-Apollo, 


454 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. -BOOK n, 


be likely to come to you, there will be some obstacle, and, if 
no other, that you wil be an obstacle to yourself.”’ KXeno- 
phon assented to the justice of the observation. 4. “Jupiter 
Meilichius,* however,” said Euclides, “is an obstacle in your 
way ;” and then asked whether he had ever sacrificed to that 
“as 1 was accustomed,” continued he, “to sacrifice and 
offer holocausts for you at home.”* Xenophon replied, that 
since he had left home he had not sacrificed to that deity. 
Euclides then advised him to sacrifice as he had been used to 
do, and said that it would be for his advantage. 5. Next 
day, Xenophon, going on to Ophrynium, offered a sacrifice, 
burning whole hogs* after the custom of his country, end found 
the omens favorable. 

6. The same day Biton and Euclides* came to bring pay 
for the army. These men were hospitably entertained’ by 


where the polemarch originally kept his court. It was decorated with 
fountains, plantations, and buildings, and became the usual place of 
exercise for the Athenian youth who devoted themselves to military 
pursuits. Nor was it less frequented by philosophers, and it was espe- 
cially the favorite resort of Aristotle and his followers. Cramer’s An- 
cient Greece, vol. ii. p. 340. 

1 By your disinterestedness and liberality. Weiske. 

3 That is, Jupiter placabilis, Jupiter that might be propitiated by 
sacrifices. . This appellation is often given to Jupiter, as in Thucyd. 
i. 126, where see Duker. See the Sehol. ad Aristoph. Nub. 407; 
and Meurs. in Thes. c. 7. But it appears from Pausanias, x. 38, 
that there were several gods to whom this title was given. Hutchin- 
son. 

3. Ἐϊώϑειν ἐγὼ ὑμῖν Siecda: καὶ choxavreiv.] As I was aceustomed 
at home (i. 6. at Athens) to sacrifice and burn for. you whole victims, 
the καὶ being explicative, and equivalent to namely. * ©* ἘΞ This 
mode of sacrificing is to be distinguished. from the common method, 
in which only the best parts of the victims were burned in sacrifice to 
the gods. Kithner. Hence it appears that Euclides lived at Athens 
with Xenophon, and was accustomed to assist at his sacrifices as an 
augur or priest; and thus a friendship and familiarity had arisen between 
them. . Schneider. 

_* Xoipove.] Larcher, referring to Thucyd. i, 126, and tho scholiast 
on that passage, conjectures that these were not real swine, but loaves 
baked in the shape of swine; a conjecture which Schneider justly 
Tepudiates; for as there is nothing in the text to indicate that the word 
is used in that signification, it is our business to take it in its ordinary 


nse. 
5 Not the Euclides mentioned in sect. 1. Kiihner thinks the namo 
corrupt. 
* Eevodvrat.] The phrase ξενοῦσϑαί zy: usually means “to enter 


CHAP, VIII. ATTACK ON ASIDATES. 255 


Xenophon, and haying repurchased his horse, which he had 
sold αὖ Lampsacus for fifty darics (as they suspected that he 
had parted with it from necessity, for they had heard that he 
was fond of the horse), they restored it to him, and would not 
receive from him the price of it. 

7. Hence they advanced through Troas, and, passing over 
Ida, came first to Antandrus; then, proceeding along by the 
sea, they arrived at the plain of Thebe in Lydia.’ 8. March- 
ing from hence through Atramyttium and Certorium, by 
Atarneus, to the plain of the Caicus, they reached Pergamus in 
Mysia. 

Here Xenophon was hospitably received by Hellas the 
wife of Gongylus of Eretria,? and mother of Gorgion and Gon- 
gylus. 9.She told him that Asidates, a Persian, resided in 
the plain, and said that if he would attack him in the night 
with three hundred men, he might take him, with his wife and 
children, and his wealth, which was considerable. 10. To 
guide him in. the enterprise she sent her own cousin, and a 
man named Daphnagoras, whom she greatly esteemed; and 
Xenophon, having these with him, offered sacrifice. Basias, 
an augur from Elis, who was present, said that the omens were 
extremely favorable, and that the man might easily be cap- 
tured. 11. After supper, accordingly, he set out, taking with — 
him such of the captains as were most attached to him, and 
had constantly been his friends, in order that he might do 
them a service.° Others also came to join the party, forcing 
into a bond of hospitality with any one,” “to become a person’s guest- 
friend,” but as this relation already existed between the parties, we 
must take the verb here in a more general signification. Kriiger. So 
with ξενοῦται in sect. 8. 

1 Kriiger thinks that we should read Mysia, in which it appears that 
Thebe or Hypeplacia (so called from being built at-the foot of Mount 
Placos) was situate. See Schneider ad ἢ, 1, and Cramer’s Asia Minor, 
vol. i. p. 129. 

* Gongylus of Eretria had been an accomplice of Pausanias in his 
treachery to Greece; see Thucyd, i. 128; Diod. Sic. xi. 44; C. Nep. 
Paus. ii. 2. Xerxes in consequence, according to the practice of the 
Persian kings (see ii. 1, 3; Herod, viii. 85, 136), had put him in pos- 
session of certain towns, of which it may be inferred from this passago 
that Pergamus was one, See Hellen. iii. i. 6, from whence it appears 
that he was an exile in the time of the Persian wars. Hellas w9 must 
suppose to have been the wife, not of this Gongylus, but of nis son. 
Kriiger. 

_ 3 By giving them a share of whatever plunder he might get. 


256 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK VIL. 


themselves upon him, to the number of six hundred; but the 
captains sent them back, that they might not have to give them 
any portion of the booty, which they regarded as ready to their 
hands. 

12. When they came to the place, about midnight, the slaves 
that were about the castle, and the greater part of the cattle, 
escaped them, as they neglected these in order that they might 
capture Asidates himself and his riches. 13. But as they were 
unable to take the building by assault (for it was high and large, 
and had battlements, and many brave men to defend it), they 
proceeded to dig a passage into it. 14. The wall was eight 
bricks of earth thick; but a breach was made into it by day- 
break ; and the moment an opening appeared, some one from 
within pierced the thigh of the man that was nearest him 
through with an ox-spit ;' and afterward, by shooting showers 
of arrows, they rendered it unsafe even to approach. 15. As 
they uttered loud cries, too, and made signals with torches, Ita- 
belius,? with his force, came to their assistance, as well as some 
Assyrian heavy-armed men, and about eighty Hyrcanian ‘ cav- 
alry, who were in the king’s pay, from Comania; and other 
troops, lightly armed, to the number of eight hundred, with 
cavalry, some from Parthenium, and others from Apollonia and 
the neighboring parts. 

16. It was now time for the Greeks to consider how they 
should retreat ; and, taking what oxen and sheep were at hand, 
they drove them off, placing them with the slaves, within a 
hollow square, not so much because they were anxious about 
the booty, but lest, if they went off and left it, their retreat 
might appear like a flight, and the enemy might thus be ren- 
dered bolder, and their own men more dispirited ; whereas they 
now retired as if resolved to defend their capture. 17. But 
when Gongylus observed that the Greeks were but few, and 
those who hung upon their rear were numerous, he sallied forth 
himself, against the will of his mother, at the head of his own 
force, wishing to take a share in the action; Procles also, and 
feuthranias, a descendant of Damaratus,*:came to his support 


t A large spit; such as might be supposed large enough for roasting 
a whole ox. 

2 Who he was, is uncertain. Bornemann conjectures that we should 
read Jtabelisis. 

3 See ii 1, 8. Teuthrania was a city of Mysia, on the river Caicus, 


ΠᾺΡ. VIII. : CONCLUSION. 257 


from Halisarne. 18. Xenophon ‘and his party, as they were 
sorely harassed by the enemy’s arrows and slings, and as they 
marched in a circle to hold their shields as a defense against 
the missiles, got with great difficulty across the river Caicus, 
nearly half of them being wounded. 19. On this occasion 
Agasias the Stymphalian, one of the captains, was wounded 
after making head the whole time against the enemy. Bui 
they at last came off safe, with about two hundred slaves, and 
cattle enough for sacrifice. . 

20. On the following day Xenophon offered sacrifice, and led 
out his whole force in the night, with a design to go as far as 
possible into Lydia, in order that the Persian might not be in 
fear from his proximity, but be thrown off his guard. 21. But 
Asidates, hearing that Xenophon had again sacrificed with a 
view to an attack upon him, and that he would return with all 
his strength, went out to encamp in some villages lying close 
under the little town of Parthenium. 22. Here Xenophon and 
his troop came round upon him, and captured himself, his wife 
and children, his horses, and all his property; and thus the 
omens of the first sacrifice were verified. 

23. They then marched back to Pergamus; and here Xeno- 
phon had no cause to complain of the god τ᾿ for the Lacedeemo- 
nians, the captains, the rest of the generals, and the soldiers, 
all agreed that he should receive select portions of the spoil, 
consisting of horses, oxen, and other things; so that he was 
now able even to serve a friend. 

24 Soon after, Thibron arrived and took charge of the army, 
and, uniting it with the rest of the Greek force, proceeded to 
make war upon Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus. 

25.” The governors of the king’s country, as much of it as 


See Strabo, xiii. p. 615. Damaratus had been king of Sparta, but, hav- 
ing been expelled from his throne by his colleague Cleomenes, had 
taken refuge with Darius Hystaspes, by whom he was courteously re- 
ceived, and presented with the cities Teuthrania and Halisarna. See 
Herod. vi. 67; Xen. Hellen. iii. 1, 6. Kiihner. 

1 Jupiter Meilichius. See sect. 4, 5. Kiihner. 

2 This paragraph is pronounced by Kriiger, de Authent. p. 7, segq., to 
be a mere interpolation. His reasons for forming this opinion are chiefly 
these: 1. That Xenophon is made to use the first person in it; a cir- 
cumstance, however, which Kiihner thinks of little weight, referring to 
i. 9. 28, and v. 7. 23, in both which passages Xenophon uses the first 
person. 2. That Cyrus was satrap of Lydia and Phrygia before he 
marched against his brother, and that Tissaphernes succeeded him in the 


258 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK. VIL 


we went through, were these: of Lydia, Artemas; of Phrygia, 
Artacamas ; of Lycaonia and Cappadocia, Mithridates ; of Cilicia, 
Syennesis ; of Phoenicia and Arabia, Dernes ; of Syria and As- 
syria, Belesys ; of Babylon, Rhoparas; of Media, Arbacas; of 
the Phasiani and Hesperite, Tiribazus (the Carduchi, the Cha- 
lybes, the Chaldzeans, the Macrones, the Colchians, the Mossy- 
neeci, the Coetz, and the Tibareni, were independent. nations) ; 
of Paphlagonia, Corylas ; of the Bithynians, Pharnabazus ; and 
of the Thracians in Europe, Seuthes. 

26. The computation of the whole journey, the ascent. and 
descent,’ was two hundred and fifteen days’ march, one thous- 
and one hundred and fifty-five parasangs, thirty-four thousand 
six hundred and fifty stadia. The length of time occupied in 
the ascent and descent was one year and three months. 


government of them. 3. That it is utterly incredible that Phoenicia 
and Arabia, countries lying at such a distance from one another, could 
have formed one satrapy. 4. That Syria and Assyria were never under 
the same satrap. 5. That if we suppose Hesperite to mean the Western 
Armenians, how is it that Xenophon makes no mention of Hastern 
Armenia, the satrap of which he had named, iii. 5.17? 6, Why also 
does he not mention the Taochi and Drile? 7. What is to be made of 
the Coetz, who are mentioned neither in the Anabasis nor in any other 
ancient author? 8. That itis ridiculous to rank Seuthes among the 
king of Persia’s satraps. These reasons appear sufficient to convince 
most readers of the spuriousness of the paragraph. Dindorf, however, 
allows it to stand without any mark of disapprobation. Kiihner inéloses 
it in brackets. 

1 As far as Cotyora; for from Ephesus to Cunaxa are numbered (ii. 
2. 6) 535 parasangs, and 16,050 stadia; and from Cunaxa to Cotyora (v. 
5. 4), 620 parasangs, and 18,600 stadia. Thus from Ephesus to Cotyora 
the distance was 1155 parasangs, and 84,650 stadia. Zeune. But the 
manuscripts do not all agree with regard to the numbers. Kiihner. - See 
the “Tabular View” subjoined, 














ut 3 


Ὕ 
a 





TABULAR VIEW OF THE MARCHES AND STOPPAGES 


| EXTRACTED FROM THE EDITION OF 





| THE ANABASIS, OR MARCH UP THE COUNTRY TO CUNAMXA. | 



































δ}. ‘ 
3 ξξ Stoppag Date. B,C, 407. i ra i ᾿ 
= a 
From Sardis to the Mzander 22; 3 Mar. 9 es BE 
To Colosse 8| 1 | 7 days 10—17. i. 2. ἃ 
To Celenz 20) 3 30 20—Apr. 19.) 1.2.7. 
To Peltz 10) 293 Apr. 21—24. 1,2. 10, 
To Ceramorum Forum 12} 2 —26. i. 2. 10. 
To the Plain of Caystrus 315 29—May 4. | i. 2.11. 
To Thymbrium 10} 2 May 6. L 3.12 
To Tyrieum 10} 2/3 8—ll1. 1. 2. 14. 
To Iconium 20; 3|3 14—17. i919; 
Through Lycaonia 30) 5 22. 1. 2. 19. 
To Dana 25; 4.3 26—29. i. 2. 20. 
In the Plain fees 1 30. 1.2.21. 
Through the Defiles into Cilicia | 25) 4 June 3. i. 2.21. 
Stay at Tarsus ¢ +. [30 . 38. i. 9. 93, 
From Tarsus to R. Psarus 10) 2 ᾿ 95. 1.4.1, 
To Pyramus 5} 1 26. ib. 
To Issus : 15, 2] 3 28—July 1 ἐν. 
To the Gates of Syria 5}. 1 July 2. i. 4. ἃ, 
To Myriandrus 5). 41. | 7 10. i. 4. 6. 
To the river Chalus “0 4 14. 1. 4.9. 
To the River Daradax 30] 5 19. i. 4. 10. 
To Thapsacus 15h 3.1.8 22—97. Ἐ 4.1}. 
To the river Araxes 50} 9 | 3 Aug. 5—8. 1.4.19 
To Corsote 35} 543 13—16. 1. 5. 4. 
To Pyle ᾿ 90] 13 By 1. 5. 5. 
Through Babylonia 15) 4 Sept. 2 tay ΜῈ δ 
Day of the battle at Cunaxa 1 3. i. 8. 0. 
Sum 514| 84 [97 








To this sum is to be added the march from Ephesus, which is said to have 
occupied three days: see Kriiger, ed. maj. p.551. But Xenophon himself (Anab. 
ii. 2. 6) states that ‘‘ the length of the journey from Ephesus in Ionia to the place 
where the battle was fought, was ninety-three days’ march, five hundred and 
thirty-five parasangs, and sixteen thousand and fifty stadia ; while from the field 
of battle to Babylon the distance was said to be three hundred and sixty stadia.” 
Hence it follows, either that Xenophon has made a mistake in reckoning up the 
numbers, or that the numbers themselves have been corrupted by transcribers. 

As to the dates in this table, the reader may consult Kruger, ed. maj. Ὁ. 556: 
Ainsworth, Travels in the Track of the Ten Thousand Greeks, p. 240, seqq.; 
Karl Koch, Der Zug der Zehntausend nach Xenophons Anabasis, Leipz. 1859, p. 
140, segq. Kiihner. 


260 


\ 


IN THE EXPEDITION OF THE TEN THOUSAND GREEKS. 


DR. RAPHAEL KUHNER. 





























THE CATABASIS, OR RETURN FROM CUNAXA TO COTYORA. 
a | 
2 =s | Refe: 
3 ΞΞ ᾿Βιορρασες. Date. B.C, <1, 400. Xeaopiiene? 
2 ᾿Ξ 
a 
Day after the battle of Cunaxa Sept. 4. - ii. 2. 1, seqq. 
Junction with Arieus 2 [923 days. 6—29. ba ἢ 
To the Wall of Media 3 Oct... 2, il. 4. 9—12. 
To Sitace . 8 2) 2 4. ii. 4. 13. 
To the river Physcus 20; 4 8 li 4. 25. 
Through Media 30} 6 14. ii. 4. 27 
To Cene 4, 1 15 1. 4. 28. 
To the river Zabatus 16] 4; 3 19—22. ii. 5.1 
To some villages not named 5} 14 23, 24 Hr τ τ' 
To Larissa 1 95 ili. 4.7 
To Mespila 6} 1 26 ili. 4. 10. 
To some villages not named 4 1) 1 7, 28 ii. 4. 13—18 
Through the Plain 1 29. lii. 4. 18. 
To a palace 5|3 Noy ni. 4. 24 
To certain villages 1 7 ib. 
Into the Plain 3 19 ni. 4.31. 
March back 1 1 ii. 5. 13 
Through the Carduchi 7 18. v.1. & 2. 
At the river Centrites 1 19. iv. 3.2. 
To the sources of the Tigris 15} 3 22. lv. 4.3 
To the river Teleboas 15} 3 25. w. 
Through the Plain 15, 3] 2 28—30. iv. 5.2 
To the Euphrates 4 Dec 2b. 
To the Armenian villages 417 8—15. iv. 5. 22, 23. 
When the guide escaped 3 18. iv. 6. 3. 
Advance beyond the Phasis 35] 7 25. iv. 6. 4. 
Το 1Π6 mountains of the Taochi| 10} 311 27, 28. iv. 6. 5. 
Crossing the mountains 1 29. iv. 6. 5—27. 
Through the Taochi 30) 5 Jan. (3.5.6. 400. |iv.7.1. 
Through the Chalybes 50} 7 10. iv. 7. 15. 
Through the Scythini 20) 4. 3 15—18. iv. 7. 18. 
To Gymnias 20] 4 22. iv. 7.19. 
To Mount Theches 5 27. iv. 7. 21. 
Through the Macrones 10 3 30. iv. 8. 1—8. 
Through the Colchians 3 Feb. Ὁ. iv. 8.8. 
Battle with the Colchians 1 3. iv.8.9—19. 
Delay on account of the honey 3 6. iv. 8. 20. 
To Trebisond are iat 8—Mar. 10.) iv. 8. 22. 
To Cerasus 3 πὸ Mar. 13—23. v. 4. 5, 
To the borders of the Mossyneeci 1 24. vy. 4.2. 
Through the Mossyneec1 8 ὁ ζω eee & v. 4. 2—29. 
Through the Chalybes 1 ¥e Si Be 
To Cotyora 2145. | 3—May10.| v. 5. 3. 
Sum 122 1143 











So Xenophon (Anab. v. 5. 4) says that ‘‘the length of the journey down the 
country, from the field of battle near Babylon to Cotyora, was a hundred and 
twenty-two days’ march, six hundred and twenty parasangs, and eighteen thou- 
sand six hundred stadia, occupying eight months,” i. e. from September 4th, 461, 
to May 18th, 400. The voyage from Cotyora to Sinope took two days, May 19th 
and 20th; the army staid at Sinope five days, that is, till May 25th; and two 
days after, May 27th, they arrived at Heraclea. From thence they proceeded te 

261 


262 


THE EXPEDITION 


OF CYRUS. 


the Harbor of Calpe, situated in Bythnia, or Asiatic Thrace ; at the bopinning οἵ 


October they crossed over to Byzantium; and ἃ 


uring December, 400, and 


January, 399, they were engaged in the service of the Thracian prince, Seuthes. 


Kiihner. 
Xen 


ophon (v. 5. 4) terminates the Catabasis at Cotyora. A summary of the 


ἘΝ that took place after the Greeks arrived at Cotyora, is subjoined. 














Reference Date. 
Deke oer oda B,C, 400, 308. 
Cotyora. Xenophon thinks of forming a settle- 
ment here, but is disappointed. v. 6. 15, 17 
Xenophon is impeached, and defends 
himself. v. 7.1, seqq. 
The army purified. pre Be oe 
Trial of the generals. v. 8. 1—2€. 
pgbmen3 a with Corylas of Paphlia-| _ εἶν 
γ...1..}1. 
Einbarkation of the army. vi. 1. 14. 
Sinope, Arrival at. v1.1, 15. 
Cheirisophus returns. 2D. 
Xenophon offered the sole command, 
but declines it in favor of Cheiriso- 
hus. vi. 1.18 
Heraclea, Voyage to. vi. 2. 16 
he army separates into three divi- 
sion vi. 2. 16. July 1. 
ἀκού μὴ division in danger; relieved 
by Xenophon. vi. 3. 5, seqq. 
Port of Calpe. Cheiriscphus dies. vi. 4. 41, 
Pharnabazus cuts off five hundred of 
pte Greeks through the rashness of 
Hi 3 
Pisarouthass and his ergy ἀρ a vi. 5. 7—32. 
Cleander, harmost of Byzantium, 
comes to the Greeks. vi. 6. 6 Aug. 7. 
Chrysopolis, The Greeks proceed to. vi. 6. 38. 
Anaxibius, the Spartan admiral, lurks 
the Greeks out of Asia b promis- 
ing them employment and pay. vii. 1.1 
Byzantium. They samrangy cross over to Βγ- |. 
zanti vii. 1.7 
They find themselves deceived, and 
phe to Por Byzantium. vii. 1. 16 
Four hundred of the Greeks sold as 
slaves by Aristarchus the successor] 
of Cleander. Vii. 2. 6 
Perir thus, Arrival at. ° vii. 2. 11 Serr 
Xenophon confers with Seuthes. vii. 2. 23 Mid-winter, 
The Greeks enter the service of Seu- vii. 6. 24. 
thes (in which they remain two 
two months, vii. 6. 1). viii. 3. 14 Dec. 5. 
Acts of Seuthes and the Greeks in 
Thrace (pay withheld, vii. 5.2 & 9; 
paid, vii. 7. 55). vii. 3. 34. 
Selybria. Thibron the Spartan invites them to} 4 vil. 5. 15 
join him in the war in Asia. vil. 6. 1 
Lampsacus,  Arrivalat. . vii, 8.1. 
March through Troas to Pergamus. vii. 7. 8 
Attack upon Asidates. vii. 8.9 399, B.C. 
Great spoil taken vii. 8. 22 
The Greeks join Thibron. vii. 8. 24. Mar. 5. 











A COMMENTARY 


THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON, 


BY 


WILLIAM FRANCIS AINSWORTH, 


¥.S.4., F.B-GS., F.G.S., BiG. 


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A COMMENTARY 


on 


THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 





Tne zeal and critical acumen of scholars and travelers in- 
numerable, have been devoted to the elucidation of the very re- 
markable journey of the Greeks under Cyrus, from Sardes, the 
capital of Lydia in Asia Minor, to Babylonia; and the still more 
extraordinary and interesting retreat along the river Tigris by 
Kurdistan and Armenia to the shores of the Black Sea, 

The survey of the rivers Euphrates and Tigris by the expedition 
under Colonel Chesney, gave, however, opportunities for investi- 
gating this very interesting subject, such as had never previously 
presented themselves; and these opportunities may be said to have 
received their complement, by the advantages which were derived 
from a journey in Kurdistan and Armenia, performed in 1840, 
under the auspices of the Royal Geographical Society and the 
Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, by the writer, who, 
upon that occasion, followed the track of the gallant little corps, 
through the most intricate and difficult portions of their wander- 
ings. The result of these researches were first given to the public 
in a little book, published in 1844, entitled “ Travels in the Track 
of the Ten Thousand Greeks.” 

Since that time, however, further elucidations have rapidly suc- 
ceeded one another, by far the most important of which are con- 
tained in the great work by Colonel Chesney, “The Expedition 
for the Survey of the Rivers Euphrates and Tigris,” of which the 

‘ two first volumes only are yet published. These volumes, how- 
ever, comprise all that refers to the expedition of Cyrus, and con- 
tain an immense mass of matter corroborative or corrective of 
what has been before published. 

The brilliant discoveries of Layard in Assyria, and the not 
Jess valuable and important philological researches of Colonel 
Itawlinson, have also, during the lapse of the last ten years, 
brought a flood of light to bear upon the past history and con- 

VOL. I. 12 


266 COMMENTARY ON 


dition of the population that dwelt upon the banks of the Eu- 
phrates and the Tigris, which are not without their intimate tear- 
ings upon the narrative left to us by the Athenian historian and 
commander. 

Several classical scholars have also contributed their share of 
new and valuable critical inquiries ; among the most important of 
which is a correction made by Professor Malden, and published in 
the Classical Museum (No. vii. p., 36, e¢ seg.), of the generally ac- 
cepted version of the passage which occurs in the Anabasis (iv. 6. 
4), and which has been hitherto read as, “After this they marched 
seven days’ marches, at the rate of five parasangs a day, to the 
river Phasis,” but which according to Professor Malden, must be 
read as along the river Phasis. There is no real ambiguity, Pro- 
fessor Malden avers, in the meaning of παρα in such a context. 

The effect which such a correction of seven marches has upon 
that portion of the Catabasis which refers to Armenia is consider- 
able. The number of marches between the Euphrates and the 
Phasis or Araxes, is reduced to seven, or by one-haif what was 
previously supposed, and this important correction proportion- 
ately affects the subsequent portion of the route. 

The commentary or exposition now offered to the public is 
therefore just as much a commentary on the “Travels in the 
Track of the Ten Thousand Greeks,” as it is on those works 
which preceded it, and on those inquiries and speculations which 
have been entertained since. It is by no means, however, sup- 
posed to carry the subject out of the domain of further inquiry: 
much remains to be done before all the questions connected with 
this most perplexing subject can receive a complete and satisfactory 
solution. 

SarprEs.—Leaving his relatives and friends in charge of the 
governments of Lydia, Phrygia, and Ionia, Cyrus is described as 
commencing his march from Sardes or Sardis, in April, displaying 
as Colonel Chesney remarks, admirable judgment in taking the 
more circuitous route along the great plains and through the prin- 
cipal cities of Asia Minor, in preference to that by which Xerxes 
advanced through Cappadocia; since it gave him the support of 
his fleet, by which he could receive supplies and reinforcements 
from time to time, besides having a fair chance of concealing for 
a longer period his bold design. 

The capital of the ancient kingdom of Lydia was situated at 
the foot of Mount Tmolus, in a fine plain watered by the river 
Pactolus, of gold-bearing celebrity. It was once a great and flour- 
ishing city, and from its wealth and importance was the object of 
much cupidity and of many sieges. When taken by Cyrus the 
Great, under Creesus, its last king, who has become proverbial for 
his riches, Sardes was one of the most splendid and opulent cities 
of the East, After their victory over Antiochus it passed to thp 


THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 267 


Romans, under whom it rapidly declined in rank and importance. 
In the time of Tiberius it was destroyed by an earthquake, but 
was rebuilt by order of the emperor. 

The inhabitants of Sardes bore an ill repute among the ancients 
for their voluptuous habits of life. Hence, perhaps, the point of 
the phrase in the Apocalyptic message to the city—‘* Thou hast a 
few names, even in Sardis, which have not defiled their garments.” 
(Rey. iii. 4.) The place that Sardes holds in this message, as one 
of the “‘seven churches of Asia,” is the source of the peculiar in. 
terest with which the Christian reader regards it. 

Successive sieges and earthquakes, and the ravages of Saracens 
and Turks, have reduced this once flourishing city to a heap of 
ruins, presenting, however, many remains of its former splendor. 
When visited by W. J. Ilamilton in 1836, with the exception of a 
few black Yuruk tents, the only habitation was that of a Greek 
miller, who had taken advantage of one of the streams which flow 
past the Acropolis, to turn the wheel of his mill. 

The principal ruin is that of the Acropolis, situated on the top 
of a crumbling hill. The ruin is, however, itself made up of an- 
cient fragments, the walls and gateway of the fortress being, ac- 
cording to Hamilton, probably Byzantine, and there being no traces 
of walls of Hellenic construction. Two gigantic Ionic columns, 
with other huge fragments, mark the site of the temple of Cybele. 
There are also remains of a Roman theater, but the marble seats, 
the proscenium, and scena, are all gone: also of a stadium, the 
northern side of which has been artificially formed by a wall sup- 
ported on arches running along the side of the hill. There are 
also remains of the two early Christian churches, one of which has 
been too hastily concluded, by travelers, to have been the church 
of Sardis to which allusion is made in the Apocalypse; but besides 
that the expression can only have referred to the community. of 
Christians then established, the nature of the structure shows that 
its date must have been at least posterior to the overthrow of the 
Pagan religion and the destruction of the temples toward the end 
of the fourth century. Many other remains are scattered over the © 
area of the ancient town; among which. the most remarkable is 
the so-called Gerusia, situated near the western limits of the city, 
partly built of brick and partly of stone, but of a late period ; while 
to the west of these two walls are the massive marble fragments of 
another building, apparently of much older date. 

A countless number of sepulchral hillocks beyond the Hermns, 
heighten the desolateness of a spot which the multiudes lying 
there once made busy by their living presence and pursuits. ! 


.1 The late Captain Newbold called the attention of the Royal Asiatic 
Society (see Journal, vol. xiii. p. 88) to the opening of some of the singular 
tumuli, which compose the Necropolis of the Lydian kings, more especially 
that of Alyattes. 1t is probable, he remarked, that their interior will be 


268 COMMENTARY ON 


Maanper.—The direction of Cyrus’ march appears to have 
been parallel to the Cogamus, and having made in three days 
twenty-two parasangs, he arrived at the river Maander, which he 
passed on a bridge of seven boats, probably above the junction of 
the Lycus. The Meander was celebrated in classic poetry for its 
tortuousness, whence our term—meandering. Ovid, in describing 
the Minotaur’s labyrinth, compares it with the Meander, 

As soft Mzeander’s wanton current plays, 
When through the Phrygian fields it loosely strays; 
Backward and forward rolls the dimpled tide, 
Seeming at once two different ways to glide: 

While circling streams their former banks survey, 
‘And waters past succeeding waters see ; 

Now floating to the sea wit downward course, 
Now pointing upward to its ancient source. 


It may be remarked here, that considering the stadium and para- 
sang as fragments of the earth’s true meridional circumference, as 
more particularly developed by Colonel Jervis, the amount admit- 
ted in the Travels in the Track of the Ten Thousand Greeks, was 
607.62977 Erglish feet for the first, 5468.668 English feet for the 
second. 

The principle upon which this estimate is founded is this: that 
the Jewish itinerary measure was the Parsah of 3 Bereh; each 
Bereh of 74 Khebel, or 3000 measures. The Parsah, correspond- 
ing to the Greek zapacayya, or the Persian Farsakh, the Bereh to 
the Turkish Beré, and the Khebel, or rope, to the stadium. The 
Jewish Bereh was the 24,000th of the earth’s true meridional cir- 
cumference; the fundamental measure, therefore, the 72,000,000th 
of the meridional circumference, which Colonel Jervis, having com- 
puted to the ellipticity τῆς from a comparative summary of the 
results of the Lapland, British, French, and Indian measurements, 
jg 1312g805te76484! or 21.8724876 inches English. Now the 
element is to the common element, of all those itinerary measures 
alluded to by Eratosthenes, Cleomedes, Posidonius, and other 
historians an! other writers, whether Egyptian, Jewish, Greek, . 
Roman, or the earlier Arabian, as 5 to 9,—that is, they were, one 
and all, the 40,000,000th, the Jewish the 72,000,000th, of the 
earth’s meridional circumference; and hence the true length of the 
Roman and Greek foot, and cubit, and stadium may be immedi- 
ately inferred. 

For the Jewish Parsah being the eight-thousandth part of the 
circumference, or 24,000 such measures above stated, was 5468.668 
feet English. The Bereh, 1-24,000th of the meridional circumfer- 
ence, or 8000 such measures, was 5468.668 feet English. The 
Khebel, or stadium = 729.1558+4 feet English (the side,—i. δ. the 


found to correspond with those singular tombs (supposed those of the Pele 
pides) in the hals near Burnabat, overlooking ie Gulf of Smyrna. 


THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 269 
length and breadth, of the greatest pyramid, or that of Cheops). 
One-ninth of this was the Greek and Roman stadium, 607.62977 
feet Enghsh; the 600th part, the true Greek foot, 12.156 English 
inches; the 625th part, the true Roman foot, 11.67 English inches. 
The Greek and Roman cubits respectively 18.2289 and 17.4997 
English inches, 

Colonel Jervis felt satisfied that these data would serve to clear 
up many difficulties in the writings of Herodotus, Xenophon, 
Strabo, Pliny, Diodorus, Curtius, and others, whose apparent 
discrepancies he believed to be due rather to our misapprehen- 
sion, than to any obscurity or inaccuracy in those authors. For 
cither we must suppose the earth to have altered in dimension, the 
situation of remarkable places to have changed, or the ancients to 
have been wholly devoid of intelligence; or we must resort to the 
conclusion that the misapprehension of these difficulties is rather 
to be sought for in our own want of patient consideration. 

Colonel Chesney has proceeded upon a much more Jatitudina- 
rian system. “The modern farsang or barsakh of Persia,” he says 
in his great work, ‘‘The Expedition for the Survey of the Rivers 
Euphrates and Tigris,” vol. ii. p. 207, “varies according to the 
nature of the ground, from three and a half to four English miles 
per hour; and being always calculated for mules, or good horses, 
under favorable circumstances, it frequently exceeds four miles. 
The ancient parasang appears to have been fixed at thirty stadia, 
which at 202.84 yards would give three geographical miles, But 
this being also a road measure, it no doubt varied as at present, 
and was regulated according to the nature of the country; and for- 
tunately we have the means of ascertaining this difference with 
considerable precision. A line drawn along the map so as to touch 
the river, at short distances, from Thapsacus to the river Araxes, 
is about one hundred and five miles, which for the fifty parasangs 
of Xenophon, give 2.10 geographical miles each. By the route 
followed from Sardis to Thapsacus, it is eight hundred and fifty- 
three geographical miles, which will give 2.608 geographical miles 
for each of the three hundred and twenty seven parasangs. Again, 
from Thapsacus to the mounds of Muhammad, thirty-six miles 
from Babylon, where, for the sake of water, the route constantly 
follows and almost touches the river Euphrates, it is four hundred 
and twelve geographical miles, thus giving 1.98 geographical miles 
for each of the two hundred and eight parasangs, or 2.294 geograph- 
ical miles for the mean of both.” 

“This scarcely differs from the result obtained by the laborious 
and discriminating geographer, Major Rennel, who, without our 
present advantages, estimated the parasang at 2.25 miles; which, 
in fact, approaches an average of the whole march of Cyrus. We 
find that the distance from Sardis to Cunaxa, or the mounds of 
Muhammad, can not be much under or over 1265 geographical 


210 : COMMENTARY ΟΝ 


miles, making 2.864 geographical miles for each of the five hun- 
Se and thirty-five parasangs given by Xenophon between those 
places. 

“From the preceding calculations,” continues Colonel Chesney, 
“it appears that we are warranted in taking the average value of 
the parasang at 2.608 geographical miles throughout the march to 
Thapsacus, and at 1.98, or almost two miles, from thence to Cu- 
naxa; but subsequently it is less than two geographical miles. 
The greater speed in the first part of the march, was the natural 
consequence of moving during the most favorable season of the 
year (April and May), with the additional advantage of roads. 
The want of the latter must have been a serious impediment to 
the carriages during the next fortnight; for, although the marches 
were pressing, the heavy-armed men, with their weapons, would 
have been greatly retarded by the almost insupportable heat of the 
summer months; in the subsequent retreat, the mountains, the 
rivers, and unknown tracts, as well as the snow on the ground, 
must have caused still greater retardations.” This is a-view of the 
subject which I have also been obliged to adopt in the present 
commentary. 

Coross2.—Advancing from the Meander through Phrygia, 
the army made in one day’s march eight parasangs, to Colosse, 
described as being at that time a large city, rich and well inhabit- 
ed. This city had indeed been previously noticed by Herodotus 
(vii, 80), as a large city of Phrygia on the Lycus, a tributary to 
the Meander. Xerxes, on his march to Sardis, B. c. 481, reached 
Colosse after leaving Anaua. Colosse had become a place of 
comparatively little importance in Strabo’s time. 

A Ohristian church was formed here very early, probably by 
Epaphras; consisting of Jews and Gentiles, to whom Paul, who 
does not appear to have ever visited Colosse in person, addressed 
an Epistle from Rome. Not long after, the town was, together with 
Laodicea and Hierapolis, destroyed by an earthquake. This, ac- 
cording to Eusebius, was in the ninth year of Nero; but the 
town must have been immediately rebuilt, for in his twelfth year 
it continued to be named as a flourishing place. In the middle 
ages there arose near it a town called Chonx, and Colosse dis- 
appeared. Chone was the birth-place of Nicetas Choniates, one 
of the Byzantine historians. 

Arundel (Asia Minor, vol. ii. p. 159, etc.) supposed that the ruins 
at the modern Khonos, which corresponds to Chons, were also 
the ruins of Coloss~, but Hamilton (Res. ete. i. 508) found exten- 
sive ruins of an ancient city about three miles north of Khonos, 
which appear from certain hydrographical peculiarities alluded to 
by Herodotus and Pliny, and verified by Hamilton, to be undoubt- 
edly the site of Colosss. 

Orraxz.—From Colosse Cyrus made in three days’ march- 


THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 271 


twenty parasangs, to Celena, a city of Phrygia, large, rich, and 
well inhabited, and where was the fortified palace of Xerxes, the 
palace of Cyrus, the hunting park, and the cave of Marsyas. Ile- 
rodotus speaks of Celene in describing the march of Xerxes to 
Sardes. He says (vii. 26) that the sources of the Meander are 
here, and those of a stream not Jess than the Meander: it is 
named Cattarrhactes, and rising in the Agora of Celeens, flows into 
the Meander. The Cattarrhactes of Herodotus is clearly the 
Marsyas of Xenophon. Hamilton, who visited the source at a 
place called Deenair or Dinair, describes it as a considerable 
stream of water gushing out with great rapidity at the base of a 
rocky cliff. It appeared as if it had formerly risen in the center 
of a great cavern, and that the surrounding rocks had fallen in 
from the cliffs above. In Livy’s description (xxxviii. 13) the 
Meander rises in the acropolis of Celeenz, and runs through the 
middle of the city; and the Marsyas, which rises not far from the 
sources of the Meander, joins the same river. Leake thinks that 
it clearly appears from Strabo that both the rivers (Marsyas and 
Meander) ran through Celene, and that they united in the 
suburb which afterward became the new city Apameia. It did 
not appear to Hamilton that the cliff above the source of the 
Marsyas could be the acropolis of Celenz, which Alexander con- 
sidered to be impregnable, and came to terms with the inhabitants. 
He supposes that the acropolis may have been further to the 
N. E., a lofty hill about a mile from the ravine of the Marsyas. 

The town of Apameia Cibotus, which was built by Antiochus 
Soter out of the ruins of Celeenss, was positively stated by Strabo 
to lie at the source of the Marsyas. Arundel was the first who 
clearly saw that Apameia must be at Dinair; and his conclusions 
were confirmed by a Latin inscription which he found record- 
ing the erection of a monument by the merchants residing there. 
Leake has also collected the ancient testimonies as to Apa- 
meia. Hamilton investigated the hydrographic and other fea- 
tures of the place most carefully, and obtained several Greek 
inscriptions from the same neighborhood. 

Pett2z.—From θη Cyrus made in two days’ march ten 
parasangs, and arrived at Peltsw, a city well inhabited. Pelta, or 
rather the Peltenus Campus, has been identified with the plain 
now called Baklan uvah, which is watered by the Meander. 
Hamilton (ii. 163) describes himself as much struck with its level 
extent, and capabilities for maneuvering cavalry. It may be, he 
says, the plain on which Cyrus reviewed his troops, and celebrated 
martial games after Jeaving Apameia:’ for although he was 
marching to the east, it appears that he did not proceed thither 

1 At page 203, vol. ii. of his Researches, οἷο, Mr. Hamilton says he is in- 
clined to place Peltz either in the great plain to the south of Ishakli, or 
at the foot of the mountains two miles on the road from Ishakli to Dinair. 


272 COMMENTARY ON 


direct; as Xenophon says that lhe passed through Ceramorum 
Agora, a town on the frontiers of Mysia, twenty-two parasangs 
from Apameia, which must have been to the N. N. W. 

Colonel Chesney (ii. 206) attributes these two retrograde marches 
to the necessity of rounding a difficult portion of the Taurus. 

Hamilton met on this plain burial-grounds with large blocks of 
stone, and broken columns, on one of which he found a mutilated 
inscription; but a whole month, he says, dedicated to the examina- 
tion of the numerous villages and burial-grounds which fill this 
extensive plain and which increase in number as you advance 
eastward, would not be too much to determine the name and sites 
of the ancient towns which once flourished here. 

Crramon or Ceramorum Acora.—After halting three days to 
celebrate the Lupercalian sacrifice, Cyrus advanced twelve para- 
sangs to Ceramon Agora (the market of the Cramians), the site of 
which, according to the back distances from Koniyah, would be 
a little east of the actual town of Ushak, but allowing for variation 
in the value of the parasang, at Ushak itself. 

Pliny having noticed a town called Caranz in Phrygia, Cramer 
conjectured that this might be the Ceramon Agora. It has also 
been supposed to be the same as the Oaris or Carides of Stephanus, 
but that name corresponds to the Carina of Pliny, or Caria, as it 
perhaps should be read. 

Hamilton (ii. 204) describes Ushak as a place of considerable 
commerce and traffic in the present day; many of the high roads 
of Asia Minor passing through it. He also adds, that to a person 
going to Mysia from Apameia (Celeene), and supposing, as Strabo 
says, that Mysia extended to Ghiadiz (Kadi), Ushak would be the 
last town through which he would pass before entering Mysia, 
from which it is separated by a mountainous and uninhabited 
district. 

Pra or Caysrreus.—From the market of the Cramians, Cy- 
rus made in three days’ march 30 parasangs, and arrived at a 
well-peopled city, called the Plain of Caystrus.. (Caystri Campus.) 

It has been previously observed, that the site of the market of 
the Cramians has been determined by back distances, owing to the 
difficulty entailed by Cyrus having deviated from his course at 
Celenxz. Thus the march from Celene to Pelte is 10 para- 
sangs; from Peltw to Ceramon Agora 12 parasangs; and from 
Ceramon Agora to the Plain of Caystrus, was 30 parasangs. From 
the Plain of Caystrus, Cyrus marched 10 parasangs to Thymbrium, 
then 10 to Tyreum, and then 20 to Iconium, the last city in 
Phrygia in the direction of his march; for after leaving Iconium, 
he entered Cappadocia. Jconium is Koniyah, a position well 
known, Celene may also be considered as a well-determined 
position. Now the march of Cyrus from Celene to Iconium was 
92 parasangs. The angle thus obtained drives the site of the mar- 


THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 273 


ket of the Cramians more or less to the N. W. of Ushak, according 
to the estimate taken of the parasang, 2.6 geog. miles according to 
Chesney, 2.455 geog. miles according to Hamilton, or 3 according 
to Colonel Jervis, but I have with others adopted the site of Ushak, 
as the most likely. 

This question has been made the subject of some critical re- 
marks by Mr. Long in the Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geog- 
raphy, which I willingly ~ insertion to here. 

“Two recent attempts,” Mr. Long writes, ‘* have been made to 
fix the places between Culand and Iconiam, one by Mr. Hamil- 
ton (Researches, ete., vol. ii. p. 198), and another by Mr. Ainsworth 
(Travels in the Track of the Ten Thousand, etc., p..24). The ex- 
amination of these two explanations can not be made here for want 
of space. But it is impossible to identify with certainty positions 
on 8 line of road where distances only are given, and we find no 
corresponding names to guide us. Mr. Hamilton supposes that 
the Caystri Campus may be near the village of Chai Kiui, ‘and 
near the banks of the Eber Ghieul in the extensive plain between 
that village and Polybotum.’ Chai Kieui is in about 38° 40’ N. lat. 

“Mr, Ainsworth places the Caystri Campus further west, at a 
place called Surmeneh, ‘a high and arid upland, as its ancient name 
designates,’ which is traversed by an insignificant tributary to the 
Eber Gol,” Mr. Hamilton’s Eber Ghieul. The neighborhood of 
Surmeneh abounds in ancient remains; but Chai ieut is an in- 
significant place, without ruins. 

* Both Mr. Hamilton and Mr. Ainsworth, however, agree in 
fixing the Caystri Campus in the basin of this river, the ber Ghieul, 
and so far the conclusion may be accepted as probable. But the 
exact site of the place can not be determined without farther evi- 
dence. Cyrus staid at Caystri Campus five days, and he certainly 
would not stay with his troops five days in a high and arid upland. 
As the plain was called the Plain of Cayster, we may assume that 
there was a river Cayster, where Cyrus halted. One of Mr. Ains- 
worth’s objections to Mr. Hamilton’s conclusion is altogether un- 
founded. He says that the plain. which Mr. Hamilton chooses as 
the site of the Caystri Campus is ‘an extensive plain, but very 
marshy, being in one part occupied by a perpetual and large lake, 
called Eber Gél, and most unlikely at any season of the year to 
present the arid and burnt appearance which could have led the 
Greeks to call it Caustron or Caystrus, the burnt or barren plain.’ 
But the word Caystrus could not mean burnt, and Stephanus is 
guilty of originating this mistake. It means no more a burnt plain 
here than it does when applied to the plain above Ephesus. Both 
were watery places; one we know to be so, and the other we ἔνα 
with great probability conclude to be.” 

As it appears that I was misled in the reading of Cayster, I do 
not wish to insist upon this special identification i in the “ Track of 

12 


274 - COMMENTARY ON 


the Ten Thousand Greeks.” I may however be permitted to ob: 
serve, that the identification was not solely founded upon the cir- 
eumstance of Surmanah being a dry upland. It was also founded 
on back distances from Iconium 20 parasangs to Tyrizum, 10 to 
Thymbrium, and 10 to the plain of Caystrus, or 120 geographical 
miles. Eber Gol, or Ibar Gil, being at a less distance. There is 
a stream of water at Surmanah as well as at Chai Kiui, and 
Xenophon tells us there was also in Oyrus’s time a weli-peopled 
city. So that it was not because it was an arid plain that it can 
be also shown not to have been a fit place for a delay of five days. 
I may also add that so marshy is the plain of Bulavadin, that the 
road from N. W. to that town has to be carried in great part 
over a raised causeway. Hamilton (ii. 177) describes Surmanah 
as “a rich mine of antiquarian treasures,” as is also the case with 
Afyum Kara Hissar in the same neighborhood, which he looks 
upon as the site of ancient Synnada. The same observing traveler 
however makes mention of no ruins at or near Chai Kiui, which 
he also identifies with the Holmi of Strabo. : 

TuymBrivm.—During a halt of five days on the plain of Cays- 
trus, Cyrus received Epyaxa, the queen of Cilicia; whose mysteri- 
ous visit and opportune supply of treasure enabled him to appease 
the Greeks by giving them three months’ arrears of pay. Ac- 
companied by Epyaxa, he advanced thence, ten parasangs, to 
Thymbrium, on the borders of Lycaonia. 

Estimating the parasang at three geographical miles, I have iden- 
tified Thymbrium with the modern Jshakli, reckoning back from 
Iconium. Even at the reduced estimate of Hamilton, ten parasangs, 
equal upon his scale to 24 or 25 geographic miles, measured from 
the site of Ighun, or from the hot baths, brings us beyond Philo- 
melium at Ak-Shahir, and nearly half way between that town and 
the fountain of Ulu Bunar Darbund. Hamilton’ describes that 
fountain as only four or five miles from Ak-Shahir, whereas I was 
upward of two hours traveling from the one to the other. Colo- 
nel Chesney (ii. 208) places Thymbrium “at or a little south-east- 
ward of the present town of Ak-Shahir.” 

The expression used by Xenophon, ἐνταῦθα ἣν παρὰ τὴν ὁδὸν, 
would certainly appear to denote that he passed the fountain of 
Midas on the road to Thymbrium, although Spelman translates it 
“ΠΟΘ was a fountain near the road, called the fountain of Midas.” 
“ There seems, therefore,” says Hamilton, (ii. 202,) “every reason 
for placing Thymbrium at the foot of Sultan Tagh, between the 
fountain of Midas and Ak Shehr (Shahir), if indeed it be not an 
older name for Philomelium itself.” There certainly seems, 
however, taking the reduced estimate of the value of the parasang 
adopted by Hamilton and Colonel Chesney, still to remain. more 
reasons for approximating the site of Thymbrium to the fountain 
of Midas than to Ak-Shahir, only that towns have mostly suc- 


THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 275: 


ceeded to one another at the same site. The road, it is to be re- 
marked upon this assumption of the value of the parasang, pre- 
sents few difficulties, and it improves still more on approaching 
Iconium. I can understand the parasang covering little plane 
surfaces in the passes of Kurdistan or the snows of Armenia, but I 
can not help feeling, with Colonel Jervis, that to suppose a varying 
estimate of that value on the plains of Asia Minor, argues a great 
want of intelligence on the part of the ancients, and reduces them 
to the semi-barbarous position of the modern Turk and Persian, 
who, reckoning by time and ποῦ by distance, leave it impossible, 
without actual investigation, to determine from such data the 
geographical position of places. It is obvious, therefore, in the 
instances of Pelte, Ceramon Agora, Caystri Cainpus, Thymbrium, 
and Tyrizum, where we have only distances to go upon, we must 
remain more or less in a state of uncertainty as to their true posi- 
tions. The fountain of Midas helps to throw some additional 
light upon the positioning of Thymbrium, that of Tyrizum is 
confirmed by Strabo, and Ushak, as representing the market of 
the Cramians, remains to the present day a place of considerable 
traffic and commerce, and a place of meeting of high roads. These 
circumstances must be taken into consideration in determining the 
position of the sites noticed by Xenophon between Celene and 
Iconium, two known positions, 

TyrrazumCyrus made in two days’ march ten parasangs, 
and arrived at Tyrieum, a populous town. Hamilton and Colonel 
Chesney, upon the evaluation of distances before alluded to, think 
that Tyrizeum is probably represented by Ilghun. I sought for 
the site at Arkut Khan, but without wishing to put much stress 
upon so indefinite a point. Neither Hamilton nor myself saw 
any remains of ancient times at either Arkut Khan or Ilghun. 
“There is this to be said of Ilghun, that there is beyond that town 
a plain much better adapted for the review of the Greek and Bar- 
barian forces described by Xenophon, than at Arkut Khan, where 

he surface of the soil is broken up by slabs of horizontal lime- 
stone. Hamilton also remarks that their identification is confirm- 
ed by Strabo’s account of the great road from Ephesus to Mazaca; 
for he clearly places Tyrizum between Philomelium and Laodicea, 
and near the borders of Lycaonia. Another argament in favor 
of this site is, that Strabo states that Holmi was at the commence- 
inent of Phrygia Paroreius, which would therefore be at the west- 
ern extremity of Sultan Tagh, and he gives the distance from 
Ilolmi to Tyrizeum as rather more than 500 stadia. Now the 
distance from the commencement of the Sultan Tagh to Iighun is 
55 miles, and from Chai Kini, which Hamilton identifies with 
Lolmi, just about 50 miles, or 500 stadia. 

Icontum.—From Tyrisum Cyrus made in three days’ march 
twenty parasangs, and came to Iconium, the last city of Phrygia. 


οἿΘ᾽ 7 COMMENTARY ON 


This, as one of the most ancient and remarkable cities cf Asia 
Minor, requires little notice at our hands. Pliny calls it wrbds cele- 
berrima Iconium. Strabo speaks of it as small but well built. 

When visited by the apostle Paul in a.p. 45, it is described as 

inhabited by a great multitude of Jews and Greeks. (Acts xiv. 1.) 
The most remarkable era in the history of Iconium is that of the 
Seljukian Turks or Tartars, a branch of whom founded a dynasty 
at Koniyah in Karaman, before the rise of the Osmanli Turks. 
- Modern Koniyah is still a large town, the seat of a pasha, and 
of a Greek metropolitan, and it contains many interesting relics: 
of olden’ times. Among the most remarkable of which is the 
mosque built by Sultan Aladin, the mausoleum of Hazrit Mavlana, 
the founder of the Mavlani darvishes or dervishes, the old Turkish 
prison, and the Injami Minareh Jami, “the mosque with the 
minarets towering to the stars.” 

Lycaonta.—From Iconium, Cyrus made. in five days’ march 
thirty parasangs through Lycaonia, which, being an enemy’s 
country, he gave the Greeks leave to plunder it. From hence he 
sent the Cilician queen into Cilicia the shortest way, Now as the 
next place reached by Cyrus—Dana—is a well-known site, we 
have only to mark off thirty parasangs from Iconium and twenty- 
five to Dana on the map, and the point of intersection will be the 
spot where Cyrus parted with the queen of Cilicia. 

This spot may therefore, if Cyrus kept a northern road, have 
been at or near the now small town of Kara Bunar, “the Black 
Spring ;” or if gallantry led him to take a southerly route, the 
parting may have taken place at or near Tchurla or Churla, north 
of Karaman, near which Hamilton found many ruins of ancient 
sites, notoriously those of Lystra and Derbe, whither Paul and 
Barnabas fled after their expulsion from Iconizm. I am most 
inclined to the latter view of the case. 

From this point Epyaxa returned to her husband Sripritonatiy 
the king of Cilicia, across the Taurus by Kizil Chasmah, Alan 
Buzuk, Mazatli, Soli or Pompeiopolis, and onward to Tarsus. 

Colonel Chesney remarks upon this incident in the march of 
Cyrus, that it may be inferred from what subsequently passed in 
Cilicia, that the object of this remarkable mission and the timely 
supply of treasure, was to induce Cyrus to take another route, that 
Syennesis might not be embroiled with Artaxerxes, by permitting 
the march through his territory; and it is not improbable that, 
from her peculiar intimacy with-the prince, the queen believed 
she had been successful. Cyrus, however, availed himself of her re- 
turn, to send a body of Greeks under Menon, nominally as a guard 
of honor, but in reality to turn the Cilician Gates, the only pass 
which was practicable for an army throngh this part of ‘Taurus, 
Two companies, amounting to one liundred heavy-armed men, 
were lost in this undertaking, and the rest, arriving before the 


THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. Q277 


main body of the army, and resenting the loss of their companions, 
plundered both the city of Tarsus and the palace that stood there. 

Dana.—Cyrus, with the rest of his army, moved on through 
Cappadocia, and, in four days’ march, made five and twenty para- 
sangs to Dana, a large and rich city, ‘well inhabited. 

ΤΙ yana was well known to all antiquity, not only as the residence 
of Apollonius and the site of a temple of the Asbameean Jupiter, 
but also as the town nearest to the Cilician Gates, Strabo says 
it was also called Eusebia ad Taurum, and that it was built on a 
mound raised by Semiramis, or called Semiramis, probably a heap 
of. Assyrian ruins. Cellarius argued that Aava was a contraction 
made by the copyists for Téava, and the correction thus made has 
been strengthened by subsequent inquiry. 

Thus Hamilton was enabled to identify the ruins at the site now 
called Kiz Hissar, ‘‘ Girls Castle,” or Kilis Hissar, ‘ Castle of the 
Church,” with Tyana, by the existence there of a small lake or 
pool which presents the peculiar phenomenon ascribed to the 
fountain of Asmabeeus sacred to Jupiter by Ammianus Marcelli- 
nus, of never overflowing its banks, and of bubbling up like a 
boiling caldron as described -by Philostratus.: (1068. ii. 808.) An 
identitication which is further confirmed by the mound on which 
the ruins stand. 

The site of Tyana being then determined, the distance from 
Iconium, the situation of the town at the entrance of the pass of 
Taurus, and its olden celebrity, point it out as the Dana of Xeno- 
phon, or as Cellarius more probably opines, that Dana was a mis- 
cript for Tyana. 

ποιὰν Gatrs.—Cyrus is described as preparing at Dana to 
penetrate into Cilicia; the entrance was broad enough for a cha- 
riot to pass, very steep, and inaccessible to an army if there had 
been any opposition; and Syennesis was said to have possessed 
himself of the eminences, in order to guard the pass; for which 
reason, Oyrus staid one day in the plain. The day after, news 
was brought by a messenger that Syennesis had quitted the emi- 
nences, upon information that both Menon’s army were in Cilicia, 
within the mountains, and also that Tamos was sailing round from 
Ionia to Cilicia with the galieys that belonged to the Lacedamon- 
ians and to Cyrus, who immediately marched up to the mountains 
withont opposition, and made himself master of the tents, in which 
the Cilicians lay to oppose his passage. 

The Cilician Gates, called by the Turks in the present day, 
Kulak Bughaz, constitute perhaps one of the most remarkable 
and picturesque mountain-passes in the world. Colonel Chesney 
adds to this (ii. 210), that it is one of the longest and most dith- 
cult passes in the world 

The road through the pass ascends more or less across a wild 
country from Larakli to Kulu Kushla, a distance of about 28 


218 COMMENTARY ON 


miles, and up to which point the rivulets are tributary to the Ak 
Giili, or white lakes, the outlet of which may be justly suspected 
to be a subterranean channel, having a cavernous exit toward the 
plain of Adana. 

Beyond Kulu Kushla, or “place of winds,” the road descends 
by a narrow glen into the valley of a tributary to the Sihun or 
Sarus. This valley is wooded, and bordered by precipitous cliffs. 
At a place called Shiftla Khan, some nine or ten miles beyond 
Kulu Kushla, two valleys meet to form a third, which is an open, 
wooded, pleasant vale, that leads through the very heart of the 
Bulghar Tagh. 

The road leaves this picturesque valley at a distance of eight or 
nine miles, to ascend in a soutli-westerly direction, an open valley 
bearing a small tributary to the Sihun, which is left behind flow- 
ing to the south-east, till an upland is reached, where the celebrated 
defenses of the Egyptians were situated. Immediately beyond 
this, a rivulet, flowing in a southerly direction, leads to a pass in 
the mountains so narrow as to be just broad enough, as Xenoplion 
describes it, for a chariot to pass—ifdisencumbered of fallen rocks. 
This pass is the true Kulak Bughaz; high precipitous cliffs tower 
up on both sides; on the sammit of one of which are the remains 
of a castle with round towers, and a tablet, which once bore an in- 
scription, is still to be seen on the face of a large mass of detached 
rock that lies in the rivulet. Beyond this, two roads lead, one 
over hills by Mizarluk, ‘the place of graves,” chiefly sepulchral 
grottos, to Tarsus; the other along open winding wooden vales, 
and at first rocky, then low rounded undulating hills, to the great 
plain of Adana, which is but slightly elevated above the level of 
the waters of the Mediterranean. 

Praiys oF Crric1a.—Cyrus is described by his historian as de- 
scending from the mountains into a large and beautiful plain, well 
watered, and full of all sorts of trees and vines; abounding in 
sesame, panic, millet, wheat, and barley. 

The plain of Adana, as it is now called, is still remarkable for 
its beauty and fertility. Portions, especially in the upper parts 
and around Anazarba, are merely meadow land, or covered with 
greensward, with, in the least watered portions, a good deal of 
mimosa, and here and there a lonely dark-leaved carob-tree, a 
great feature in the scenery. But a considerable portion of the 
plain is cultivated, furnishing sesame, panic, millet, wheat, and 
barley, as in olden time, as also rice, cotton, and sugar-cane, since 
introduced. Near Tarsus, or the valley of the Cydnus, there is a 
good deal of wood, and at Adana a few date-trees speak volumes 
of a change of climate. The flocks of small bustards and the 
numerous gazelles impart another peculiar feature to the plain, as 
do also its rocky castle-bearing knolls in another direction. 

This plain is described by Xenophon as surrounded by a strong 


THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 279 


and high ridge of hills. It is, indeed, as well as the Bay of Issus, 
or Gulf of Alexandretta, perfectly inclosed by Taurus to the west 
and north, Amanus to the east, and Rhosus to the south. 

Tarsus.—Cyrus having left the mountains, he advanced through 
the plain, and having made five and twenty parasangs in four days’ 
march, arrived at Tarsus, a large and rich city of Cilicia, where 
stood the palace of Syennesis, king of Cilicia; having the river 
Cydnus running through the middle of it, which river is two hun- 
dred feet in breadth. ᾿ 

Tarsus is a city of such great antiquity that its origin is involved 
in fable. While Scripture historians affirm that the sons of Tar- 
shish, the great-grandson of Noah, settled on this coast, classic 
mythology insists that Tarsus was built by Perseus, son of Jupiter 
by Dane. Hypacheans, according to Herodotus; a colony of Ar- 
gives, according to others; it is certain that it was a city favored 
by the Assyrians. 

Grotefend states that after Shalmaneser, king of Assyria, had 
reigned twenty-five years, he extended his conquests over Asia 
Minor, and took up his abode in the city of Tanakan, a strong 
}lace in Etlak, by which, perhaps, Tarsus in Cilicia is meant, 
of the building of which by Sennacherib ‘a fabulous account is 
given by Alexander Polyhistor and Abydenus in the Armenian 
version of Eusebius. After he had introduced into that place the 
worship of Astarte or Nisroch, and received tribute, he reduced the 
neighboring provinces to subjection, and appointed Akharrizadon, 
or Assarhaddon, as king over them. This is one of the triumphs: 
supposed to be alluded to in the celebrated obelisk of Nimrud or 
Athur. No traces exist of the statue described by Arrian as com-- 
memorating the building of this city and Anchiale by Sardanapa- 
lus in one day. 

No contribution to the history of Tarsus has been so rich in re- 
sults as the publication of the “* Lares and Penates” of Cilicia from 
terracottas discovered on the spot by Mr. William Burckhardt 
Barker. We have among these, evidences of Assyrian mythology, 
in the presence of the Assyrian Perseus, Sandon or Hereules 
(Dayyad the Hunter, and the same as Nimrod), the Assyrian’ 
Bellerophon and Pegasus, and horses of the sun. We have evi- 
dences of Egyptian mythology in representations of Isis, Osiris, 
Horus, Anubis, and Phre the HWawk—the Egyptian sun. With 
these we have, as miglit be anticipated, a whole host of illustrations 
of the mythology of Syria and Pheenicia, of Lesser Asia, Greece, 
and Rome. Tarsus was a well-known and distinguished seat of 
Greek philosophy and literature, and from the number ofits schools 
and learned men, was ranked by the side of Athens and Alexan- 
dria. (Strabo xiv. pp. 673, 674.) 

To the Christian, Tarsus derives its greatest interest from being 
the birth-place of the Apostle Paul. Augustus made Tarsus free. 


280 - COMMENTARY ON 


This seems to have implied the privilege of being governed by its 

own laws and magistrates, with freedom from tribute, but did not 
confer the jus coloniarum, nor the jus civitatis; and it was not, 
therefore, as usually supposed, on this account that Paul enjoyed 
the privilege of Roman citizenship. ‘Tarsus. indeed, eventually 
did become a Roman colony, which gave to the inhabitants this 
privilege; but this was not till long after the time of Paul. We 
thus find that the Roman tribune at Jerusalem ordered Paul to be 
scourged, though he knew he was a native of Tarsus, but desisted 
on Jearning that he was a Roman citizen. (Acts ix. 11; xxi. 39; 
xxii. 24, 27.) 
- In the time. of Abulfeda, that is, toward the end of the thir- 
teenth and beginning of the fourteenth century, Tarsus was still 
large and surrounded by a double wall, and it was chiefly inhabited 
by Armenian Christians. 

Tarsus has always been a city of considerable commercial im- 
portance. Albertus Aquensis speaks-of three thousand ships sail- 
ing from the port of Tarsus, and even in the present day a muclr 
greater extent might be given to the commerce and the mercantile 
and agricultural resources of the place. 

Cypnus.—The river Cydnus which flows through Tarsus, de- 
riving its waters from the snows of Taurus at no very great distance 
from the city itself, are extremely cold, and bear an evil repute 
since the days of Alexander the Great. Malaria prevails however 
to a great extent in the city, quite independent of any more im- 
mediate contact with its waters. 

CastLte or Niwrvup.—Tarsus is deseribed by Xenophon as 
abandoned by its inhabitants, who, with Syennesis, fled to a fast- 
ness upon the mountains, those only excepted who kept the public 
houses. The fastness here alluded to has been identified with the 
Castle of Nimrud in the adjacent mountains, partly on account of 
its antiqnity, partly because no other likely place is known. The 
Castle of Nimrud has not however been visited by any competent 
traveler, 

Sor1.—The inhabitants of Soli and Issus, who lived near the sea, 
did not quit their habitations. Issus will be noticed in due course. 
Soli was a colony, according to Pomponius Mela and others, found- 
ed by the Argives and Rhodians; but according to Diogenes Laer- 
tius, by Solon, who founded there a colony of Athenians, who, 
gradually corrupting their own language, gave origin to the term 
Solcecism. 

This city was afterward put under contribution by Alexander, 
and devastated by Tygranes, and Pompey confined to the same 
locality the pirates who troubled the neighboring seas, and gave 
the place his own name—Pompeiopolis. 

The ruins of the ancient city still exist near a place now called 
Aski Shahir, “the old city,” near Mazatli on the coast. They 


THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 281 


have been minutely described by Admiral Sir Francis Beaufort in 
his Karamania (pp. 246—259, et seq.). Many additions have 
been made to these descriptions in Mr. W. B. Barker’s work be- 
fore alluded to, “Zares and Penates ; or, Cilicia and its Governors,” 
(p. 130, et seq.). A plan and description of the ruins by Oaptain 
Prissick are also to be found, in Dr. Holt Yates’ “ Modern His- 
tory and Condition of Egypt.” 

River Psarvs.—Cyrus is described as making from Tarsus, 
in two days’ march, ten parasangs to the river Psarus, which 
therefore corresponds to the river of Adana, now called Sihun, or 
Saihun, to distinguish it from its neighbor the Pyramus, called 
Jihun, or Jaihun, just as the Oxus or Amu of the Turks and 
Tartars is called Jihun to distinguish it from the Jaxartes, Sir 
Darah, or head valley, of the Turks, the Sihun of the Arabs. Jihun 
is the Arabic corruption for the Hebrew Gihon, the name of one 
of the rivers of Paradise. 

This river is, by my own admeasurements, three hundred and 
twenty-five feet wide at Adana. My idea of the distance by road 
from Tarsus to Adana corresponds inore closely to the evaluation 
of 3 geographical miles to the parasang than of 24 miles. Colonel 
Chesney (ii. 210) himself says it is rather more than twenty-nine 
miles between the two places. 

River Pyramvus.—From the Psarus, Cyrus made, in one day’s 
march, five parasangs to the river Pyramus, which was a stadium 
in width, The distance here between two well-established points 
is also at the rate of 8 geographical miles to the parasang. From 
whatever point the Greeks crossed the Sihun there would be 15 
geographical miles of nearly level plain to reach the Jihun or 
Jaihun, as the Pyramus is now called. 

‘The width given by Xenophon,” says Colonel Chesney, “indi- 
cates that the passage of the Psarus was effected somewhere about 
the place now occupied by the city of Adana, and that of the Pyra- 
mus in the vicinity of the present town of Mallus or Misis; and 
neither of the rivers being fordable, it may be presumed that they 
were, as in the case of the Meander, crossedon some kind of tem- 
porary bridge.” 

551, or Issus.—From the river Pyramus Cyrus ‘advanced in 
two days’ march, a distance of fifteen parasangs, to Issi, the last 
city in Cilicia, situate upon the sea-coast, a populous, large, and 
rich place. 

We are here placed in the dilemma of diminishing the value of 
the parasang over a country presenting no particular difficulties, 
or of supposing, as I have done in the “ Travels in the Track,” etc., 
that Cyrus forded the river in its lower parts, and at a time when 
its embouchure was at Kara Tash. This would have: taken them 
across the plain of Ayas, ancient Campus Alieus, by which Fhilotas, 


282 COMMENTARY ON” 


as recorded by Arrian, led the horse, on the occasion of the ad- 
vance of the Macedonians, under Alexander the Great, and which 
would give forty-five miles between the Pyramus and Jssus, while 
from Misis there is only thirty-three or thirty-four miles. I do 
not wish however to lay particular stress upon this view of the 
case, especially since all other commentators now agree in varying 
the value of the parasang according to the nature of the ground, 
and there are on the road from Misis to Issus two ranges of hills 
to cross. The first the Jibal-an-Nur, or Mountain of Light, presents 
a little pass that would present obstacles to chariots; the second 
also presents a narrow pass, where is the ancient Cyclopean arch, 
called the Iron Gate, or the Black Gate, and which corresponds to 
the Amanian gates with a station (the latter represented by theruins 
at Matakh), and a further detour is occasioned by the marches at the 
end of the plain, on which are situated the ruins of Epiphanea, 
originally called Oeniandos and Castabala. These two sites are 
determined from the distances given in the Antonine Itinerary, 
and the Theodosian Tables. The latter place, Epiphanea, 30 M. P. 
from Anazarbas, and the same distance from Alexandria and Issum, 
now Iskandarun or Alexandretta. 

The positioning of Issus gave much more trouble, and involved 
the careful discussion of the historians of Alexander as compared 
with Cicero and other accessible authorities.. All the cireum- 
stances of the case pointed, however, tolerably satisfactorily to a 
great extent of ruins scattered over the plain, north of the Dali- 
chai, or Mad River, as the Pinarus is now called. The only 
point not satisfactorily cleared up was the position of the altars of 
Alexander. It has been suggested that these may be the ruin 
called Jonas’ Pillars, a point which Alexander had reached before 
he heard that Darius had crossed the Amanus in his rear, and 
from whence he returned to engage in the battle of Issus, so fatal 
to the Persian hosts. Quintus Curtius said that these altars were 
erected on the banks of the Pinarus, but Pliny describes the 
Bomitz or altars as between Amanus and Rhosus, which would 
point to the locality here suggested. Another difficulty remains 
with regard to Nicopolis, which Stephanus says was a aame given 
to Issus after the great battle fought there by the Macedonians, 
but Strabo and Ptolemy both agree in making it a different place. 

Gates oF CriciaA anp Syria.—From Issus Cyrus proceeded 
one day’s march, five parasangs, to the Gates of Cilicia and Syria. 
“These were two fortresses; of the part within them, toward 
Cilicia, Syennesis and a guard of Cilicians had the charge; the 
part without, toward Syria, a garrison of the king’s soldiers was 
reported to occupy. Between the two runs a river called Carsus, 
a plethrum in breadth. The whole space between the fortresses 
was three stadia; and it was impossible to pass it by force; for the 


THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 283) 


passage was very narrow, the walls reached down to the sea, and 
above were inaccessible rocks. At each of the fortresses were 
gates.” 

Dr. Anthon says the common text has Κέρσος, but the reading 
of the best MSS. is Kapoor. The Rev. J. T. Macmichael has 
adopted the correction of Psarus for Pharus, but not that of Kar- 
sus for Kersus, There is every reason to believe that this river, 
now called Markaz-su, corresponds to the Κέρσίας of Ptolemy, and 
the Crocodilon flumen of Pliny. It was at the foot of that part 
of Amanus called Mons Crocodilus. The French annotators of 
Pliny have suggested an identity between a Syriac word analogous 
to Kersus, and the Egyptian Kamses, a crocodile, hence Kersus or 
Karsus would be the same as the Crocodilon flumen. 

The Gates of Cilicia and Syria occur at a point where the Ama- 
nus approaches most closely to the sea-shore. Coming from the 
north, we have the Markaz-su, or Karsus, which flows from a gap 
in the rocks, between high, perpendicular precipices, past the mod- 
ern village of Markaz, and then divides into two branches, one of 
which goes nearly directly to the sea; the other, after losing itself 
in a marshy lagune, finds its exit into the sea at a distance of about 
a mile and a half north of the direct branch. This first or northerly 
stream is passed by a bridge, and a little distance further south 
are ruins on the shore of the termination of a wall with a gate. 
At a distance of about six hundred yards, corresponding to the 
three stadia of Xenophon, are the more perfect ruins of a wall, 
which can be traced amid a dense shrubbery, from the mountains 
down to the sea-shore, where it terminates in a round tower. 

A little beyond to the right, and on the slope of the hills, is a 
Saracenic castle, noticed under the same name of Markaz in the 
Mecca Itinerary, published by the Geographical Society of Paris. 
From this castle the rocks advance directly to the shore, leaving a 
narrow pass over which a paved road is now carried, and upon 
which stands the ruined gateway, called Jonas’ Pillars, or Sakal 
Tutan, “* Beard-catcher,” an Oriental expression for a difficult pass. 

Colonel Chesney remarks that “the Markaz or Merkez-su, an- 
cient Karsus, determines the sites of the so-called gates or fortresses, 
which were erected to defend the ground; the one being in Cilicia, 
and the other in Syria, the river flowing between them.” 

When we consider the important events of which these gates 
were the scene, in the time of Cyrus the younger, as also in that 
of Alexander the Great, the mystical name of the river, which 
associates it with ancient crocodile worship, and the Axio-Kersian 
or Samo-Thracian mysteries, and the ruined edifice correspond- 
ing to the Bomits of Pliny, all domineered over by the castle of 
Saracenic times, it would be difficult to imagine a more interesting 
mass of ruins, both in a classical and archeological point of view, 


284 a COMMENTARY ON 


grouped together in so small a compass. Nor is the scene so re- 
plete with historical associations waniing in picturesque acces- 
sories. 
- Myrranprus.—Cyrus is described as proceeding from the Gates 
of Ciliciaand Syria, through Syria, one day’s march, five parasangs, 
to Myriandrus, a city near the sea, inhabited by Phoenicians: this 
place was a public mart, and many merchant-vessels lay at anchor 
ere. 

The site of Myriandrus has not yet been satisfactorily deter- 
mined. According to the distances given by Xenophon of five 
parasangs from the Gates of Cilicia and Syria, it would be, if on 
the sea-shore, either some way beyond Alexandretta on the way te 
Arsus, or if the sea, as was probably the case. extended further in- 
land at that time, and occupied the now pestilent marshes of 
Alexandretta, beyond Godefroy de. Bouillon’s Castle; at the foot 
of the hills near Jacob or Joseph’s well, where Rennel sought for 
the site in question, or alittle beyond that, and nearer to the foot 
of the pass of Baylan. It is evident that Myriandrus and the 
town subsequently named after the Macedonian hero, were not the 
same, for Strabo mentions both, and in the following succession : 
Rhosus (Arsus), Myriandrus, and Alexandria. The ruins may per- 
chance yet be found in the wooded country that lies between Alex- 
andretta and Rhosus, at or near the coast, about opposite the 
entrance of the pass of Baylan. This is a region which has not 
yet been satisfactorily explored. 

River Onartvus.—Cyrus proceeded four days’ march, a distance 

of twenty parasangs, to the river Chalus, which was a plethrum in 
breadth, and full of large tame fish, which the Syrians looked upon 
as gods, and allowed no one to hurt either them or the pigeons. 
_ This is a long journey, of from 50 to 60 miles, in which several 
objects of interest are passed over without an observation. Among 
the first of these is the pass between Amanus and Rhosus, the true 
Syrian Gates, in which are situated vestiges of the strong town 
called Pinara by Pliny and Ptolemy, and by corruption Erana by 
Cicero, who deseribes it as being in the mountain above the region 
in which the altars of Alexander were situated—another proof that 
the “ Bomitew” were at the foot of Amanus and Rhosus, and not, 
as Quintus Curtius relates, on the banks of the Pinarus, 

Pinara was the Pictanus of the Jerusalem Itinerary, and it is 
* now represented by the town of Baylan, whose mosque was built, 
according to the Mecca Itinerary, by Sultan Selim, and the Khan 
by Sultan Sulaiman the Magnificent. There are also remains of 
a causeway, of an aquednuet, and of a bridge. 

Beyond the Syrian Gates was Pagras or Pangrios, represented 
apparently by the castle of Ibn Abu Daud; and at the foot of the 
mountains, the great plain watered by three different rivers, the 
Kara-su, the Aswad, and the Afrin, corresponding to the Labotas, 


THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 285 


the Aenoporas, and Arceuthus of te Romans, and in the center of 
which is the great expanse of the lake of Antioch. 

The silence of Xenoplion with regard to this mountain-pass, 
the rivers and lake of the plain of Antioch, and the rocky region 
beyond, now called St. Simon or Shaikh Barakat, has given origin 
to various surmises on the part of commentators on the Anabasis. 
Rennell has supposed, in consequence of this silence and that of 
Strabo, that the lake did not exist at that time; and Foster, in 
his Geographical Dissertation, has made this one of the grounds 
for supposing that Xenophon kept no journal, or at least no regu- 
lar one, of the expedition, but that he drew it up a great many 
years afterward. I think it more likely, from the general charac- 
ter of the work, that something occurred, sickness or despondency, 
and the latter might naturally have been brought about by the 
clandestine departure of Xenias and Pasion, to distract the atten- 
tion of our historian or to make him disinclined to write. Con- 
trast, for example, the indifference of the present moment, with 
the energy displayed and the minuteness of description indulged 
in when Xenophon became a leader in the passes of Kurdistan. 

A tributary to the river Sajur having been found during the 
survey of northern Syria by the Euphrates Expedition, to still 
preserve the name of Baluk or Baluklu-su, “ Fish River,” Colonel 
Chesney makes Cyrus march in a north-easterly direction, over 
4 very difficult country, to that insignificant rivulet, to turn almost 
back again in a direction south, a little west, to the Chalib or Ku- 
wait—the river of Aleppo, at the point where a large group of 
tells,’ or mounds of ruin, give evidence of the existence of a once 
prosperous and flourishing community. 

I do not, however, see any reason for changing the opinion I 
had adopted in common with other geographers, that the Chalib 
or Kuwait represents the Chalus of Xenophon. The direct dis- 
tance is perhaps not sufficient, but the difficulties of the road pre- 
sented by the pass of Baylan, the marshy plain of Antioch, and 
the necessity of turning northward up the valley of the Afrin, to 
avoid the rocky deserts of Shaikh Barakat, give in detail a distance 
between the Mediterranean and the river Chalib of at least sixty 
geographical miles, or of three miles to a parasang. 

Notwithstanding a statement of Rauwolf’s that fish were scarce 
in the market of Aleppo, I stated as the results of my own observ- 
ation in the Travels in the Track, etc., that the Chalib abounded 
in fish, and I have since found in "Dr. Russell’s Natural History of 
‘Aleppo, 1794, vol. ii. p. 207, that not only do fish abound in the 
Chalib, but that there is a fountain called Hailan, a Syriac word 
signifying “the powerful” (see my Travels and Researches in 


1 Tel or Tell of the Arabians, Tuppah, valgo abies pes, of the Turks, 
Thupo in Pali, Stupa in Sanscrit, vulgo Topes i in L 


286 COMMENTARY ON 


Asia Minor, Mesopotamia, etc. vol. ii. p. 101), where, as in the 
fountain of Birkat-al-Ibrahim or Abraham, the beloved, at Urfab, 
of Mambij ancient Hierapolis, at the tomb of Daniyali Akbar, 
“the greater Daniel” (see Rawlinson in Journal Roy. Geo. Soe. 
vol. ix. p. 83), and elsewhere, fish are still, or were till lately, pre- 
served unmolested, and therefore more or less reverenced or sacred 
in the eyes of the ‘true believers, 

Dr. Russell says, ‘‘ From what 1 had cursorily remarked in the 
markets, or at the tables of the inhabitants, and from the appear- 
ance of the Kowick (Kuwait), I hardly expected to find so great a 
variety of fish in that river; but, upon examination, it was found 
to produce seventeen species, and among those, some hitherto 
undescribed.” 

To the assiduity of the fishermen, which is restrained to no 
particular season, and exercised with little discretion, may be 
partly ascribed the small size of the fish in general; for at Heylan 
(Hailan), and the fountain of fishes, where they are suffered to re- 
main unmolested, they grow considerably larger.” : 

It is almost needless to remark, that this superstitious reverence 
for fish is a remnant of the Assyrian and Syro-Arabian worship of 
fish gods. Berosus (see Cory’s Ancient Fragments, p. 22 and 81) 
makes Oannes the first and Odakon the last of these. Selden (De 
Diis Syris, p. 265) is persuaded that this Odakon is the Philistine 
god Dagon. The further resemblance between Dagon and Ater- 
gatis or Derketo is so great in other respects, that the same au- 
thority accounts for the only important difference between them— 
that of sex—by referring to the androgynous nature of many hea- 
then gods. The Greeks embodied their worship, as usual, into 
their mythology, by a poetic story of the loves of the goddess 
Derketa or Derceta. 

River Darapax, or Darpres.—From the villages of Parysatis, 
en the Chalus, Cyrus advanced, five days’ march, a. distance of 
thirty parasangs, to the sources of the river Dardes, which is a 
plethrum in breadth. Here was the palace of Belesys, tlie governor 
of Syria, and a very large and beautiful garden, containing all 
that the seasons produce. 

The common text has Aapadaxoc, but Anthon’ gives Δάρδητος 
with Dindorf, on good MS. authority. Colonel Chesney’s view of this 
portion of the progress is, “in advancing first in an easterly di- 
rection along the Baluk-su, then southward by the banks: of the 


1 Though Dindorf is an authority, Anthon is none. It would be betterto 
quote Kihner, who gives Δάρδατος, from five MSS. 
_ Nor can Macinschael (p. 283) be called much of an anthority. But it 
might be said that Dindorf and Kihner concur in reading ψάρος: Weiske, 
Schneider, and Bornemann have the form Ydpoc. 
Κέρσος is adopted by Dindorf and Kihner; tetas Past ae ana 
Ῥοξασαχαμεν. have the old Κέρσος. Translator. 


THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 287 


same stream, and again eastward, quitting the latter when opposite 
to the fountain of Bab, near the source of the stream called Dhahab 
or Dabb, it is about sixty-one miles to the last, the presumed Dara- 
dax: and if the windings of the Koweik (Kuwait) Le followed in 
the earlier part of the march, it would be seventy or eighty miles 
from the higher part of the Chalib or Chalus, which, as in the time 
of Xenophon, still abounds in fish. The distance (thirty para- 
sangs) given by Xenophon between the rivers Chalus and Dara- 
dax, which was accomplished in five marches, agrees with the 
nature of the intervening country; for whether the windings of 
the upper part of the Koweik were followed, or the stream forded 
two or three times in preference, a fifth march would be requisite, 
as already mentioned.” (ii. p. 213.) 

Some difficulties present themselves in accepting this determina- 
tion. In the first place, the distance given would accord better 
with the idea of Cyrus having crossed the Syrian plains from the 
Chalus to the Euphrates, notwithstanding Xenophon’s silence 
upon the subject. The same silence, or rather passing over all 
notice of the river Euphrates until the army came to Thapsacus, 
is observed throughout, and may have been an inadvertence, fer 
the nature of the country would oblige an army to keep along the 
banks of the river; and Colonel Chesney, who identifies the foun- 
tain of Dhahab with that of Dardes, still. makes Oyrus, notwith- 
standing the silence of Xenophon upon the subject, join the Eu- 
phrates at Balis. 

The name of the site—Balis—corresponding to the Barbalissus 
or Barbarissus of the Romans, and the ruins existing there, would 
point to that place as the site of the palace of the Persian satrap. 
Then again, at that point there is a great alluvial plain, which to the 
present day abounds in boars and other game, while all beyond, or 
westward, is a dry arid upland, a perfect wilderness, which, how- 
ever, may be modified somewhat by the waters of the Dhahab. 

Lastly, there was a canal, taken from the Euphrates ‘at Balis, 
which might be a hundred feet wide at its origin, as described by 
Xenophon, and which it is difficult to imagine the fountain at Fay, 
as Rennell calls it—al Bab, or Taidiff—could present at its origin. 

There is to be added to all this, that the back distance from 
Thapsacus (Al Hammam) to Balis corresponds precisely with the 
distance given by Xenophon between the palace of Belesis and 
Thapsacus, that is, fifteen parasangs or forty-five miles by the bends 
of the river. Nothwithstanding the points in favor of one and the 
other view of the subject, common sense would point to a probable 
visit to the fountain of Dhahab, or Dardes, on the way to the pa- 
lace of Belesis at Balis. But so common sense would also point 
to the identity of Bayas, or Bais, with Issus, where is a river to 
represent the Pinarus, a plain large enough to fight a battle, with- 
out being cut up by deep ruts like the plain of Dali-chai, and 


288 COMMENTARY ON 


where the ships could be moored opposite Cyrus’ tent, a proceed- 
ing scarcely possible at the mouths of the Dali-chai, only that 
other circumstances do not uphold this hypothesis. 

Tuapsacus.—Having wantonly destroyed the palace and park 
of Belesis, Cyrus is described by Xenophon as proceeding, in three 
days’ march, a distance of fifteen parasangs, to the river Euphrates, 
which is there four stadia in breadth, and on which was situ- 
ated a large and rich city, named Thapsacus. Colonel Chesney 
(ii: 213) describes these as “ pressing marches, following and 
constantly touching the Euphrates from Balis,” which accords with 
the view previously taken of this portion of the march. 

The distance here given of forty-five miles, corresponds with the 

overland distance from Balis to the ford celebrated among the 
Arabs, as that of the Anazah or Badawin. This ford, as such or 
as a bridge, was used for the passage alike of Persian, Greek, and 
Roman. armies, and more lately of Arabs, Tartars, and Turks. 
Xerxes, who, according to Herodotus, crossed the Hellespont by 
a bridge of boats, in which one was tied to the other, had con- 
structed a similar one at Thapsacus, but this was destroyed by 
Abrocomas on the approach of Cyrus. Alexander dragged over 
the boats necessary for the passage of the river from the Medi- 
terranean. : 
_ The remains of a paved causeway are still to be observed on 
both banks of the river, which is here eight hundred yards, or four 
stadia, in width. This causeway is marked in the Augustan and 
Theodosian Tables as part of a road carried by Palmyra to Ba- 
bylonia, as also northward to Carrhe, Edessa, and to more re- 
mote countries. 

A congregation of mounds, well worthy of archeological explor- 
ation, are all thatremain of the ancient Tiphsah, which was taken 

ssion of by Solomon, probably in connection with the series 
of operations (of which the building or fortification of Tadmor 
was one) adopted by him for the purpose of drawing the Eastern 
trade into his own dominions. Tiphsah became afterward Thap- 
sacus, both signifying the same thing, “the ford.” The same 
place is called Sura by Pliny and by Ptolemy, and this was its 
name in medizyval times, for it is called in the Ecclesiastical notices 
of the Lower Empire, /lavia firma Sura.’ It was also, according to 
Stephanus, called Turmeda by the Syrians, and Amphipolis under 
the successors of Alexander, The ruins are now called Suriyah. 

Rennell and D’Anyille were induced from the supposed exist- 
ence of a ford or pass of the Euphrates at Dair, the “ monastery,” 
and in ignorance of the existence of this ford, to identify Thapsa- 
cus with that little Arabic town, which is built upon a vast mound 
of ruin—the remains of some site of antiquity, But it is two hun- 
dred and eleven miles by the river from Balis to Dair, and to get 
over this difficulty, these two distinguished geographers were 


THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 289. 


obliged to suppose that Xenophon had, by an oversight, misplaced 
the distances of Belesis to Thapsacus, (fifteen parasangs), and from 
Thapsacus to the Araxes—Xenophon’s name for the Khabur 
(fifteen parasangs)—and that it should have been fifty parasangs 
from Balis to Thapsacus, and fifteen from Thapsacus to the 
Araxes. It is satisfactory to find by the true determination of the 
position of Thapsacus at fifteen parasangs from Balis, that there 
is no necessity whatsoever for this violation of the accuracy of the 
historian. 

River Araxes.—Cyrus having with his army forded the Enu- 
phrates at Thapsacus, the waters rising no higher than the breast; 
he is described by Xenophon as advancing through Syria, nine 
days’ march, a distance of fifty parasangs, to the river Araxes, 
where were a number of villages, stored with corn and wine. 

Having crossed the Euphrates, it is manifest that the country 
the army was marching in was in reality Mesopotamia, but it was 
by no means an uncommon thing for the Romans to describe the 
districts in question sometimes 88 in Syria, at others in Mesopota- 
nia. Pliny and Strabo both speak of the country lying between 
Thapsacus and the Scenite or nomad Arabs, as Syria. 

Wherefore Xenophon called the river Khabur, Araxes, it is diffi- 
cult to determine. - The name was by no means an uncommon one, 
and Strabo, in accordance with the national custom of referring 
foreign names to a Greek origin, connects the word with ὠἀράσσω, 
and adds that the Peneus was once called Araxes, on account of its 
having separated Ossa from Olympus at the gorge of Tempe.” 

This river was, however, known to antiquity generally by other 
names, approaching more or less to its present appellation. Thus, 
it is described in the Old Testament (2 Kings xxiv. 15 ; Ezek. i. 1, 
3; iii. 15, 23; x. 15,20) under the name of Chebar, as a river 
of Mesopotamia, upon the banks of which Nebuchadnezzar plant- 
ed a colony of Jews, among whom was the prophet Ezekiel. 


1 Rawlinson has shown the prefix Ar, Ara, and Arta, to be of transcend- 
ental use in every single branch of Arian Paleography, with the exception of 
the Zend. (Journ. of the Royal ‘Asiatic Society, vol. x. p. 55, and vol. xi. p.- 
88, et seq.) Ar, or Har, he says, signifies mountain, as in Arburz (El Buia, 

ἢ res), Ar Parsin, the mountains of Persia. _Bochart long 
ago showed (Phaleg i. 1) that the first syllable in Armenia (Armina in the 
euneiform) signified in Semitic ‘‘a mountain.” _Burnouf and Lassen have 

Arius (Ariya of the cuneiform) to the root signifying ‘“‘man.” We 
have another form in Arabia, the cuneiform Arabaya. so much used 
as a prefix to names, as in Artakhshatra (Artaxerxes), signifies, according te 
Rawlinson, a ki There can be little doubt, then, of the native origin of 
the name Aras, the Araxes of the Greeks, although there might be some 
doubt if it meant mountain river, or a head or chief river; assuming the 
prefix Ar to have somewhat the same power as Syr, Sir, or Sar, used by the 
Lurks in Syr Darah (Jaxartes), as head valley or river; and by the Kurds, 
xs head mountain or stream indifferently. Araxes has been generally sup- 
posed to be a Greek modification of the Armenian Arasch ot Exaabie 

VOL. L 13 


290 : COMMENTARY ON 


Layard says that in the Hebrew text the name is spelt in two dif- 
ferent ways. In Kings we have Khabour. In Ezekiel it is written 
Kebar. So also in the Septuagint it is written Χοβάρ. It is cailed 
Aboras and Abboras by Strabo, Zosimus, Ammianus, Procopius, 
and others. Ptolemy writes it Khaboras. 

Layard, while carrying on his archeological explorations in 
Assyria, having been informed by the Arabs that two colossal idols, 
similar to those at Nimrud, had been laid bare by the waters of 
the Khabur, ke repaired to the spot, and was rewarded by the 
discovery of a considerable number of monuments of Assyrian 
times, of which he says, “the Archaic character of the treatment 
and design, the peculiar form of the features, the rude though forci- 
ble delineation of the muscles, and the simplicity of the details, 
certainly convey the impression of greater antiquity than any 
monuments hitherto discovered in Assyria Proper.” 

The Khabur is a large river having its sources in the Karajah 
Tagh in northern Mesopotamia, and receiving in its course down- 
ward tributaries from Kuhrasar (Sinna) and Ras-al-Ain (Resaina) 
from the west ; from Masku, Mardin, Dara, Nisibin (ancient Myg- 
donius), Asnawur, and Chil Agha from the east, besides a rivulet 
called Al Wauli or Holi from the marshes of Khatuniyah in the 
Sinjar. The main branch of the river is by accident omitted 
in the map accompanying Layard’s account of his discoveries in 
Nineveh and Babylon. (1853.) 

At the junction of the Khabur and the Euphrates, we have on 

the north the ruins of Carchemish of Scripture, called by the Greeks 
Kirkesion, and by the Romans, with whom it was long a frontier 
town, Cercusium. The place is called by the Arabs in the present 
day Kirkisiyah, and also from the abundance of ruins, Abu Sarai, 
“the father of palaces.” Layard, who did not visit it, says “‘ Abou 
Psera.” Al Wakidi, in his History of the Conquest of Mesopotamia 
by the Arabs, calls it Karkisha. 

To the south are the mounds of Kalneh, supposed by Colonel 
Chesney (i. 52; 117, 118) to be the site of Calneh, or Chalneh, 
the fourth of Nimrod’s cities. (Gen. x. 10.) 

According to the Chaldee version, with which Eusebius and 
Jerome agree, this is the same place that was subsequently called 
Otesiphon. 

Colonel Rawlinson has, however, by the aid of those important 
paleographic researches which promise to throw an entirely new 
light on Assyro-Babylonian and Chaldean history and geography, 
discovered the ideograph for Calneh among the inscribed bricks 
of a place called Niffer. (Ann. Report of the Royal Asiatic Society, 
vol. xv. p. 192 He had previously (Jour. of Roy. Asiat. Soc. vol. 
X. p. 22) identified, as he also said from the evidence of the bricks, 
the same primeval site with the Chaldean ruins of Kalwadha near 
Baghdad. 


THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 291 


Arasia.—Cyrus advanced from the Khabur tlirough Arabia, 
having the Euphrates on his right, five days’ march through the 
desert, a distance of five parasangs. 

Rawlinson remarks that in the cuneiform inscriptions the name 
of Arabia (Arabaya) is sometimes introduced between those of 
Babylon and Assyria, sometimes between Assyria and Egypt ; ana 
he adds, “I think, therefore, we may suppose the title to apply to 
the Mesopotamian Desert, and the basin of the Euphrates, which 
have always been inhabited by Arab tribes, rather than to the vast 
Sonthern Peninsula. The Jews, in the same way, whose geogra- 
phical notions were very limited, designated as Arabia, or the 
country of the Arabs, the region ‘immediately j joining a 
and -stretching southward to the Red Sea.” (Journ. of Roy. 
Asiatic Society, vol. xi. p. 38.) 

Thus it was that, in accordance with the views entertained at 
that epoch, we find Xenophon deserting those regions of Mesopo- 
tamia which lie north-westward of the Khabur, as Syria; and 
those to the south, as Arabia. The Athenian historian’s descrip- 
tion of the desert is so concise, and so graphic, as to be familiar 
to every one, and, as a consequent penalty, has been often quoted 
as descriptive of regions which have little in common with the 
particular territory in question. 

RivER Mascas anp Ciry or Corsore.—Marching through this 
region, Xenophon relates, they came to the river Mascas, the 
breadth of which is a plethrum. Here was a large deserted city, 
of which the name was Corsote, and which was entirely surround- 
ed by the Mascas. 

At a distance of sixty-three miles touching the river curves, or 
of one hundred miles and upward by the river’s winding, a con- 
siderable tract of alluvium is cut off from the main-land, by a 
canal, which drawn from the river at a northerly point, empties 
itself by three different embouchures to the south. Beyond are 
cliffs of marls and gypsum, upon which traces of ruins of older 
time are still to be met. ._ The place is called in the present day 
Irzah or Izrah, and also by corruption Werdi. 

It is not at all improbable from this site being nearly opposite 
to Al Kayim, the Agamana of Ptolemy, where the great desert 
route from Palestine to Babylon first touches the Euphrates, that. 
this was one of the cities of bondagé, where the captive Israelites 
awaited the coming of Ezra, with the glad message that: was to 
enable them to return to their own-country. In this case the 
Masca would correspond to the Ahava of Scripture. 

The ruins of Corsote of Xenophon would appear to have been 
on the plain, being described as entirely surrounded by the Mas- 
cas, unless we are to understand, as is more probable, that this 
description alludes to the great bend of the river at this point, 
and which is described by Balbi, who descended the ‘Bapheatded in 


292 Σ COMMENTARY ON 


1579, as keeping them from morning to noon in sight of the ruins. 
When Balbi, however, speaks of these ruins as of greater extent 
than the city of Cairo, and presenting nothing to view but portions 
of massy walls and lofty towers, we must conclude that he mis- 
took the cliffs and great broken masses of gypsum for fragments 
of ruin. Rauwolf, who traveled in 1574, also described the penin- 
sula as occupying more than half a day to encompass it. 

Gates oF Basytonta.—lrom Corsote Cyrus proceeded, thir- 
teen days’ march, through the desert, a distance of ninety para- 
sangs, still keeping the Euphrates on the right, and arrived at a 
place called the Gates. 

Colonel Chesney is inclined to think, that as it appears by the 
subsequent movements, that the * Gates ” were about twenty-four 
miles short of the Median Wall, the pass in question may safely 
be placed about twenty-seven miles below Hit, or nearly opposite 
to the village of Jarrah, from which, by the map, there are about 
one hundred and seventy-five or one hundred and seventy-seven 
geographical miles to represent the ninety parasangs from OCorsote 
to the Pylx, which at 1.98 each, give 178.2 geographical miles. 
(ii. 214.) 

The banks of the Euphrates in this part of the route, and more 
particularly in the lower portion, are exceedingly rocky and irreg- 
ular, till we arrive at the level alluvial plains of Babylonia. 1 
is difficult among these irregular hills to distinguish one place as 
τ more worthy of being designated as a pass than the other, and I 
had hence been induced by that circumstance, and by a considera- 
tion of the distance traveled (and which, by supposing the troops 
to have been compelled to keep to the banks of the river, I had 
given a much greater length to than Colonel Chesney), to identify 
the Pyle with the pass or descent from the hills upon the plain 
of Babylonia itself. 

Rennell, it is to be observed, coincides in this view of the subject, 
as he conjectures that the term pyle refers to the shutting up of 
the river itself between the mountains, which terminate at the 
same place on both sides of the river. This termination of the 
hilly country at the level alluvial plain of Babylonia constitutes 
indeed a very remarkable feature in the physical aspect of these 
regions. 

The Rev. J. F. Macmichael, in his edition of Xenophon (Appen- 
dix, p. 836), suggests the conclusion that Pyle was neither city 
(as Larcher surmised) nor mountain defile, but ‘the ancient pass 
into Babylonia through the Median Wall, at a time when it ex- 
tended—as when entire it must have done—to the Euphrates. 
There is a great deal of plausibility in this suggestion. 

CuarManpdE.—On this Jong march through the desert, the 
troops are described as passing over on rafts of skins to an opulent 
and extensive city, called Charmande. As no distances are given, 


THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 293 


I was inclined to identify this site with the most important posi- 
tion on the right bank of the Euphrates, that occurs within the inter- 
val between Corsote and tlie ‘* Gates,” viz. the city of Iz or Izanes- 
copolis, whose bitumen fountains were visited by Alexander, by 
Trajan, by Severus, and by Julian; but Colonel Chesney (ii. 214) j is 
more inclined to seek for the site at some ruins, which occur on 
the right bank opposite to the island of Jibbah or Jubbah. This 
is evidently, at the present moment, a position that is not satisfac- 
torily determined. 

Frecp oF Review ΙΝ Basytonta.—Cyrns 15 described as pro- 
ceeding through Babylonia, three days’ march, a distance of twelve 
parasangs; and at the end of the third day’s march, he reviewed 
his army, both Greeks and Barbarians in the plain, about mid- 
night; for he expected that with the ensuing dawn the king would 
come up with his army to offer him battle. 

The spot at which this review took place would, allowing 3 
geo. niles to the parasang, be 36 miles beyond the Pyle, 32 miles 
south of the Wall of Media, 36 miles north of Cunaxa, and 72 
miles north of Babylon. If we allow only 2.5 geo. miles, or place 
the Pyle north of the plain of Babylonia, the distances will be 
proportionately diminished. We have, however, a means of de- 
termining the positioning of the army of Cyrus on the plain of 
Babylonia a little more accurately, from the events recorded i in 
the next day’s march. - 

Trencn oF ARTAXERXES.—Cyrus proceeded from the field of re- 
view on the plain of Babylonia, one day’s march, a distance of 
three parasangs, with all his forces, as well Greek as Barbarian, 
drawn up in order of battle; for he expected that on this day the 
king would give him battle ; as about the middle of the day’s 
march, there was a deep trench dug; the breadth of it was five 
fathoms, and the width three. This ditch extended up through the 
plain, to the distance of twelve parasangs, as far as the Wall of 
Media. Here are the canals which are supplied from the river 
Tigris ; there are four of them, each a plethrum in breadth, and 
very deep; boats employed in conveying corn sail along them, 
They discharge themselves into the Euphrates, are distant from 
each other one parasang, and there are bridges over them. Near 
the Euphrates was a narrow passage between the river and the 
trench, about twenty feet in breadth. This trench the Great King 
had inade to serve as a defense, when he heard that Cyrus was 
marching against him. By this passage Cyrus and his army made 
their way and got within the trench. 

If the trench or ditch, here spoken of, had been a canal drawn 
diagonally. from the river Tigris, such a canal 86 geo. miles in 
length, starting from the N. E. or Tigris end of the Median Wall, 
would just touch on the maps attached to the Expedition for the 
Survey of the Euphrates and Tigris, the Nahr Isa or Saklawiys 


294) , COMMENTARY ON 


canal at or about the ruins of Sifairah, ancient Sippara. - But 
there seems no reason to suppose that it was a canal. Xenophon 
appears to distinguish this trench or ditch from the four canals 
derived from the river Tigris which he describes in the same para- 
graph. This, however, may be open to doubt. In such a situation 
a trench or ditch might naturally be supposed to be full of water. 
But whichever may be the case, it is not said that it was drawn 
from the Tigris, but merly that it extended upward to the Me- 
dian Wall. Now a distance of 36 geo. miles laid down on the 
Expedition map from a central portion of the Median Wall, would 
earry the trench to the Abu Gharib country, somewhere about 
where the Nahr Malka or Malik has its origin. This would place 
the field of review in the same region, some seven or eight miles to 
the northward, and would lead us to suppose, as would be most 
naturally the case, that the four canals were drawn from the great 
overflow of the Tigris near Accad, called Al Hur, and from the 
Tigris itself between that and Al Ghirarah, in the very line in fact 
of Colonel Chesney’s proposed line of communication. All the com- 
mentators on Xenophon have found great difficulty in admitting 
the historian’s accuracy in this point, because he differs from other 
authorities, as Herodotus, Diodorus, Arrian, Pliny, and Ammianus, 
in making the canals flow from the Tigris; all others describing 
them as flowing from the Euphrates.. But this difficulty loses its 
force, when we consider that the alluvial plain between the two 
rivers is so level that it merely requires to alter the diagonal direc- 
tion of a canal to determine which way its waters shall flow, and 
thus the marsh of Al Hur is flooded at one season by the Tigris, 
at another by the Euphrates through the Isa canal. Thus also 
the Isa, Nahr Malik, and other canals, flow from the Euphrates to 
the Tigris, while the Shat-al-Hai flows from the Tigris to the 
Euphrates. It is probable that, at the time of Artaxerxes, the 
usual canals may have also flowed from Euphrates to Tigris, and 
that the four canals of Xenophon described as only 2 1-2 or 3 miles 
from one another, were exceptions to the Nile, and drawn from the 
marsh of Accad and the Tigris, above the canals of Babylon itself, 
which may have flowed from the Euphrates to the Tigris. 

. Barrie-rietp or Cunaxa.—As the king made no attempt at 
the trench to prevent the passage of Cyrus’s army, it was thought 
both by Cyrus and the rest that he had given up the intention of 
fighting; so that on the day following Cyrus proceeded on his 
march with less caution. This was still nore the case on the next 
day’s march ; when news came that the Great King was approach- 
ing, and the battle so fatal to Cyrus took place. 

We have here an account of short, desultory, and irregular 
marches, which would have brought the allies, according to Colo- 
nel Chesney, to, at, or near the mounds of Muhammad, 34 or 36 
miles along the river from the Median Wall; but, according to my 


THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 295 


former estimate of the value of the parasang, nearer tothe site 
of Imsayab or Mussayib, about 15 miles direct, but upward of 
20 by the bends of the river, north of Babylon. It is evident 
that Cyrus deemed himself very near to Babylon, since he had 
almost given up any thoughts of resistance on the part of Arta- 
xerxes. 

Xenophon describes the battle fully, but does not mention the 
name of the place where it was fought. Plutarch, in his Life of 
Artaxerxes, has alone preserved it, and states that it was 500 sta- 
dia from Babylon. . This would make it fifty miles north of Baby- 
lon. Xenoplion, however, says that the distance from the field 
of battle to Babylon was only 360 stadia, or 36 miles, a distance 
which would tally best with that of the before-mentioned mounds 
of Muhammad. 

Movunp, on Prat or Basytonta.—tThe night of the battle, the 
Greeks pursued the Persians as far as a certain village, where the 
halted; for above the village was a hill, upon which the king’s 
troops had checked their flight. The hill here alluded to appears 
to have been one of the numerous artificial mounds, topes, or tells, 
sometimes sepulchral, sometimes heaps of ruin, which abound on 
the plain of Babylonia. The word used to designate the hill is 
sufficiently descriptive, γηλοῴος, a compound of γη, earth, and Aogoz, 
hill, mound, or tumnulus, “a heap of earth,” 

It is the more important to establish this fact, as there are no 
natural hills on the plain of Babylonia; and, therefore, the mention 
made by Xenophon of a hill at this place has led the distinguished 
traveler, Baillie Fraser, to consider it as furnishing evidence of 
the battle having been fought to the north of the Median Wall. 

BaBytonian VitLaces.—As soon as a retreat had been decided 
upon between the Greeks and the Barbarians, and the line of route 
to be followed determined by Arixus, they started on a long day’s 
journey to certain villages, the position of which would be in a 
great measure determined by a more satisfactory conclusion as to 
the site of Cunaxa. Colonel Chesney places these villages on the 
Abu Gharib or Nahr Sarsar of Abulfeda, near the extensive 
mounds and ruins of Kush or Sindiyah. 

The direction of the next march is not given, but it is stated 
that the army met with ditches and. canals, so full of water, that 
they could not cross without bridges; but they made crossings of 
the palm-trees which had fallen, and others which they. cut down. 
There is every reason to. believe from this statement that the 
Greeks were led into the interior of Babylonia, and Clearchus ap- 
pears justly to have suspected that the ditches had been filled with 
water purposely, as it was not the season for irrigating the land. 
At last they arrived at some villages, where was plenty of corn, 
and wine made from dates, and where it would appear they re 
‘nained twenty-three or twenty-four days. 


296 ' COMMENTARY ON 


War or Mepra.—At length, after marching three days, they 
arrived at the Wall of Media, as it is called, and passed to the 
other side of it.. This wall was built of burned bricks, laid in bitu- 
men; it was twenty feet in thickness, and a hundred in height, 
and the length of it was said to be twenty parasangs; and it was 
not far distant from Babylon. 

* Not the least remarkable of the discoveries,” says the Rev. J. 
¥. Macmichael in the Appendix to his Xenophon, “ which of late 
years have marked the progress of geographical inquiry in this 
most interesting, but, till of late, unexplored region, is the actual 
existence at the present time of an ancient wall stretching across 
Mesopotamia at the head of the Babylonian plain. Mr. Ross, 
who first examined it at its eastern terminus, in 1836, describes it 
under the name of Khalu or Sidd Nimrud (wall or embankment of 
Nimrod), and as a straight wall 25 long paces thick, and from 35 
to 40 feet high, running 8. W. 1-4 Ν᾿ as far as the eye could reach, 
to two mounds called Ramelah (Sifairah, Ainsw. p. 81-2), on the 
Euphrates, some hours above Felujah. The eastern extremity 
was built of the small pebbles of the country, cemented with lime 
of great tenacity ; and further inland, his Bedouin guides told him 
it was built of brick, and in some places worn down level with 
the desert, and was built by Nimrod to keep off the people of 
Nineveh, with whom he had an implacable feud. (Journal of RB. 
Geog. 8S. ix. p.446). It was further examined by Captain Lynch, 
and its eastern extremity determined to be in lat. 34° 3’ 30”, and 
long. 21’ 50” W. of Baghdad. (Lbid. p. 472). 

“The identity of this wall with Xenophon’s Wall of Media was 
assumed by the explorers tacitly, but with strong ground of prob- 
ability. Of the great antiquity of the Sidd Nimrud there can be 
no question; record of its origin there is none, except local tra- 
dition assigning it to Nimrod. On the other hand, the continued 
existence of a wall (corresponding to the Median) from Xeno- 
phon’s age down to comparatively recent times, is attested by a 
chain of scattered notices in Jater writers. Such a wall is men- 
tioned by Eratosthenes (in the third century B.o., quoted by 
Strabo ii. 1, and xi. 14), ἃ5 τὸ τὴς Σεμιράμιδος διατείχισμα, having its 
eastern terminus at or near Opis. Again, its western terminus 
was noticed (in a state of ruin) by Ainm. Marcellinus (863 a-p.) 
at Macepracta on the Euphrates, near the head of a canal, which 
he distinguishes from the Naha Malcha (Nahr Malik) doubtless 
the Saklawiyeh, a few miles north of which is the S.W. extremity 
of the Sidd Nimrud.” 

“Their identity is further attested by their occupying the same 
general position as a partition-line between the rocky desert of 
Arabia, and the fertile alluvial plain of Babylonia: the Sidd Nim- 
rud, for all practical purposes, distinguishes the Babylonian plain 
from the hilly and rocky country. (Ainsw. p. 82, note 2). And 


THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 297 


-that alike position must be assigned to the Median Wall is strongly 

indicated by the name it bears, to Μηδιας τεῖχος. For the Medes 
under Cyaxares had conquered all Assyria up to Babylonia, a 
tract which, in Herodotus, includes the entire canal district (i. 
193), and in Xenophon commences where the desert of Arabia 
terminates—at or near a place called Pyle (i. 5.5), where, accord- 
ingly we should look for the western terminus of the Median 
Wall.” 

From a consideration of the different cireumstances detailed by 
Xenophon of the first retrograde steps taken after the battle of 
Cunaxa, I was induced to believe that Tissaphernes, having arrived 
with his army and the guides, marched, as Xenophon expresses it, 
as if he designed to return home; that he led the Greeks three 
days’ march, or about thirty-six miles, toward Sifairah, at which 
point he turned round, and conducted them through the Wall into 
Sitacene, thus leaving them in perplexity with regard to the rela- 
tions of that rich and fertile provinee to the city of Babylon. 
(Tray. in the Track, ete., p. 108-9). 

The following is the account given by Colonel Chesney of this 
the first portion of the Catabasis, and which is so difficult to un- 
derstand. ‘“ In taking a northerly direction from the presumed 
position of the camp, it would be necessary to cross the Nahr 
Malka; and on account of this obstruction, as well as the pres- 
ence of an enemy, the distance made would scarcely exceed ten 
miles. Fatigued by the march, and without sustenance, a slight 
circumstance was sufficient to cause a tumult, and almost a panic, 
among the Greeks.. The panic was, however, speedily calmed by 
the ingenuity of Clearchus, and at: day-break he marched with the 
intention of becoming the assailant. This bold maneuver led to 
a negotiation with the king on equal terms, and guides were in 
consequence appointed to conduct the Greeks across the Nahr 
Sersar, and its affluents, which intersect this part of the country. 
These cuts appear to have been filled with water, but the difficulties 
were overcome by cutting down the palm-trees to make bridges, 
in which operation Clearchus. set the example; and the army 
reached the intended halting-place in some villages probably not 
more than ten miles from the preceding station. These were 
abundantly provided with corn, vinegar, and wine made from dates. 
After spending about twenty-three days in negotiations, having 
made engagements to be faithfully conducted homeward, and ob- 
tained supplies, the Greeks, the troops of Arizeus, and those of 
the king under Tissaphernes, commenced what seemed a peace- 
able march, although certain circumstances attending it gave 
rise to suspicion, and some precautions were adopted in conse- 
quence by the Greeks. . In three days, probably, taking, as in the 
preceding march, a westerly direction, in order toround the marshes 
and inundations near Akar Kuf, the armies came up to and de- 


298 COMMENTARY ON 


parted from the Median Wall into the interior. This wall, whose 
remains are described in Xenophon, was of bricks, and once 100 
feet high and 20 feet thick: it is still to be traced, with its towers 
and ditch, running south-westward from the Tigris, nearly opposite 
Kadisiyeh, to the Euphrates, near Felujah, a distance of forty- 
two or forty-three miles.” 

This view of the subject is illustrated by the following note: 

“The translation of this passage of Xenophon, ἀφίκοντο πρὸς τὸ 
Μηδίας τεῖχος, καὶ παρῆλθον αὐτου evow (Anabasis, lib. ii. cap. iv.), has 
been much discussed and variously rendered. In Allpress’s Xeno- 
phon, p. 80, the army is made to arrive at, and pass along within, 
the Median Wall; which translation is also given in the Anabasis 
of Xenophon, by Charles Anthon, L.L.D. William Tegg and Co. 
Cheapside (By passing within this wall, Dr. Anthon does not 
appear to understand keeping to the south side of it, but passing 
through it, for he says in a note (p. 157 of the 1st edition), Ains- 
worth thinks that this going through the Median Wall, ete. W.FA.); 
by the Rev. Dr. Butcher, Fellow of Trinity College, Dublin; as 
well as by Schneider, who, in a note on this passage, condemns 
Halbkardt for translating it, ‘Kamen sie zur Medischen Mauer, 
und setzen nun jenseit derselben ihren Marsch fort.’” 

Viger, in his Greek Idioms, also quotes an instance from Xeno- 
phon, where the verb occurring in the passage in question joined 
‘with a substantive in the genitive case, signifies “ departure from ” 
or deflection ; and Donnegan’s Greek Lexicon gives εἴσω as anad- 
verb, with the signification of ‘in the interior,” “inside,” or with- 
in, which renderings of the passage are in conformity with the 
relative geographical positions of the Median Wall and Sitace. 
On the other hand, Hutchinson, in his edition of Xenophon, p. 189 
(Hutchinson’s translation is “ intraéqgue eum ingressi sunt,” p. 145, 
Oxford edition, 1745, W.F.A.), and Mitford, History of Greece, 
vol. iv. p. 189, state that the Greeks came up to and passed through 
the Median Wall; and this interpretation has been followed by 
Bishop Thirlwall, in his History of Greece, vol. iv. p. 885, ed. Lon- 
don, 1847, since he conceives, in accordance with Passow, in his 
Greek Lexicon, that when joined with a verb of motion, εἴσω must 
bear the signification of to the inside, not on the inside. The bishop 
κ΄ St. David's considers that Schneider’s condemnation of Halb- 
‘urdt arises solely from the great difficulty of reconciling his trans- 
lation with the geographical position of Sitace, but that the philo- 
logical difficulty thus raised by Schneider, is quite as great as the 
geographical difficulty of the other. The same opinion appears to 
be held by other Grecian scholars; the Right Rev. Dr. Wilson, 
Lord Bishop of Cork and Cloyne, and the Rev. Dr. Mac-Donnell, 
Senior Fellow of Trinity College, Dublin, among the number.” 
(Vol. ii. p. 219 et seq.) 

-- To this array of authorities I may add that of the Rev. J. F. Mae 


THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 299 


michael, Head-master of the Grammar School, Burton on Trent, 
who says, “* We gather from the narrative, that they commenced 
the retreat (after joining Arizus) in a northerly direction (ii. 2. 8), 
and continued it with Tissaphernes—who was journeying home- 
wards (ὡς εἰς οἰκον ἀπιών, iv. 8)—far enough in this direction to 
pass out of Babylonia; for on the sixth day of the retreat, they 
passed within the Median Wall (παρῆλθον εἴσω αὐτοῦ, iv. 12)—an 
expression which can only signify an entry through it into Baby- 
Jonia.. (Cf. 1. iv. 4, 5—vii. 16.) The line of route suggested by 
Mr. Ainsworth, viz. back by Pyle, and then for some distance on 
the N. side of the Wall, is apparently the only one consistent with 
the data, geographical and historical, of the problem.” Ῥ, 339. 

Apart, however, from the respect due to Colonel Chesney’s 
views of the matter—it remains quite an open question, whether 
a north-westerly route, to avoid the Hur or marshes of Akka Kuf, 
would not have taken the Greeks to a position so near to the 
Median Wall as to be described by them as within that wall, 
before they turned to the eastward toward Sitace. 

Srrace.—From the Wall of Media they proceeded, in two days’ 
march, the distance of eight parasangs; crossing two canals, the 
one by a permanent bridge, the other by a temporary one, formed 
of seven boats. These canals were supplied from the river Tigris ; 
and from one to the other of them were cut ditches across the 
country, the first of considerable size, and the next smaller; and 
et last diminutive drains, such as are cut in Greece through the 
panic fields. They then arrived at the Tigris; near whieh there 
was a large and populous city, called Sitace, distant from the 
banks of the river only fifteen stadia. : 

Xenophon, by repeating the circumstance here, that the canals 
were derived from the Tigris, lends additional weight to his prior 
statement, that at that time the northerly part of the plain of 
Babylonia was watered from the Tigris. The Arabs of Balad in- 
formed Captain Lynch, that there were anciently two canals, 
which ran across from the Tigris to the Euphrates—one from 
Tstabalat, called Jalilu-i-Darb, near where the Dujail, “ Little 
Tigris,” leaves the Tigris, and one that ran from the Dujail itself, 
ealled Bu Khaimah. (Journal of Rt. G.5., vol. ix. p. 474.) 

There are also in the same district the remains of several canals 
which were drawn in olden time from the river Tigris to flow back 
into the same river. Among the most remarkable are the Dajail, 
or Dijail, or Little Tigris; the Shat Aidha and the Ishakli. Ak- 
bara, a favorite residence of the Khalifs, was on the Shat Aidha. 

Mr. Ross sought for Sitace at Shiriat-al-Baidha, or the White 
River, where there are extensive ruins, consisting of mounds and 
embankments, and the dry ditch of a canal extending northward 
some miles, and westward almost to the colossal ruin of Akka Kuf 
or Accad—the only remaining example of an Assyrian or Baby- 


800 ᾿ COMMENTARY ON 


lonian ruin not converted by the lapse of time and disintegration 
of materials into a tel or mound. 

Having been led to reject the identification of the river Physcus 
with the modern Athaim, as surmised by Mr. Ross and Captain 
Lynch, upon the grounds advanced by Colonel Rawlinson, that if 
the Katur or Nahrawan canals existed in the time of Xenophon, 
they would represent the Physcus and not the Athaim, I was 
further induced, by considering the incompatibility of the distance 
between Shiriat-al-Baidha and Opis at the confluence of the 
‘Athaim, with that reported by Xenophon, to seek for the ruins of 
Sitace at or near the site of Akbara. Colonel Chesney has, by 
placing Opis at or a little above Kayim or Kaim, and close to the 
head of a second or lower branch of the Nahr-wan, called the 
Nahr-al-Risas, and which he identifies with the Physeus, got over 
this difficulty. 

“In taking the distance backward,” says Colonel Chesney, vol. 
ii. p. 221, “at the average rate of the march through Asia Minor, 
or 2.608 geographical miles per parasang along tlie Upper Tigris 
(at the favorable season of the year), from the known point of the 
river Zab, there would be 130 geographical miles for the fifty 
parasangs to Opis, which places that city a little above Kaim, and 
close to the head of the Nahrawan, instead of being, as before sup- 
posed, some miles lower down near the river Athaim. Twenty 
parasangs, or fifty-two geographical miles, from the latter, the an- 
cient bed of the Tigris, would place Sitace about ten miles north- 
west of Baghdad, near Sheriat-el-Beidha, the presumed site of the 
Sitace of Xenophon.” 

This identification, it will be observed, establishes the correspond- 
ence of the old bed of the river Tigris—the Shat Aidha—with the 
Tigris of Xenophon. 

Oris.—From the Tigris, the Greeks are described as proceeding 
in four days’ march, a distance of twenty parasangs, to the river 
Physcus, which was a plethram in breadth, and over which was a 
bridge. Here was situate a large town, called Opis. 

The discussion of the true positioning of Sitace involved, it has 
been seen, a knowledge of the site of Opis, which was situated at 
the issue of the Katur, or Nahrawan, from the Tigris... The Rev. 
Mr. Macmichael remarks upon this identification of a river with» 
canal, that it is not improbably the third instance in the work of 
Xenophon. “ Ainsworth,” he says in the Appendix (p. 339), ‘* fol- 
lowing Culonel Rawlinson, who isinclined to identify the Physcus 
with the ancient canal, Katur or Nahrawan (compare the case of 
the Daradax and Masca, called ποταμοί, 1. iv. 10, n., and v. 4; the 


1 Colonel Chesney’s Al Kayim is situated, it has been observed, on the 
Nahr-al-Risas, a tributary tothe Katuror Nahrawan; the ruins of Dura, and 
tuose called now Old Baghdad, sre upon the Katur or Nahrawan proper. 


THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON 301 


breadth also (a plethrum), which is uniformly that of canals (v. 1; 
vii. 15), somewhat favor the supposition.” 

Opis was a city of considerable commercial importance at one 
time, having, according to the learned Dr. Vincent, risen into emi- 
nence upon tke decline of the Assyrian cities on the Tigris, and 
then again decayed in its turn, as Seleucia, and Apamea, the crea- 
tion of the Seleucid, became conspicuous; hence its positioning 
is of great interest to comparative geography generally. 

Vintaces oF Parysatis.—From Opis the Greeks proceeded 
through Media, six days’ march through a desert country, a dis- 
tance of thirty parasangs, when they arrived at the villages of 
Parysatis, the mother of Cyrus and the king. 

At 2.608 geographical miles for each of the thirty parasangs, or 
78.24 geographical miles, the villages in question would have been 
situated, according to Colonel Chesney (ii. 222), about three miles 
beyond the Lesser Zab—a river concerning the existence of 
which Xenophon is as silent as he was regarding the Lake of 
Antioch and its tributaries. 

The position of these villages, according to the distance stated 
in the text, would, says Dr. Anthon (note to Xenophon, p. 163), 
both in Lynch’s and in Rich’s maps, fall pretty nearly at the posi- 
tion marked Tel Kunus in the first, and Tel Geloos in the second. 
This is the same identification as in the “Travels in the Track.” 
It is however over-estimated, being laid down in the aps, in- 
stead of as in other cases corrected for the difficulties of road, 
which in most cases render my estimate of 8 geo. miles equal to 
not more than 2.5 on the map, making them really of the same 
value as accorded by Rennell, Colonel Chesney, Hamilton, and 
Layard. 

Caxz.—From the villages of Parysatis the Greeks advanced 
in a march of five days more through the desert, a distance of 
twenty parasangs, having tlie Tigris on their left. At the end of 
the first day’s march, there was situate on the opposite bank of 
the river, a large and opulent city, called Cane, whence the Barba- 
rians brought over, on rafts made of hide, a supply of bread, cheese, 
and wine. 

Captain Lynch having found some ruins with a canal called 
Senn, not far from the embouchure of the Great Zab on the oppo- 
site side of the Tigris, I was induced to identify the Caen of the 
Greeks with that spot, puzzled however at the same time to iden- 
tify this site with the Scena of Strabo, and which according to the 
Amasian geographer was a remarkable city—the capital of the 
Sceenite Arabs—eighteen scheeni or one hundred and eight miles 
from Seleucia, and with a canal which was carried thence to the 
confines of Babylonia. 

Notwithstanding the difficulty of getting a canal ‘Arengh the 
lilly ranges south of Kalah Shirgat, still, censidering the eorree 


802 COMMENTARY ON 


tion given to the distances by Colonel Chesney, I am inclined to 
suppose that the site must be the same as the ruins at the last- 
mentioned place, and not exactly, as Colonel Chesney has it, at the 
ruins of the Ur of the Persians, which he says are three or four 
miles below Shirkat—or Toprak Kalahsi. (ii. p. 222.) 

Kalah Shirgat, since the time when I first visited it in company 
with Layard, in 1840, has been tle scene of many most remark- 
able and interesting discoveries in Assyrian Archeology, made by 
the most successful explorer, 

Among other monuments of olden time, a cylinder, a splendid 
relic, containing 800 lines of beautiful writing, at least 100 years 
older than the oldest monument hitherto. discovered in Assyria, 
was found here. Jt was, when found, broken into a hundred frag- 
ments, and in some paris even reduced to powder; but the whole 
has been carefully joined together, and barely.a dozen lines lost. 

Colonel Rawlinson states (Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 
XV. p. Xvi. et seq.) that it contains the bulletins of Tiglath Pile- 
ser ]., a king who is mentioned in the annals of Assur-akh-pal, 
as aremote ancestor; and as Divanuras, the builder of Calah, 
must, Colonel Rawlinson thinks, intervene between the connected 
series and this king, and as there is no mention on the cylinder 
either of Calah or Nineveh; the Colonel is led to believe that the 
capital of the empire at that earl y period, that is before the build- 
ing of Nineveh, was Kileh Shirgat, as he spells it, itself, and which 
is every where on the cylinder named Assur, as it is ‘also in the 
well-known sitting figure obtained from the same place by Layard, 
and now in the British Museum. 

This ancient and pre-Ninevite capital of the Asssyrian empire 
being then named Assur, was also, according to Colonel Rawlin- 
son, the Allasar of Genesis, of which Arioch was the king. [0 is 
also the Tel Assur of the Targums, which is used for the Mosaic 
Resen; and instead, therefore, of Resen being between Nineveh 
and Calah, it should be Calah, which was between Nineveh and 
Resen. “I consider,” adds the Colonel, ‘‘ these three sites to be 
now determinately fixed—Nineveh at Nebbi Yunus, Calah at 
Nimrud, and Resen at Shirgat.”’ 

Notwithstanding such high authority, I can not help feeling 
that there will yet be found no reason for thus forcing the reading 
of the Mosaic record. The term Assur has been found at Nimrud 
as well as at Shirgat.’ And it is very likeiy to apply to the conn- 


τ Ross (Jour. R. G. 8. vol. ix. p. 451) calls it Kalah Sherkat. Rich (vol. 
ii. p. 138), Toprak Kalaa and Kalaat-ul-S hirgath. hagers (Nineveh and its 
Remains, 1 4; ii. 45 and 51; and Discoveries in the Ruins of Nineveh and 
Babylon, τ 581), Kalah Sherghat. Chesne, Corot - li. 222) ΝΣ Sherkat or Toprak 
Kalahsi. Myself, Kaleh Sherkat and Kala We have all looked 
“Upon it as a modern name, signifying the same, in ΣΟΥ Toprak Kalah, 
and in Arabic, Kalah Shirgat, ‘ castle of earth.” 


THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 303 


try rather than to the city. If, as I suspect it will ‘still turn out 
to be the case, Nimrud is ever identified by satisfactory paleogra- 
phic research with Resen, and Kalah Shirgat with Calah, the 
Biblical expression will be found to be correct. Colonel Rawlinson 
has himself been induced to change his opinions with progressive 
inquiry, he having in 1839 identified Calah with Holwan near Sar 
Puli Zohab (Journ. of Roy. Geo. Soc. ix. p. 85 et seq.); and in 
1849 or 50, identified the same place with Nimrud. (Journ. of Roy. 
Asiat. Soc. xii. p. 417). 

In. the ‘Memoir on Onneiform Inscriptions,” published in the 
eleventh volume of the Jour. Roy, Asiat. Soc., Colonel Rawlinson 
speaks of Athur-a and Athur-aya as the cuneiform expression for 
our Assyria. Ile then adds in a note, the Arabic geographers 
always give the title of Athur to the great ruined capital near the 
mouth of the Upper Zab. If so, that place is just as likely to be 
the Tel Assvr of the Targums as Kalah Shirgat, and consequently, 
as far'as any identification founded on such data will go, the 
same as Resen. 

River Zapatus.—Soon after, they arrived at the river Zabatas, 
the breadth of which was four plethra. The river Zab is too well 
lnown to detain us long. It isin the present day called Zab Ala. 
Thevenot and Tavernier called it Zarb and Zarbe. It is the Lycus 
of the older geographers, with the exception of Pliny, who calls it 
Zerbis, and Marcellinus, who misspells it Diaba. The Zab is one of 
the principal confluents of the Tigris, and at certain seasons of 
the year brings down a larger body of water than the main 
stream. 

There are many tels or mounds of ruin on the south side of the 
Zab near its contluence with the Tigris, in the plain of Shumanuk, 
or Shomanok, now tenanted by the Tai Arabs, some of whicl: the 
indefatigable Layard caused to be excavated by the Jehesh Arabs 
under his pay. Among the most remarkable of these is the lofty 
mound of Kashaf or Keshaf, an artificial platform of earth and 
unbaked bricks resting upon limestone rock, and crowned by the 
remains of a deserted fort, the mounds. and ruins called Muk- 
hamur or Mokhamour, in the pastoral plains between the Karajuk 
hills and the Tigris, the mound of Abu Jerdah, that of Abu Shitha 
or Abou Sheetha, and eight others enumerated by Layard, all in- 
dicative of a Jarge and prosperous population in olden times. 

Speaking more particularly of the mound called Abu-Shitha, 
Layard says (p. 225), “Near this ruin, perhaps at its very foot, 
must have taken place an event which led to one of the most cele- 
brated episodes of ancient history. Here were treacherously 
seized Clearchus, Proxenus, Menon, Agias, and Socrates; and 
Xenophion, elected to the command of the Greek Auxiliaries, com- 
menced the ever-meinorable retreat of the Ten Thousand, The camp 


804 ἊΣ COMMENTARY ON 


of Tissaphernes, dappled with its many-colored tents, and glitter. 
ing with golden arms and silken standards, the gorgeous display of 
Persian pomp, probably stood on the Kordereh (Kur Darah, valley 
of Cyrus?) between Abou Sheatha and the Kasr. The Greeks 
having taken the lower road to the west of the Karachok range, 
through a plain even then as now a desert, turned to the east, and 
crossed the spur of the mountain, where we had recently seen the 
tents of the Howar, in order to reach the fords of the Zab.” 

Pass or tne Zapatus.—Misfortunes awaited tlhe Greeks at 
this point, and active hostilities ensuing upon the passage of the 
Zab, that passage was deferred for a short time. The Persians hav- 
ing been described by Xenophon as taking up a position at the 
ford over the Zab, I was induced to identify the place of passage, 
notwitstanding its distance from the confluence of the Zab and 
Tigris, with the ford at Kulak Kupar, which is beyond the ferry 
called Kulik Izidi, or the pass of the Yezidees. 

“ The fact of their leaving the Tigris,” says the Rev. Mr. Mac- 
michael in the Appendix to the Xenophon (p. 340), “and march- 
ing up the Zab before crossing it, though not expressly stated, is 
sufficiently indicated by the remark that they arrived at the Tigris 

near Larissa (iii. 4. 6), after two marches from the ford. It is 
also to be added to this, that it seems probable that they crossed 
above the junction of the Khazir-su or Bumadus, as they are de- 
cribed as passing. on their way to Larissa, a valley formed by a 
torrent.” ᾿ 

Colonel Chesney makes the Greeks cross the Zab near its con- 
fluence, “ probably in boats,” (ii. 222). Layard, who has examined 
the country about the confluence of the two rivers with great care, 
says, “The ford by which the Greeks crossed the great Zab 
(Zabates) may, I think, be accurately determined. It is still the 
principal ford in this part of the river, and must, from the nature 
of the bed of the stream, have been so from the earliest periods. 
It is about twenty-five miles from the confluence of the Zab and 
Tigris. A march of twenty-five stadia, or nearly three miles, in 
the direction of Larissa, would have brought them to the Ghazer 
or Burmadus; and this stream was, I have little doubt, the deep 
valley formed by the torrent where Mithridates, venturing to 
attack the retreating army was signally defeated.” (Discov. in the 
Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon, p. 60). 

Layard is wrong in saying that * Mr. Ainsworth would take 
the Greeks up to the modern ferry, where there could never have 
been a ford.” I said distinetly (Trav. in the Track, ete., p. 119) 
the actual ferry is at Kelek Izedi (or Kulak Izidi), but beyond 
this, at Kelek Gopar (Kulak Kupar), the river is said to be ford- 
able at favorable seasons, This Mr. Rassam and imyself ascer- 
tained on the spot.. As it appears, however, there is a ford 


THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 805 


lower down the river, and yet above the confluence of the Khazir- 
su, itis evidentiy useless to go higher up the river in search of a 
spot for the passage of the Greeks. 

Larissa.—Having crossed the Zabatus, the Greeks were only 
enabled, owing to the hostile front presented by Mithridates, the 
satrap of the new district they had entered upon, to advance some 
five and twenty stadia to some villages on the plain. The next 
morning they started earlier than usual on account of the ravine, 
but the Persians did not attack them till they had crossed the 
torrent, and being driven back, the Greeks traveled the rest of the 
day without molestation, arriving at the river Tigris, where was a 
large deserted city, the name of which was Larissa, and which 
the Medes had formerly inhabited. 

The identity of the Larissa of Xenophon with the ruins of Nim- 
rud, the scene of Layard’s most remarkable discoveries, appearing 
to be undisputed by those who have written since the publication 
of the “ Travels in the Track,” it only remains to notice some facts 
that have sprung out of more recent researches. 

The learned Bochart first advanced the supposition that this 
Assyrian city was the same as the primeval city, called Resen in the 
Bible and that the Greeks having asked its name were answered, 
Al Resen, the article being prefixed, and from whence they made 
Larissa, in an easy transposition. I adopted this presumed identity 
as extremely probable, and Colonel Chesney (ii. 223) has done the 
same, not as an established fact, but as a presumed identity. 

Layard was satisfied with looking upon Nimrud as a quarter of 
Nineveh. ‘That the ruins at Nimrud were within the precincts 
of Nineveh,” he says in Nineveh and its Remains (vol. ii. p. 245), 
“Tf they do not alone mark its site, appears to be proved by Strabo, 
and by Ptolemy’s statement, that the city was on the Lycus, cor- 
roborated by the tradition preserved by the earliest Arab geogra- 
phers. Yakut and others, mention the ruins of Athur, near Sela- 
miyah, which gave the name of Assyria to the province ; and Ibn 
Said expressly states, that they were those of the city of the As- 
syrian kings who destroyed Jerusalem. They are still called, as 
it has been shown, both Athur and Nimroud.” 

Certain cuneiform characters represented in Layard’s Nineveh 
and its Remains (vol. ii. p. 228, 229), were, froin their frequent 
recurrence both in the sculptures and the bricks, supposed to rep- 
resent the name of Asshur. Dr. Hincks deemed them to repre- 
sent either the name, or an abbreviation of the name of Athur, 
the country of Assyria. ‘It is possible,’ Layard remarks upon 
this, “that Nineveh, or Athur, may be indiscriminately used in 
speaking of the country.” 

Athor, or Athyr, has also been read by Dr. Hincks as the name 
of the presiding divinity on the monuments of Assyria, somewhat, 


306 COMMENTARY ON 


wwe suppose, in the same way, only with more religious feeling 
mixed up with it, that Britannia represents Great Britain. 

In 1846, Colonel Rawlinson, speaking of Nimrud, noticed it as 
probably the Rehoboth of Scripture, but he added in a note, “I 
have no reason for identifying it with Rehoboth, beyond its evident 
antiquity, and the attribution of Resen and Calah to other sites, 
(Journal of Roy. Asiat. Soc. vol. x. p. 26.) . At this time Colonel 
Rawlinson identified Calah with Holwan or Sir Pul-i-Zohab, and 
Resen, or Dasen, with Yasin Teppeh in the plain of Sharizur in 
Enurdistan. (See note to p. 23 op, cit.) 

In 1849 (Journ. of Roy. Asiat: Soc. vol. xi. p. 10), Colonel 
Rawlinson said, ‘‘ The Arabic geographers always. give the title of 
Athur to the great ruined capital near the mouth of the Upper 
Zab. The ruins are now usually known by the name of Nimrud. 
Τὸ would seem highly probable that they represent the Calah of 
Genesis, for the Samaritan Pentateuch names this city Lachisa, 
which is evidently the same title as the Λαρίσσα of Xenophon, the 
Persian 7 being very usually replaced both in Median and Baby- 
lonian by a guttural.” 

In 1850 (Journ. of Roy. Asiat. Soc. vol. xii.), Colonel Rawlin- 
son added the discovery of a cuneiform inscription bearing the 
title Levekh, which he reads Halukh. ‘“‘ Nimrud,” says the distin-’ 
guished paleographist, “the great treasure-house which has 
furnished us with all the most remarkable specimens of Assyrian 
sculpture, although very probably forming one of that group of 
cities, which in the time of the prophet Jonas, were known by the 
common name of Nineveh, has no claim, itself, I think, to that 
particular appellation. The title by which it is designated on the 
bricks and slabs that form its buildings, 1 read doubtfully as Le- 
vekh, and I suspect this to be the original form of the name which 
appears as Calah in Genesis, and Halah in Kings and Chronicles, 
and which indeed, as the capital of Calachene, must needs have 

vccupied some site in the immediate vicinity.” 

Lastly, in 1853 (Journ. of Roy. Asiat. Soc. vol. xv. p. vi. et seq.), 
Colonel Rawlinsoa describes the remarkable cyliader before al- 
luded to as found at Kilah Shirgat, which establishes that site to 
have been the most ancient capital of the Assyrian empire, and to 
have been called Assur as well as Nimrud and Nineveh Proper. 
This Assur, we have seen, he identifies with the Tel Assur of the 
Targums, which is used for the Mosaic Resen ; and instead, there- 
fore, of Resen being between Nineveh and Calah, it should be Ca- 
lah, which was between Nineveh and Resen. 

But, notwithstanding such very high authority, the conclusion 
thus arrived at does not appear to be perfectly satisfactory. The 
discovery of the expression Levekh, and its analogy in the Samari- 
tan Lachisa and the Greek Larissa, is very curious and very 


THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 807 


remarkable, but not conclusive. The name Assur, or Athur, 
occurs just as frequently in connection with Nimrud as with Shir- 
gat, and, therefore, the same argument of its being the Tel Assur of 
the Targums, which is used for the Mosaic Resen, would apply to 
the one as well as to the other. It is possible to imagine two cities 
like Nineveh and Resen to have been within some twenty miles of 
one another, but it is not so easy to imagine that in after times 
one was in the province of Adiabene, the other in that of Cala- 
chene. This part of the subject will be found discussed at length 
in the “ Papers of the Syro-Egyptian Society,” (vol. i. part ii.) 

The whole question, indeed, regarding Nineveh and Assur ap- 
pears to be involved in a great deal of philological confusion. It 
is evident that the name of the country came from Assur or Athur, 
and we can not, therefore, feel surprised at finding the name at 
Kilah {Shirgat, afterward transposed to Nimrud and to Nineveh, 
just as we find the Chaldean priests using it in the present day in 
their bibles at Musul or Mausil. It does not appear, therefore, that 
any correct data will be derived from naming any of the Assyrian 
cities from the presence of this epithet. 

Then again, with regard to Nineveh, it may at one time have 
designated one place, at another time another place, according to 
where the king took up his abode: and again, it may, in the time 
of Jonah, have embraced the whole group of cities, as Colonel 
Rawlinson remarks, in Assyria Proper. Layard does not dispute 
that the different portions of Nineveh, thus comprehensively 
viewed, may have had different names. Much light has already 
been thrown upon the history of the different Assyrian cities and 
edifices, as well as upon the dwellers therein, and that is quite suf- 
ficient to show that we are as yet only upon the threshold of what 
will be eliminated by the labors of our truly zealous and laborious 
paleographers and archzologists. 

Since the above was written, a letter from Colonel Rawlinson 
appears in the Athenwum, No. 1381, making mention of the dis- 
covery in the S. E. Palace at Nimrud, of a perfect statue of the 
god Nebo, with an inscription on the breast, stating that the figure 
in question was executed by a certain sculptor of Lakisa or Calah, 
and dedicated by him to the Lord Phal-lukha, king of Assyria, and 
to his Lady, Sammuramit, Queen of the Palace. In the same in- 
scription the territorial name of Sutgan is mentioned in conjune- 
tion with that of the city of Calah, being, Colonel Rawlinson says, 
the title given by the Samaritan interpreter for the Hebrew of Re- 
hoboth Ir. _ The Colonel identifies the king and queen here no- 
ticed together with the Belochus and Semiramis of the Greek As- 
syrian lists. He believes Semiramis to have been the daughter 
of the king of Medo-Armenia, to have married Phal-lukha, the king 
of Armenia, when she changed her name from Atossa to Semi- 


808 COMMENTARY ON 


ramis, and to have reigned with her husband as joint monarch of 
Nineveh in the eighth century before Christ. 

Mespita.—From Larissa the Greeks are described as proceed- 
ing, in one day’s journey, six parasangs, to a large unoccupied for- 
tress, situated near a city, the name of which was Mespila. Upon 
the data here given, I identified the fortress with the ruins at 
Yarumjah, and Mespila with Nineveh. Colonel Chesney appears 
to coincide in this view of the subject. “That Larissa and Mes- 
pila are represented by the ruins of Nimrnud and Kouyunjik,” 
Layard says (Nineveh and Babylon, p. 61), “no one can reason- 
ably doubt.” — 

Colonel Rawlinson, however, says (Journ. Roy. Asiat. Soc. voi. 
xii. p. 419), “It seems to me very possible that Xenophon’s name 
of Mespila may denote Mosul, and not Nineveh.” . The term Mes- 
pila or Meso-pulai, ** middle pass or gates,” would certainly appear 
to apply to the pass of the river between Musul and Konyunjik-or 
Nabbi Yunus, and there may have been ruins on both banks, for 
a great mound still exists in Musul, not far from the river, but 
there is no evidence of such extensive ruins, as are described by 
‘Xenophon as being at Mespila, having existed on the right bank 
of the river, while we know they do occur on the left. Rennell 
has, however, also conjectured Musul to be derived from Mesula, 
a corruption of Meso-pulai. It does not matter much. Xenophon’s 
name, no doubt, applied to the pass of the Tigris, and therefore to 
Musul and Nineveh, and his descriptions of ruins to the latter. 

ViILLAGEs BEYOND Mespira.—The Greeks proceeded from the 
pass of the Tigris, one day’s journey, a distance of four parasangs, 
‘to some villages where there was plenty of corn. — Fertility is the 
characteristic of the plain of Nineveh to the present day, and there 
are no want of villages. From the data here given, I identified 
the particular villages at which the Greeks encamped with Tel 
Kaif, an Assyrian mound with a village or small town at its foot. 
Colonel Chesney joins me in this identification. Layard, however, 
says, “they probably halted near the modern village of Batnai, 
between Tel Kef and Tel Eskof, an ancient site, exactly four hours, 
by the usual caravan road, from Kouyunjik.” There is no doubt 
that Tel Kaif is not above nine geog. miles from Kouyunjik, and 
Batnai is twelve. . But this is allowing the full three geog. miles to 
the parasang, and that when the Greeks were harassed throughout 
the journey by Tissaphernes. Tel Kaif is evidently also an old 
Assyrian site, which is not so certain with respect to Batnai, and 
I, therefore, considering all the circumstances of the site, prefer 
thie first identification. 

PaLaces AND ViLLAGES.—The Greeks remained at the villages 
‘on the Assyrian plain the ensuing day, after which they proceeded 
through the open country, five days’ march, till they came to hills, 
beyond which was a kind of palace and several villages round it. 


THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 909. 


The first hills that are met with in proceeding northward from 
Assyria to Karduchia, are those which constitute the triple range, 
designated as the Jibal Abyad by the Arabs, and Cha Spi by the 
Kurds, both signifying ‘white hills,” and immediately beyond 
them is the castle of Zakhu, with villages around it, like a feudat 
castle of olden times. In no part of the journey do the circum- 
stances of the case more closely correspond with Xenophon’s de- 
scriptions, especially of the difficulties met with in passing the 
hilly range, and the unforeseen opposition they met with in the 
now wooded valleys between the ranges. 

Colonel Chesney (ii. 224) and Layard (Nineveh and Babylon, 
p- 61) both agree with me in this identification. It is remarkable 
that Xenophon does not mention the Khabur, which. Dr. Grant 
confounded with the Chebar of Scripture—the Khabur of Meso 
potamia—although he must have crossed that river either by a 
ford or bridge. 

VILLAGE IN THE PLAIN.—There being plenty of pr ovisions at 
Zakhu, the Greeks remained there three days, and on the fourth 
they went down into the plain. Xenophon neglects here to notice 
cither the Khabur or its tributary the Hazil, both of which the 
army must apparently have crossed. They are reported as having 
encamped at the first village they came to, which I have supposed 
might correspond with Tel Kubbin, where a mound of ruin marks 
an ancient site, but Layard does not. think they got beyond the 
Hazil su. The first village in the plain in the present day is Bidari, 
inhabited by Chaldeans. 

Foor oF THE mMounTarns.—The Greeks evidently continued 
their march across the plain of Zakhu—the Romaion Ager cf 
Procopius—till they reached the foot of the hills south of Jizirah, 
A superior knowledge of the country had, however, been turned 
to account by the Persians in the mean time, and the Greeks, to 
their astonishment, found the enemy in possession of the heights 
over which they necessarily must pass, while the troops of Arigus 
and Tissaphernes pressed upon the rear. 

The scene of this second conflict in the hotly ints mountains of 
Kurdistan I have identified with the low hills. which constitute 
that spur of the Jibal Judi which advances immediately beyond 
the plain of Zakhu down to the banks of the Tigris, and where is 
the 'now ruinous castle of Rabahi—the Rabdium of the Low 
Empire, Tur Abdin of Al Wakidis’ History of the Conquest of 
Mesopotamia by the Saracens, and Tur Rabdin of the Jihan 
Numa. « Colonel Chesney agrees with me in this explanation of 
matters, but Layard takes the Greeks (p. 62) all the way to Fynyk or 
Finik, a view of the subject that will meet with very little support 
from those who will be at the pains to consider the details carefully. 
- Korpist Plain wit vittaces—The Greeks having driven 
the enemy from the commanding position which they held, they 


810 COMMENTARY ON 


descended into a plain, in which were many villages, stored with 
excellent provisions, lying along the river Tigris. This plain ex- 
ists precisely in the position indicated, between the Rabahi spur 
of the Jibal Judi and the low eminences which again block up the 
plain opposite to Jizirah ibn Umar, the Zozarta of the Chaldeans, 
and Bezabde of the Romans, and at the further or northern end 
of which is the Chaldean village of Mansuriyah. There was 
formerly a bridge over the Tigris in this plain, the ruins of which 
still exist. 

The Greeks are described as being much perplexed, for on one 
side of them were exceeding high mountains, and on the other a 
river of such depth, that when they sounded it, their spears did 
not rise above the water. 

They were also obliged to retrace their steps to a certain extent. 
The Persians having set fire to some of the villages before them, 
they had to return in search of provisions to some that were un- 
burned. These villages may have been at the westerly end of the 
plain of Zakhu, where are, in the present day, Kalah Salahsani or 
Sayid Bay’s castle, Nahrwan, Girgi Pedros or Mar Yiorgio (Church 
of St. George), Zibarra, Wasit, Perishabur, and other villages 
mostly Chaldean. I prefer this view of the case to the one I first 
entertained, that they went up the valley of Mar Yuhannah. The 
whole’ district, however, as Colonel Chesney (ii. 225) justly re- 
marks, included the tract round Jizirah ibn Umar. 

Layard (Nineveh and Babylon, p. 62) identifies the villages in 
question with those still found around Funduk, but it appears 
evident from what follows in chapter i. of the 10th book of the 
Anabasis, that the Greeks had not yet fought their way throngh’ 
the chief pass of the Tigris, and which is met with immediately 
beyond Jizirah ibn Umar and the valley of Mar Yulannah, or 
the Dargilah of Layard—Fynyk, ancient Pheenicia, commanding 
the pass in question from above. I can not but attribute the great 
discrepancy that occurs here between my identifications and 
those admitted by Layard, to the circumstances of his having 
traveled from the north, I from the south. Coming in the first 
direction, Layard first saw the plains of Assyria through the 
gap made by the river stretching before him, as it were at his 
feet, from the heights of Funduk, and all other passes were from 
that moment looked at as insignificant ; coming, on the contrary, 
from the south, the great range of the Jibal Judi seems to hem 
in the Tigris immediately beyond Jizirah, like a mighty wall of 
rock. There is no mistaking this great physical feature in the 
configuration of the country. The pass of the Tigris, where the 
Greeks stopped awe-struck at the formidable aspect of the country 
before them, was at or near the Bezabde of the Romans. That 
town has been from time immemorial the fortress which has com- 
manded the great pass of the Tigris. 


THE ANABASIS OF ΧΕΝΟΡΗΟΝ. 911 


Pass ΟΕ tue Tierts.—The Greeks are described in the next book 
as having arrived at a spot where the Tigris was quite impassable 
trom its depth and width, and where there was no passage along 
its banks, as the Karduchian mountains hung steep over the 
stream, and hence their further progress became a matter of seri- 
ous and anxious discussions. 

This is the great pass of the Tigris I have just alluded to imme- 
diately beyond Jizirah ibn Umar. There can not be a moment’s 
question upon the subject. It was a point of such great import- 
ance in the retreat, that it is made the scene of discussion of all 
the principal routes that presented themselves to get out of the 
country, and Xenophon begins another book with the account of 
the passage of this remarkable pass, which the Greeks effected 
with their characteristic gallantry and expedition, arriving beyond 
the summit in certain villages of Karduchians that lay dispersed 
in the valleys and recesses of the mountains, It is perhaps 
seareely necessary to say that Colonel Chesney quite coincides 
with this view of the matter. 

Vurraces oF Karpucutans.—The pass of the Tigris will be 
found minutely described in the Travels in the Track, p. 154. After 
the summit of the pass is gained, the line of hills and cliffs gradually 
recede from the river, till suddenly, from having a nearly horizontal 
stratification, additional beds of rock make their appearancein front 
of the cliffs, dipping nearly vertically to the west, and rising in 
rude irregular conical summits, in front of what had been hitherto 
one continuous wall of rock. The recesses thus left between the 
hills are in the present day the seat of villages, as they were in the 
time of Xenophon, and the crags in front and in the rear bristle 
with the small and rude rock-forts of the Kurds This place cor- 
responds to the Pheenica of Amm. Marcellinus, of the existence 
of which Mr. Rich obtained some intelligence; but as I was, I be- 
lieve, the first traveler to visit it in modern times, I can not refrain 
from quoting the description given of this remarkable spot in the 
Tray. in the Track, ete. p. 154 et seq. 

“‘ My surprise and pleasure may be well imagined (after crossing 
the before-mentioned wild rocky pass) at finding extending before 
me a considerable expanse of well-wooded gardens, which stretch- 
ed from the hills down to the water-side, and for about two miles 
up the river-course. Nothing could exceed the rich luxuriance of 
these groves and orchards; there were open spaces here and 
there for maize, melon, gourd, and cucumber, but otherwise the 
groves of plum, apricot, and peach appeared almost inaccessible, 
trom. the dense lower growth of fig-trees and pomegranates, them- 
selves again half hid beneath clustering vines. Overlooking this 
scene of vegetative splendor, and upon. the side of the hill, were 
the ruins of a castellated building, the battlemented wall and irre- 
galarly dispersed towers of which still remain. This building 


312 COMMENTARY ON 


covered a considerable space, being six hundred yards in depth, by 
eleven hundred in length. Traces of out-works, and of buildings 
connected with it, were also quite evident, stretching downward 
to the gardens. 

“ΟἿ two mounds, not far distant from each other, and close to 
the river, are the ruins of two smaller castles of similar character to 
the Jarge one, only with double battlements, and consequently 
rising more loftily from the deep green groves, in the midst of 
which they are situated. 

“Tn a deep and rocky glen at the head of these gardens is situated 
the village of Gili or Kuli Shirafi (so called from its being in a 
narrow strait or pass), many of the honses of which are hewn out 
of rock, and some of them out of fallen masses, which often stand 
erect at the foot of the cliffs, like great obelisks with a door-way in 
front: on the cliffs around are also numerous sepulchral grots, and 
the remains of aqueducts. 

“To the north of this glen is another of greater dimensions, in 
which is the modern village of Fynyk, containing about one hun- 
dred houses, many of themexeavated. The village is defended by 
several Kurd forts, two of which were on the opposite hill-tops, 
while other small ones succeeded to one another along the crest 
and acclivities down to the village. This pass of the Tigris was 
rendered quite impracticable to strangers by the Kurds of these 
villages till the time of Rashid Pasha.” 

It is manifest that it is these villages to which Xenophon alludes 
when he speaks of such being in rocky recesses. Layard however 
looks for these villages at Funduk (p. 62). 

While resting during the heat of day in the gardens down by 
the river Tigris, Layard was lucky enough to have had imforma- 
tion brought to him of the existence of sculptures in one of these 
ravines—the description appears to apply rather to that of Kuli 
Shirafi than to that of Finik or Fynyk proper: “ We rode,” hesays 
(p. 54), “‘up a narrow and shady ravine, through which leapt a 
brawling torrent, watering fruit-trees and melon beds. The rocks 
on both sides were honey-combed with tombs. The bas-relief is 
somewhat above the line of cultivation, and is surrounded by ex- 
cavated chambers. It consists of two figures, dressed in loose 
vests and trowsers, one apparently resting his hand on the 
shoulder of the other. There are the remains of an inscription, 
but too much weather-worn to be copied with any accuracy. The 
costume of the figures, and the forms of the characters as far as 
they can be distinguished, prove that the tablet belongs to the 
Parthian period. It closely resembles monuments of the same 
epoch existing in the mountains of Persia.” 

What further satisfies me that the glen or ravine which my 
informants told me was called Kuli Shirafi is the same as that in 
which Layard found the bas-reliefs, is that Layard adds, “‘ Beneath 


THE ANABASIS OF ΧΕΝΟΡΗΟΝ. 313 


them (the figures) is a long cutting, and tunnel in the rock, prob- 
ably an ancient watercourse for irrigation, to record the con- 
struction of which the tablets may have been sculptured.” 

Layard also discovered some sculptures of a similar character in 
the valley which leads from Jizirah to Darghilah, the former 
stronghold of Badir Khan Bey, or as I have called it from a Chal- 
dean church, and the seat of a Chaldean episcopacy, the valley of 
Mar Yuhbannah. These sculptures were about two miles from the 
high road, near asmall fort built by Mir Saif-ad-din, the hereditary 
chief of Buhtan, in whose name Badir Khan Bey exercised his 
authority. There were two tablets, one above the other ; the upper 
contained a warrior on horseback, the lower a simple figure. 
Although no traces of inscription remain, the bas-relief may con- 
fidently be assigned to the same period, Layard says, as that of 
Fynyk. 

- oF Sorutiny.—Beyond Finik, or Fynyk, the hills and the 
river recede from one another, the latter being closed up amil 
precipitous cliffs, and to avoid this long precipitous bend, the road 
is carried over the hills by the village of Finduk or Funduk. As 
the Greeks did not start from Finik till after breakfast, more than 
seven or eight geographical miles can not be allowed to the first 
day’s march thence, which would carry them to the slope of those 
heights where are now the remains of Kunakti and other castles, 
which defended the approach to Finduk, There is only one pass 
in the line of road thus traversed, adapted for the purposes men- 
tioned by Xenophon, of examining the men in a file, and seru- 
tinizing their baggage or impedimenta, and that is the ravine of 
the rivulet of Zawiyah, which is deep and narrow, and to which 
there is only one descent on either side, the remainder being 
vertical cliffs in which are here and there a sepulchral grotto. 

Pass or _Fiypvux.—On the next day a great storm arose in the 
very place to expect such, on the ascent of the highlands of Fin- 
duk; but they were obliged to go on, for their provisions failed 
them. Beyond the. castle of Kunakti, the road enters a narrow 
glen, and winds round along similar passes, till turning the face of 
a lofty precipice, it advances upon more open and cultivated high- 
jJands by the village or town of Finduk, down again into the valley 
of the Tigris, where are the villages of Kuwarru, Baravan, and 
others, inhabited in the present day by Syrian Christians. 

Layard gives an amusing account of his passage through Fin- 
duk, whose inhabitants, he says, during the rule of Badir Khan Bey 
were notorious among even the savage tribes of Buhtan, for 
their hatred and insolence to Christians. At the time of my visit 
Badir Khan had not been subdued, and the dangers of the road 
were proportionably greater, but the only annoyance the savage 
old chieftain Rasul gave me (if it can be even so termed), was to 
ask me contemptuously if I was a Christian, 


814 COMMENTARY ON 


The Greeks were subjected to much annoyance by the Kurds 
on this passage, and Xenophon was irritated at Cheirisophus 
hastening, as he deemed, too rashly forward ; but the rival leader 
pointed to the river pass and mountains before him, and urged the 
necessity of having hurried forward to secure the position they 
were in. That this was on the banks of the Tigris is evidenced 
by a prisoner they had taken, promising, under fear of death, to 
lead them over the hills, instead of by the river-banks, which are 
indeed at this point impassable, except when the waters are low, 
besides being commanded by the neignboring hills. 

Pass oF Kurax.—aAt the point where they had now arrived 
then, that is, where the Tigris is hemmed in by the mountains, and 
yet there is no short cut.over the latter, as at Finduk ; the Greeks 
were obliged to detach.a party to take possession of the heights 
before they could attempt to force the passage below. Notwith- 
standing these precautions, the Kurds rolled down great stones 
upon the Greeks and entailed considerable delay. 

The scene of this event appears to have been at the entrance of 
the pass, where is a ferry and villages on each side of the river 
known as Kulak, as is also the ferry on the Zab—pronounced by 
the Kurds, Kelek or Chelek. At this point a rivulet of clear 
water flows into the Tigris, by a narrow ravine, which is hemmed 
in, as the Tigris is also from this point northward, by perpendicu- 
lar rocks. A road, carried up in part by steps cut in the rock, 
leads up the cliff tothe ruins of a castle that once commanded 
this important position. 

To gain this pass, the Greeks had to fight three separate con- 
flicts, on as many distinct eminences; after which they arrived at 
a number of good houses, and in the midst of abundance of pro- 
visions. Wine was so abundant, that they kept it in excavations 
under ground, which were plastered over. 

On emerging from the hills that hem in the river below Kulak, 
there are at the present day no viilages close to the river, but there 
are several in the interior, and a little further on the ruins οὗ a 
large village, and of a Khan built of stone. Kulah, with its. tall 
Kurdish castle, stands on the right bank of the river, a little 
further on. The plastered cisterns noticed by Xenophon are still 
to be met with in Kurdistan, Armenia, and Syria. 

Tue Cenrrites.—The next day the Greeks pursued their way, 
one party as usual ascending the mountains from behind to drive 
the enemy away, and leave the passage below free to their com- 
rades. ~By these means they were enabled to force another 
wooded and picturesque pass, that is met with north of Kulak, 
and to reach the more open’ country where the Buhtan-chai or 
Centrites joins the Tigris. : 

The army did not encamp on the banks of the Centrites, but, as 
is described by Xenophon, above the plain, where are some villages: 


THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 315 


of Chaldeans in the present day. At the point of junction of the 
Tigris and Centrites is the ancient Armenian site of Til, or Till 
(written by Layard, Tilleh), which was celebrated in history as 
favored by Tigranes, and as the burial-place of several of the early 
Armenian pontifis. 

Layard having got the Greeks on their first day’s march over 
the Karduchian hills, as far as Finduk, he says, “ There now re- 
mained about ten parasangs to the plain through which flows the 
eastern branch of the Tigris; but the country was difficult, and at 
this time of the year (nearly mid-winter) the lower road along the 
river was impassable. The Greeks had, therefore, to force their 
way over a series of difficult passes, all stoutly defended by warlike 
tribes. They were consequently four days in reaching the Cen- 
trites or eastern Tigris, the united waters of the rivers of Bitlis, 
Sert, and Bohtan.” 

Forp or THe Centrites.—The passage of the river was op- 
posed by an united army of Armenians, Mardians, or, as it was 
previously read, Mygdonians, and Chaldeans. These mercenaries 
were drawn up on high banks, three or four hundred feet from the 
river; and the only road that was visible; was one that Jed up- 
ward, apparently a work of art, and. the Greeks attempted to cross 
the river at this point, but without success. They, in consequence, 
retreated, and when they had encamped on the banks of the river, 
they found their previous station occupied by the Kurds. 

That day, therefore, and the following night, they remained 
where they were in great perplexity. But the next morning, two 
young men came to Xenophon, when he was at breakfast, and 
told him they had found a ford. This ford was at a distance of 
about four stadia, and the Greeks effected a passage by a series of 
ingenious maneuvers which are described in the text. 

Layard, who forded the Buhtan-chai in the month of September 
I believe (he disembarked at Trebizond on the 31st. of August), 
says, ‘“ We crossed the lower or eastern ford, which we found wide 
and exceedingly rapid, the water, however, not reaching above the 
saddle-girths. The villagers raised the luggage and supported the 
horses against the current, which, rnshing over loose and slippery 
stones, affording an uncertain footing, threatened to sweep the 
animals down the stream. * * The spot at which we crossed was 
one of peculiar interest. Jtwas here that the Ten Thousand in their 
memorable retreat forded this river, called by Xenophon, the Centrites 
(p. 49). The next paragraph but one, he says, “The ford was 
deep, and its passage disputed by a formidable force of Armenians, 
Mygdonians (Mardians?) and Chaldeans, drawn up on an eminence 
800 or 400 feet from the river. In this strait Xenophon dreamed 
that he was in chains, and that suddenly his fetters burst assunder 
of their own accord. His dream was fulfilled when two youths 
casually found @ more practicable ford, by which the army, aftera 


816 COMMENTARY ON 


skillful stratagein, on the part of their commander, safely reached 
the opposite bank. 

These two paragraphs contradict one another. Layard also 
says at page 63, “The stream was rapid, the water reaching 
to the breast, and the ford, owing to the unevenness of the 
bottom and the loose slippery stones, exceeding difficult; such, it 
will be remembered, we found to be the case near Tilleh. The op- 
posite banks were, moreover, defended by the combined forces of 
the Armenians, Mygdonians, and Chaldeans. It was impossible to 
cross the river at this spot in the face of the enemy. At length a 
ford was discovered higher up, and Xenophon, by skillful strategy, 
effected the passage. This must have been at a short distance 
from Tilleh, as the river, narrowed between rocky banks, is no 
longer fordable higher up.” 

This latter statement is founded in error, for Mr. Rassam and 
myself forded it a few miles higher up, in the month of September, 
when the water was in its deepest part, not above three feet, but 
generally two. 

Supposing the Greeks to have first attempted the ford at Til, it 
is evident, according to Layard’s own showing, that they crossed 
ultimately higher up the river. But the fact is that the point at 
which the Greeks passed must be determined by where they first 
reached the river-banks. On reaching the plain of the Centrites, 
the Tigris makes a great bend to the westward before receiving 
the Centrites, and as the course of the Greeks Jay northward, I 
conceive it very unlikely that they would have turned unneces- 
sarily out of their way toward the junction of the two rivers. 
Again, at the point where they approached the river, the enemy is 
described as occupying high banks from 300 to 400 feet from the 
river. This description would correspond with that part of the valley 
where the Buhtan-chai is first hemmed in by low hills, now called 
Janiminiyah. About four miles beyond this there are in the pres- 
ent day the ruins of a bridge,.over which lay formerly the road 
to Radwan. Beyond this again is an artificial causeway carried 
up the face of a limestone rock, partly by steps cut out of the rock 
itself, and partly by a causeway. paved with large blocks of stone. 
This is the highway to Sa’art, and appears to be of remote an- 
tiquity. Tere is also a ford, but as the river is fordable at its em- 
bouchure, it is evident there may be many fords between the two. 
It is not necessary to presume then that the higher ford was 
crossed, although the reference to the artificial causeway carried 
up the face of the cliffs, and which remains to the present day, is 
very curious; but as it appears almost certain that they did not 
approach the river till where it is hemmed in by low hills, and 
which is precisely what they would be expected to do from the 
route taken and the configuration of the valley; and as they 
crossed about four stadia above that point, tle place where 


THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 317 


the Greeks forded the river was marifestly beyond the said low 
hills. 

Parace or Armentan Satrap.—Having forced the passage of 
the Centrites, the Greeks are described as proceeding through 
Armenia, over plains and gently sloping hills, a distance of not 
less than five parasangs, arriving ultimately at a village of consid- 
erable size, which contained a palace for the satrap; upon most 
of the houses there were towers, and provisions in great plenty. 
This spot, by the distance given, would appear to correspond with 
the town now called Sa’art or Se’ert. 

Tue TeLresoas.—The Greeks are described as advancing from 
the palace of the Armenian satrap, two days’ journey, a distance of 
ten parasangs, until they passed beyond the sources of the river 
Tigris. From hence they advanced, three days’ journey, fifteen 
parasangs, to the river Teleboas, a stream not large, indeed, but 
of much beauty; and there were many villages on its banks. This 
part of the country was called Western Armenia. 

There is a difficulty about the identification of the Teleboas, 
which has been revived by Mr. Layard’s going back to the old 
view of the case. My ideas, as propounded from an unbiassed 
consideration of the facts of the case, are given in the “ Travelsin 
the Track,” etc., in the following words: 

“Had the Greeks marched by the great road from Sa’art to 
Bitlis, the distance here given at the onset would take them to 

- the difficult pass called the Darah-i-Tasul, when they would leave 
behind them the minor tributaries to the Kharzan-su (ane. Arsa- 
nius), but only to arrive, after another ascent and descent, at the 
river Bakiyah or of Bitlis, the greatest of the easterly tributaries 
to the Tigris. So that Xenophon could hardly be expected to 
have made the mistake regarding the passing the sources of the 
Tigris, besides that the distance given from his passing the head- 
waters of the Tigris, to the river Teleboas, much exceeds the 
distance of the Darah-i-Tasul from the Bakiyah river. Lastly, 
the Teleboas was a sinall river with many villages on its banks, 
the Bakiyah is not large, but is so goodly a stream, that the his- 
torian would not have gone out of his way to describe it as small, 
nor is it a district in which (except at Bitlis) many villages prob- 
ably ever existed.. All these cireumnstances taken into considera- 
tion leave no doubt that the Greeks ascended directly toward the 
great chain of the Ali Tagh, the ancient Niphates, in a direction 
nearly north; by which proceeding, a journey of thirty miles 
would have carried them beyond the head-waters of the tributaries 
to the Tigris, in those districts, and another forty-five miles would 
have brought them into the valley of the Kara-su, recognized by 
many as the Teleboas of our author, and situate in the district of 
Moxoene, the present Mush—apparently from the most remote 
times the seat of numerous towns and villages, and having a large 
population. That this is the only version that can be given to this 


318 COMMENTARY ON 


portion of the narrative is further corroborated by the fact that 
from the Teleboas they proceeded through ὦ plain which would 
not apply itself to the river Bakiyeh (nor to the river of Bitlis), 
both of which are inclosed in deep and wooded mountain valleys.” 

Colonel Chesney’s view of the subject is as follows: “It is con- 
sidered to be a journey of thirty-eight hours from Se’ert to Mush 
by the shortest route (see Colonel Sheil’s Journey from Tabriz 
through Kurdistan, Jour. of Roy. Geo. Soe. vol. viii. p. 77), but 
as the Greeks approached the source of the Tigris, theirs must 
have been rather longer. About twenty hours would be consumed 
on their march to the high ground in question; and about twenty 
hours more in reaching the supposed Teleboas or Kara-su at the 
village of Arisban near Mush.” 

This is the most ‘satisfactory explanation of all, because by 
crossing the Niphates to Mush instead of to the valley of the Kara- 
su at the foot of the Nimrud Tagh, the Greeks would have had the 
advantage of the highway from Hazu to Mush. It may also be 
observed here, that had the Greeks intended keeping to the country 
of the Karduchians, and passing the mountains by Bitlis, they need 
not have fought their way over the Centrites; and Xenophon, 
when he speaks of passing above Tigris, was, there is every reason 
to believe, well enough aware that he was crossing the great water- 
shed. The historian also distinguishes the country they had ad- 
vanced into as a different region of Armenia, under its own satrap. 

In the face of ull these facts, Layard says, ‘Six marches, of five - 
parasangs each, brought them to the small river Teleboas. I am 
convinced that this river can not be identified with the Kara-su, 
which would be at least between forty and fifty parasangs, or from 
eight to ten days’ march from Tilleh, supposing Xenophon to have 
made the smallest possible deviation to the west.” (This is sup- 
posing the Greeks to have started from Tilleh, which is not prob- 
able, and then to have traveled to the Kara-su by way of Bitlis, 
which is left out of the consideration.) ‘I believe,” continues 
Layard, “the Teleboas to have been the river of Bitlis. After cross- 
ing the low country of Kharzan, well described by Xenophon as 
‘a plain varied by hills of an easy ascent,’ the Greeks must neces- 
sarily have turned slightly to the eastward to reach the Bitlis val- 
ley, as inaccessible mountains stopped all further progress.” This 
is not the case; Colonel Sheil, as before quoted, describes a road 
from Se’ert of thirty-eight hours to Mush direct, which does not 
pass through Bitlis: and the Colonel adds, “ This must be the road 
which Macdonald Kinneir supposes the Ten Thousand to have 
taken after they crossed the river, which he calls the Khabur, at 
Se’ert.” (Op. cit. p. 77.) Viscount Pollington passed through the 
Niphates on his journey from Erzrum to Aleppo in 1838; and Mr. 
Consul Brant did the same on his journey from Kharput by Mush 
to Bitlis. This was by the valley of the Kolb-su (Handle water), 
but Mr. Brant says there was another road crossing the mountains 


THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 819 


immediately south of Mush. (See Journ. of Roy. Geog. Soc. vol. 
ii. p. 445 et seq. and p. 852 et seq.) Either of those roads would 
have been preferable to the mountain route through Kurdistan by 
Bitlis, to the Greeks. 

Mr. Layard remarks, that the text of Xenophon describes the 
Greeks as coming to, not crossing, the Teleboas. This would ap- 
ply itself alike to the origin of the Kara-su at the foot of the Nim- 
rud Tagh—to the rivulet of Mush or Ak-su—the White Water—a 
tributary to the Kara-sn, or to the rivulet at Kizil Aghaz on the 
north side of the Kolb Tagh. It would scarcely apply to the river 
of Bitlis, with which they would have had to keep company some 
time. Beyond either of the above rivers there are plains, not so at 
the head of the Bitlis river, and all these rivers are beyond the water- 
shed of the Tigris, which is not the case with the river of Bitlis, 

Patace or Trrrmazus.—The Greeks proceeded from the Tele- 
boas three days’ march, a distance of five parasangs, through a 
plain, till they came to a palace, with several villages around it, 
stored with abundance of provisions. The direction followed by 
the Greeks, after reaching the plains of Armenia, must be chiefly 
judged of by the time spent before they crossed the Euphrates. 
Had they pursued a direct northerly course, they could have 
reached the river in a day’s march, but at a point where it is 
scarcely fordable. Probably they were informed of this fact, and 
hence led to pursue a north-easterly course to where the river was 
sufficiently fordable, and which was not attained till the sources 
of the river are described as being not far aff, 

The palace of Tiribazus and surrounding villages may, from the 
distance given, be at or near the sites of Perak or Lis, north of 
Lake Nazuk, but this, in the absence of corroborative information, 
is naturally a merely speculative suggestion. 

The plain of Mush attains an average elevation, from my own 
observations, of 4200 feet above the sea, which is some 1800 
feet below that of Arzrum, vulgo Erzrum, Erzerum, and Erzeroom. 
But between the two, or the valleys of the western Euphrates and 
that of the Murad-su, the generality of the valleys and uplands 
which attain their culminating point in the Bin gil Tagh—the 
mountain of a thousand lakes—the Abus of the Romans—and on 
which are patches of perpetual snow, are much higher. 

The knowledge which we now possess of the great elevation of 
these Armenian uplands explains the extreme severity of the win- 
ters, which has been the subject of much controversy ; so much so, 
that Tournefort, the traveler and botanist, suggested that it might 
be owing to so unnatural a cause as the impregnation of the soil 


1 Oriental manuscripts leave no doubt as to the name of the present 
capital of Armenia being Arzrum, vulgarly pronounced Erzerum. The im- 
portance of the prefix justify us in writing the word as it is spelled, not as 
it is pronounced, 


320 COMMENTARY ON 


with sal-ammoniac. Positive elevation, in which the immediate re- 
sults of a lower temperature are increased by a continental climate, 
and a long continuity of open woodless tracts, appears to be the 
main causes of the phenomena in question. 

The Hon. Mr. Curzon, who spent the winter of 1842—43 at Arz- 
rum, speaking of the intense cold experienced at that city, the 
present capital of Armenia, says, “ During great part of the year, 
and naturally in the winter, the cold was so severe that any one 
standing still for even a very short time, was frozen to death. 
Dead frozen bodies were frequently brought into the city ; and it is 
common in the summer, on the melting of the snow, to find nu- 
merous corpses of men and bodies of horses, who had perished in 
the preceding winter. So usual an event is this, that there is a 
custom, or law, in the mountains of Armenia, that every summer 
the villagers go out to the more dangerous passes and bury the 
dead whom they are sure to find.” (Armenia, etc. p. 162.) This 
will give some idea of what the Greeks }ad to suffer during a win- 
ter journey across the uplands of Armenia. 

Forp ΟΕ THE Evpurates.—From these villages an attack was 
made upon Tiribazus, who held a pass that lay on their way, after 
which the whole body set forward through deep snow, and trav- 
eled three days’ journey, through a desert tract of country, a dis. 
tance of fifteen parasangs, to the river Euphrates, which they 
passed without being wet higher than the middle. ‘The sources 
of the river were said to be not far off.” 

Rennell and Kinneir had both remarked that this distance is 
too great for troops marching through deep snow. All the proba- 
bilities of the case are, however, that the Greeks crossed the Murad- 
su above its confluence with the Char Buhar-su, and the river of 
Khanus or Kalah-su, as beyond these points there would be so 
much the less water. 

Layard having taken the Greeks through Karduchia to Bitlis, 
says, “ The high road from Bitlis to Northern Armenia would Jead 
in exactly thirty hours, or six marches, to the Euphrates, which it 
crosses near Karaghal. I believe, therefore, that, after issuing 
from the valley of Bitlis, Xenophon turned to the westward, Jeay- 
ing the lake of Wan a little to the right, though completely con- 
cealed from him by a range of low hills. Skirting the western 
foot of Nimroud Dagh range, he passed through a plain thickly 
inhabited, abounding in well-provisioned villages, and crossed here 
by ranges of hills. The country still tallies precisely with Xeno- 
phon’s description.” The upper valley of the Kara-su here alluded 
to, certainly abounds in villages, but I saw no ranges of hills actu- 
ally crossing it. It is, however, commanded by low hills where it 
takes a westerly turn. 

Colonel Chesney (ii. 229), says, “ Agreeably to the intention of 
fording the great rivers toward their sources (previously expressed, 
Anab. iv. 1), the Greeks would necessarily proceed from the T+'s 


THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 821 


boas in a north-eastern direction, through a very mountainous 
tract, till they could cross the Murad Chai: this could not have 
been the case before they reached 39° 10’ north latitude, or some- 
where about seventy miles from the Kara-su, which, under ex- 
isting circumstances, would require the seven marches given by 
Xenophon, 

This would identify the place where the Greeks forded the 
Murad-su with a position not far beyond the junction of the river 
of Khanus or the Kalah-su ; as would indeed be deduced from the 
general facts of the case. 

TRIBUTARIES To THE Evpnrates.—From the Euphrates they 
advanced three days’ march, throrgh much snow and a level plain, 
a distance of fifteen parasangs: the third day’s march was ex~ 
tremely troublesome, as the north wind blew full in their faces. 
The depth of the snow was a fathom; so that many of the bag- 
gage-cattle and slaves perished, with about thirty of the soldiers. 
There was plenty of wood at the encampment, which woud indi- 
gate that they had reached the banks of a river, as it is almost 
only in such situations that wood is found in this part of Armenia. 
The valley most probably of one of the tributaries to the river of 
Khanus, or, if further east, a tributary to the Murad-su, on the 
plain of Arishkart. Ifina westerly direction, the distances would 
lead them to the upper valley of the Kalah-su or river of Khanns. 
In all these instances a northerly wind would still have blown 
inore or less in their faces. 

Viriaces In Kuanus pistricr—From thence they made one 
day’s irregular march through the snow, the men affected with 
bulimia, snow-blindness, and mortification of the toes. Five or 
six geographic miles are as much as can be allowed for such a 
march: and at dark they arrived at a village with a rampart. 
The satrap residing a parasang off, very possibly at Khanus Ka- 
lahsi, which is apart from the villages. A thermal spring, it is 
to be noted, was met with on this day’s march. Xenophon with 
the rear did not get up to the villages till the next day. The de- 
scription of the houses of the Armenians corresponds with whatis 
observed in the present day, they are in part subterranean, and 
the live stock herd with the people during these severe winters. 
As these Armenians had laid in their stores for the winter, the 
Greeks found plenty of provisions, including barley-wine, and even 
grape-wine, in these villages. 

Professor Malden rather sharply criticises this identification of 
Khanus with the villages in question, adopted by Rennell also long 
previously, but on different grounds. “ Thereis absolutely nothing,” 
he says, “according to Mr. Ainsworth’s notion of the route, but 
the existence of villages round the modern castle of Khanus, to 
identify that district with the group of villages where the Greeks 
rested a week; for Mr. Ainsworth goes beyond his anther. when 

1 4 ΩΩ 


322 COMMENTARY ON 


he speaks of ‘the palace of the satrap,’ and would fain suppose the 
modern castle to be on the same site.’”-—The impression I received 
and still retain, however, is that the women and girls at the fount- 
ain, when the Greeks told them that they were going to the satrap, 
answered by informing them, that he was about a parasang off, 
meaning thereby, not that he and his army were hovering at that 
distance, but that his residence was there; and having read of the 
palace of the satrap Orontes and of that of Tiribazus a few pages 
before, I pictured to myself a palace or castle for the satrap of the 
Khanus district, more especially since the chief of that district 
dwells in a feudal castle to the present day. 

In identifications like these, the traveler often differs from the 
cabinet geographer or scholar, inasmuch as his identifications are 
not only founded upon what exists, but that he has also in his 
mind at the same time what he does not enter into at length, a 
mnass of negative matter as to what does not exist. The mere 
bare results thus presented often do not satisfy the critic upon the 
grounds given. When he doubts or condemns an identification, 
however, upon such grounds he does not take sufficiently into 
consideration, that the territory perhaps presents no other re- 
sources. Thus, for example, in the present instance, it is quite 
possible that the Greeks held on a due northerly course. I by no 
means wish to insist upon the point that they did not do so, as 
the north wind blew in their faces, and they would, in such a case, 
reach the upper and watered valleys of the Tag Tagh. 

But what has been omitted to be explained in the “ Travels in 
the Track,” is that these upper valleys of the Bin Giil Tagh, and 
Tag Tagh, are utterly unproductive, except of a little short grass, 
and a narrow fringe or belt of low wood on the banks of the rivu- 
lets. They are neither cultivated nor inhabited. 

It seems much more likely, therefore, that the Greeks found 
villages and cultivation, and heard of a satrap’s residence, where 
there are in the present day villages and a chieftain’s residence, 
than that they found such higher up the country, where there are 
none such nor traces of such to be met with, nor a possible culti- 
vation to induce the natives to settle at such a point. 

Tue Aras.—After stopping eight days at these villages, the 
Greeks started under guidance of a native, who, leading them three 
days’ marches without coming to any villages, so irritated Cheiri- 
sophus that he struck him, which was the occasion of his running 
away in the night. From what follows in the account of their 
journey, it appears that during these three days the Greeks turned 
the Tag Tagh, an easterly spur of the Bin Gil Tagh, and reached 
the tributaries of the Aras. This they would do traveling from 
fifteen to twenty geographic miles in the three days. The Bin 
Gil Tagh, one of the remarkable mountains of Central Armenia, 
gives birth to the south, to tributaries to the Murad-su, to the west 


THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 323 


and north-west, to the tributaries to the Western Euphrates, and 
to the north and north-east, to tributaries to the Aras. 

River Phasin or Arnaxes.—After losing the guide, the Greeks 
are described as proceeding seven days’ journey, five parasangs 
each day, along the river Phasis.. 1am indebted for this important 
correction of all previous versions to Professor Malden, who has 
published it in the 7th number of the Classical Museum, April, 
1845, p. 80 etseq. Thereis, the Professor states, no real ambiguity 
in the meaning of the word παρά in such a context. The meaning 
is the same as in v. 10. 1, ἔπλεον ἡμέρας δύο παρα την γῆν, “ they 
sailed two days along the coast.” 

This being admitted, then, it will be observed that Xenophon, 
who mistook the Aras for the Colchian Phasis, describes it as only 
a plethrum, or a hundred feet, broad, where they joined it. This 
would show that it was not far from its sources. With such an 
indefinite point to start from, and a very uncertain value of the 
parasang in a journey through snow, it is difficult to measure off 
35 parasangs on the map. Allowing, however, two geog. miles to 
the parasang, the utmost that can be done under the circum- 
stances, 70 miles laid down on- the map to illustrate the routes by 
Mr, Ainsworth, Mr. Suter, Mr. Brant, and Lord Pollington, pub- 
lished in the 10th volume of the Journ. of the Roy. Geog. Scc., 
would carry the Greeks to the junction of the Karu-su, or river 
of Oran, with the Aras. 

Professor Malden has conjectured, that having mistaken the 
Araxes for the Phasis, they followed the course of the stream, in 
the hope that it would lead them toward the Euxine, till, seeing 
that it continued to flow eastward, they resolved to try a somewhat 
more direct line. Now, nothing would have so aroused the Greeks 
to a sense of the mistake they were laboring under so much as 
coming to a large river flowing into the Aras from the north, at 
the very same time that the supposed Phasis took a bend rather 
to the south of east. Nothing would be left for them in their de- 
spair but (having crossed the Aras at its head) to turn away from 
it and follow the course of the new river they had come to north- 
ward toward its sources. The distances granted are, however, 
very great, and the very same reflections may have forced them- 
selyes upon them at the very first stream they came to which 
flowed from the north—the river of Hassan Kalah. This would 
give a distance of fifty miles direct, and upward of seventy miles 
by river from the point at which Mr. Brant and myself crossed the 
Aras. That river is already at that point fifty to sixty yards in 
width, the current rapid, the water reaching above the horse’s 
girths. See Brant’s Journal (Journ. of Roy. Geog. Soc. vol. x. p. 
844). If the Greeks passed it to the westward of this, then (which 
is not likely, as the Bin Giil Tagh presented an impediment to sa 


824 COMMENTARY ON 


doing) the chances of their not having got beyond the junction of 
the Hassan Kalah tributary, is still further increased. 

Colonel Chesney’s view of this portion of the retreat is as fol- 
lows (ii. 229): 

“From hence (the Murad-su), in a north-western direction, to 
a point where the river Aras, or Phasis of Xenophon, is generally 
fordable, namely, at the junction of the Hassan Kalah-su and the 
Bin Giil-su, near Kupri Kiui (Bridge village), it can not be less 
than from seventy to eighty miles; since the shorter distance from 
the latter point to the upper part of the Murad-su, near Kara 
Kilisa (Black or ruined Church), is sixty-six miles.” 

“Tt has just been seen, that the distance in question occupied 
thirteen marches, or, including four days not particularly men- 
tioned, about sixty-nine parasangs. But, as it is to be observed 
that these were intended to be road distances answering to one 
hour, it may fairly be presumed that an army could not accom- 
plish much more than about one mile in each, especially through 
snow so deep that the whole of the specified time must have been 
consumed between the rivers Euphrates and Araxes; even the 
pressing inarches through Mesopotamia were less than two miles 
per hour. We are told that it cven became necessary to tie bags 
stuffed with hay to the horses’ feet to prevent their sinking.” It 
is obvious, that if we admit such a judicious estimate of the value 
of the parasang, under the described circumstances, that the diffi- 
culties of explaining the marches between the Euphrates and the 
Black Sea will be considerably diminished, and that the Greeks, 
notwithstanding their seven days’ journey along the Aras, as estab- 
lished by Professor Malden, may in reality have only traveled 
some thirty-five miles along that river, and not beyond the first 
westerly—not northerly—affluent, the river of Hassan Kalahsi. 
The point at which that river joins the Aras is thirty miles by map 
from where Mr. Brant and myself crossed the Aras, but it would 
be a good thirty-five or more by the river. 

Pass or THE Taocnt.—Quitting, it is to be supposed, the Aras, 
the Greeks advanced two days’ journey, ten parasangs; when on 
the pass that Jed over the mountains into the plain, the Chalybes, 
Taochi, and Phasians were drawn up to oppose their progress.’ 
As soon as they had gained this pass, and hasacrificed and erect- 
ed a trophy, they went down into the plain before them, and 
arrived at a number of villages stored with abundance of excellent 
provisions. These villages would apparently be situated in the 
valley of Kara Oran or Kara Osman, which is watered by the 


1 It is to be sup’ that these ten miles were performed over the rocky 
districts between Kapri Kiui and Khorasan. Hamilton describes the road 
as, after leaving Kupri Kiui, being soon confined to a narrow pass between 
high hills on the left sud the river on the right (i. p. 185). 


THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 825 


Kara-su. Kara Oran ought possibly to be read Kara Wiran, 
“Black Ruin.” 

MovuntTatn stronenoLp or tue Taocntans.—From hence they 
marched five days’ journey, thirty parasangs, to the country of 
the Taochi, where provisions beginning to fail them, they attacked 
one of the fastnesses, which is described as containing no houses, 
but defended by high rocks, down which the Taochians rolled 
great stones. 

Supposing the country of the Taochians to correspond to that 
which is in part occupied by the Suwanli or Sughanli Tagh, if the 
parasang did not amount to more than a mile, in a difficult and 
hostile country, this journey would have only conducted the 
Greeks to the head waters of the river of Bardes. The forest 
range of the Suwanli Tagh is described by IIamilton as constitut- 
ing an important and interesting feature in the geography of that 
part of the country, being the only district in which forests of any 
extent are to be found for many miles round, and its passage by 
Bardes and Gushlah is full of natural obstacles. 

It is to be observed that traces of the name of Taochi are 
supposed to be found in the Tauk or Taok of the Turks, and Tuchi 
or Taoutchie of the Georgian districts. These people and those 
of the little Kabarda are said by Captain Stoltzman, as quoted by 
Colonel Chesney, to still retire occasionally into wattled inclo- 
sures, 

Country or ὙΠῈ Cuatypes.—tllence they advanced, seven 
days’ journey, a distance of fifty parasangs, through the country 
of the Chalybes, who had their dwellings in strong places, in 
which they had also laid up their provisions, so that the Greeks 
could get nothing from that country, but lived upon the cattle 
which they had taken from the Taochi. 

The distance from the head waters of the river of Bardes to the 
main tributary to the Arpa-chai, is as the crow flies some forty 
miles, but by following the road to Kars, as the great road does 
in the present day, and crossing the mountains from Kars to the 
Arpa chai at Kizil Chak Chak, it would be upward of fifty miles— 
a fair allowance for the fifty parasangs under the circumstances 
described in the text. 

River Harpasus.—The Greeks next arrived at the river Har- 
pasus, the breadth of which was four plethra. Supposing the 
modern Arpa chai to represent the Harpasus, we bave shown, that 
the point where the Greeks would be expected to touch that river, 
‘by the distances given, would be at or where the present high road 
from Arzrum and Kars to Ardahan and Ahkiskah crosses it at 
Kizil Chak Chak. It must be already a goodly river at such a 
place, but there are no data for giving it a width of four hundred 
feet. So much obscurity indeed pervades this part of the route, 
that Iam much inclined to doubt the correctness of the identifica- 


826 COMMENTARY ON 


tion of the Harpasus of Xenophon with the modern Arpa-chai, 
and with Colonel Chesney and Layard to consider that the hist 
rian applied that name to the river now called the Juruk-su ox 
Tchoruk-su, and which was called in Jater times the Apsarus and 
Acampsis. The Juruk in the lower part of its course would pre 
sent a width fully of four hundred feet. 

Country or tue Soyrmint.—Hence they proceeded through 
the territory of the Scythini, four days’ journey, making twenty 
parasangs, over a level tract, until they came to some villages, in 
which they halted three days, and collected provisions. 

The distance here given, allowing about 1 1-2 mile for the para- 
sang, would carry the Greeks up the valley of the Arpa-chai across 
the watershed of that river, and down the valley of the river of 
Olti, a tributary to the Juruk-su, to about the site of Olti itself. 
Or it is possible that they may have crossed the country that-in- 
tervenes between the river of Olti and the Araxes ina more direct 
line to the Juruk-su, nearly touching Hamilton’s route, at the head 
waters of the rivers of Narman, Liesgaff, Turtum, and Yani Kiui, 
a line of country which Hamilton’s, and still more lately Mr. 
Curzon’s descriptions show to be wooded, rocky, precipitous, and 
inost difficult. 

Ciry ΟΕ Gymnias.—From this place they advanced four days’ 
journey, twenty purasangs, to a large, rich, and populous city, called 
Gymunias, from which the governor of the country sent the Greeks 
a guide, to conduct them through a region at war with the people. 

The distance given of twenty parasangs, allowing 1 1-2 mile per 
parasang, would carry the Greeks along the. valley of the Olti 
river and up that of the Juruk-su to Ispir or Ispira, a town of 
great antiquity, described at length by Hamilton in his Researches 
(vol. i. p. 219 et seq.). 

It is to be observed also, that supposing Mount Theches to cor- 
respond to Tekiya Tagh, it is about sixty miles thence to Ispir, 
following the valley of the Juruk-su; this in five days would give 
an average of twelve miles a day, which the Greeks may well be 
supposed to have got over ina route that did not present so mary 
difficulties as usual. 

It is evident, however, that it will require further corroborative 
testimony before Gymnias can be admitted to be the same as the 
modern Ispir. 

Movunr Tuecurs.—On the fifth day from Gymnias, distances 
not given, they came to a mountain, the name of which was The- 
ches, and whence, to their great delight, the Greeks saw the sea. 

The distance allowed between Mount Theches and the country 
of the Macrones, which in such ἃ country did not much exceed 
twenty miles, places Mount Theches between the Juruk-su, the 
river of Baiburt, and the Kurash Tagh. It is in the present day 
ealled Takiya Tagh, which may be a corruption of Theches, or 


THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 327 


Tueches of it, or it may simply mean the mountain of the monas- 
tery. This is the name also given to it by Hamilton, who adds a 
sketch of a remarkable mountain castle near Takiya. Mr. Vivien 
de St. Martin calls the mountain in his map Hak Mesdjidy Tagh. 
This name, like that of Takiya, refers to some holy edifice ex- 
isting at the spot, and indicates that tradition has preserved the 
character imputed to the mountain by Xenophon down to existing 
times. 

Country or THE Macrones.—From Mount Theches the Greeks 
advanced three days’ journey, a distance of ten parasangs, through 
the country of the Macrones. On the first day they came to a 
river which divided the territory of the Macrones from that of the 
Seythini. On their right they had an eminence extremely difficult 
of access, and on their left another river, into which the boundary 
river which they had to cross emptied itself, 

Allowing 1 1-2 geo. miles to the parasang in this difficult coun- 
try, the country of the Macrones would correspond to the mount- 
ain land that lies between Gumush Khana or the silver mines, 
and the Kara Darah-su, the Hyssus of Arrian’s Periplus. This 
inountain is called Korash Tagh in Brant’s map of 1836. The 
river to which they came would appear to correspond with the 
river beyond Kalah Kiui, or castle village, one of the head tribu- 
taries of the Kharshut river, or river of Gumush Khana, into which 
the river of Kalah Kiui itself flows from the left. As the Greeks 
crossed the boundary river above its junction with the river to the 
left, this very fact of its being in such a direction shows that it 
must have been a stream flowing westward, and not eastward. 
Had it had an easterly flow, and yet been to the left hand, it must 
have joined the boundary river before the Greeks crossed it, 

Country oF THE CoLontans.—The Macrones conducted the 
Greeks through their country for three days, until they brought 
them to the confines of the Colchians. At this point there was a 
range of hills high, but accessible, and upon them the Colchians 
were drawn up in array. Having passed the summit, the Greeks 
encamped in a number of villages containing abundance of pro- 
visions. - 

These villages, from the distance traveled the next day to Trebi- 
zond, manifestly correspond with the Greek villages which occupy 
at the present day the head of the valley, whence a very precipitous 
road leads down from the Kohat or Kolat Tagh (quere Kulak 
Tagh, mountain of the pass), of Brant’s map (Journ. of Roy. Geo. 
Soe. vol. vi.), and the Kara Kaban of Hamilton, and which appears 
oe been the range on which the Colchians had posted them- 
selves, 

The rivulet in question is called Surmel in Lamilton’s map, 
where one of the villages is marked as Jivislik. (Kara Kapan and 
Djevisak of St, Martin’s map). Itis recorded in my own notes 


928 i COMMENTARY ON 


as Muhurji—wooded valley with Greck villages, and a bridge overt 
the rivulet, at the foot of the Kara Kapan. 

TreBizonp.—From ‘the villages of the Colchians, the Greeks 
proceeded two days’ march, seven parasangs, and arrived at Trebi- 
zond, a Greek city of large population, on the Euxine Sea; a 
colony of Sinope, but lying in the territory of the Colchians. 
Here they staid thirty days, encamping in the villages of the 
Colchians. 

It is obvious that, in sketching out a possible line of travel 
through the countries of the Taoclhians, Chalybes, Scythians, Ma- 
cronians, and Colchians, a region as yet little investigated, that 
other explanations might be admitted. One of these is, that the 
Greeks took a more central line, between the Aras and the Juruk- 
su. This is not atallimprobable. Ilamilton explored this country 
from Bardes to Ispira, and found it so mountainous and difficult, 
as to fully account for a very great lapse of time in traversing it 
in almost a direct line. The difficulty that would remain to ac- 
count for here; would be the account given of the Greeks having 
arrived at the Harpasus where it was four plethra in breadth. 
But may not this have been the Bardes-su or the river of Narman, 
or some other river, not yet correctly delineated on the maps in 
the interval between the Juruk-su, the Aras, the Olti river, and 
the river of Kars? Colonel Chesney is with a still greater degree 
of probability inclined to identify the Harpasus with the Juruk- 
su or Tchoruk-su—variously designated as the Apsarus and 
Acampsis by the Romans. 

Upon the subject of the prolonged marches made by the Greeks 
between the Aras and the Euxine, Colonel Chesney offers the fol- 
lowing general explanations. 

“On the second day after crossing the latter river (the Araxes), 
which Colonel Chesney supposes to have been crossed, as previ- 
ously observed, near Kupri Kini, the Greeks discovered the in- 
habitants of the strrounding countries, namely, the Chalybeans, 
the Taochians, and the Phasians, assembled to dispute their pass- 
age, and occupying strong ground, probably between the territory 
of the two last. 

Here, as when difficulties of the same kind previously occurred, 
the eminences were gained by an attack made in the flank by 
volunteers; and the disheartened defenders having fled with loss, 
the Greeks got possession of some well-stored villages in advance. 

During the succeeding five marches of thirty parasangs, made 
through the territory of the Taochians, provisions were scarce, it 
being the custom of the country people to place their supplies in 
secret fastnesses, probably wattled inclosures, such as those still in 
use in the Little Kabarda, and district of Tuchi: One of these in- 
trenchments, containing a number of oxen, asses, and sheep, was, 
however, taken after a prolonged resistance; during which the 


THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 329 


women chose to perish rather than fall into the power of the 
Greeks. 

The latter now proceeded a distance of fifty parasangs through 
the territory of the Chalybeans to the river Harpasus, which they 
accomplished in seven marches; notwithstanding the difficulties 
caused by the most warlike and the most troublesome people 
hitherto encountered. The system of hostilities pursued chiefly 
consisted in constantly harassing the rear; but when pressed in 
turn, they retreated to fastnesses in which their provisions were 
secured: so that the Greeks would have been starved by their 
systematic and persevering opposition, had it not been for the 
supply of cattle taken from the Taochians. 

The difficulties experienced by Rennell, Ainsworth, and other 
commentators in following this part of the retreat of the Ten Thou- 
sand, will be greatly lessened if it be borne in mind, that the daily 
marches, through deep snow in January, the army being also 
harassed by the Chalybeans, must have been very short. From 
the supposed crossing-place on the Aras, keeping a little way 
northward of the direct line, it is about 110 miles to the Tchoruk- 
su (Juruk-su) or Acampsis, near Kara Aghatch, which would 
coincide with the fourteen marches given by Xenophon, as does 
also the position of the river in question with the Harpasus; the 
last seven marches being, as we are informed, through the country 
of the Chalybeans, the Chaldeans of Strabo (xii. 549). 

This probably was the southern part of the district of Tehildir; 
for the Chaldeans, as a separate people, occupied a tract next to 
the Colchians, which was, however, afterward extended to Pontus, 
and formed a considerable kingdom under Mithridates. 

Quitting the river Harpasus, twenty parasangs, made in four 
marches, brought the Greeks to a halting-place at some villages, 
possibly near the present town of Baiburt, in which they remained 
three days to obtain provisions. From hence, apparently proceed- 
ing toward the western pass throngh the great northern chain, 
they made twenty parasangs in three additional marches, to the 
rich and well-inhabited city of Gyinnias. Possibly this place may 
now be represented by the small town of Gemeri on the Kara-su, 
an affluent of the river Frat; in which case the distance thither, 
being about 60 miles, would occupy seven or eight marches along 
the slope of the Paryadres, a branch of the Taurus, or, as it is 
stated, through the country of the Scythinians, This appears to 
be the only trace of that ephemeral power, which commenced 
with the Sace or Scythians, on the banks of the Araxes; from 
whence the people extended their name and authority over 
Imiretia, Colchis, Georgia, the Caucasus, Media, Persia, and even 
Palestine; according to Herodotus, the same people ruled Asia 
during twenty-eight years. 

On leaving Gymnias, the guide furnished by the satrap of the 


330 COMMENTARY ΟΝ. 


district delighted the Greeks by saying that he would forfeit his 
head if he did not show them the sea in five marches; and ac- 
cordingly on the fifth day, in ascending the holy mountain of The- 
ches, the Greeks gave.a tremendous shout of surprise and delight, 
on finding his promise realized. The mountain alluded to may be 
the present Gaur Tagh (from the summit of which Colonel Ches- 
ney saw thesea in 1831); and from hence to Tarabuzun, although 
the direct distance is not great, the journey occupied five days with 
good horses. This was owing to the necessity of passing along 
what in reality is more a winding chasm than a mountain valley 
in the ordinary acceptation of the word : and it is scarcely neces- 
sary to observe that the marches through the mountains of 
Kurdistan and Armenia often must have presented difficulties and 
caused delays susceptible of the same kind of explanation. 

Gaur Tagh is not, however, the only mountain in this part of the 
country from which the Euxine may be seen, for the guide inform- 
ed the author that it was visible from three other peaks, namely, 
the Zigani mountain, two hours N, W. of Godol; again, with a 
more extensive view, from Fililein, two hours on the other side 
of Godol toward Gumish Khanah ; and lastly, at the higher peak 
of Karagul, three hours southward of the latter. 

The name of the first, ‘‘ Infidel mountain,” and its position with 
respect to Tarabazun, claim for it the honor of representing the 
holy Theches ; the localities also appear to correspond to the de- 
scription. Xenophon tells us that in the first day they came to a 
river separating the Macronians from the Scythinians; and on 
this, which disembogued into another river, the Macronians were 
drawn up to dispute the passage. <A negotiation, followed by a 
treaty; produced, however, friendship with that people. 

Eleven or twelve miles N. N. W. of Gaur Tagh (visible from 
thence) is the village of Damajula, which is situated near the 
meeting of four valleys and two rivers. One of the latter coming 
from the N, W. has remarkably steep banks, rising fifteen or 
twenty feet, with hills above, of difficult ascent on the eastern 
side, and a chain of more accessible shoulders on the opposite; 
both are covered with firs, and silver poplars of small size. This 
valley would have been met during the first day’s march from 
Gaur Tagh, and troops posted on the opposite sides would be 
within speaking distance, although they must have been com- 
pletely separated by the difficult nature of the ravine. Peace 
being concluded, the Greeks were conducted by this people during 
the succeeding three. marches through the remainder of their 
territory ; no doubt following the valleys of Damoulee and Godol, 
till at the termination of the latter, and about thirty-one miles 
from Damajula, they entered that of Gumush Khanah, a little 
northward of the town of this name. 

The great and deep valley in question runs northward from 


THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 581 


thence along the foot of the Coleckian mountains for about twelve 
miles, where an abutment of the latter, called Karakaban, crosses 
it near Zigani, at an elevation of 5300 feet, and the pass thus 
formed was occupied in force by the Colchians. 

Being in a state of hostility with the latter, the Macronians re- 
turned to their own country, a distance of about forty-three 
miles, which would correspond with the three marches made ina 
more favorable season (February) than the preceding part of the 
march. It is difficult to imagine a stronger barrier or a more 
formidable position than that which here presented itself, to ex- 
ercise the talent and display the unshaken intrepidity of the 
Grecian chief. Owing to the nature of the ground, as well as the 
numbers by which it was occupied, the Greeks, even could they 
have passed the latter unbroken, would have been out-flanked had 
they attacked in line. But Xenophon, without hesitation, turned 
this circumstance to his own advantage, by a master-piece of 
tactics hitherto unequaled. 

The Greeks were formed in eleven columns, three of which, 
each consisting of 600 targeteers and archers, occupied the flanks 
and center; these ascended the hill at such distances from one 
another that Xenophon not only outstretched the flanks of the 
Colchians, but was also prepared to attack them in rear, if, con- 
trary to expectation, they had stood the shock and maintained 
their ground. At first. the Colchians advanced, but before they 
closed with the Greek columns, they opened right and left, and 
eventually fled in disorder, abandoning the well-stored villages in 
their rear. 

After three days’ halt, suffering from the quantity and nature 
of the honey, which, from the abundance of the Azalea pontica, 
the Rhododendron ponticum, and the hellebore, in this fine coun- 
try, affects the brain for a time, the Greeks, in two marches of 
seven parasangs, reached the villages, near Tarabuzun (Trebizond). 
(Vol. ii. p. 230 et seq.) 

Colonel Chesney’s explanation gains a manifest advantage in 
simplicity of detail over mine, by his not taking the Greeks out 
of the way to reach the Arpa-chai, Hamilton’s Harpasus, but it 
loses it again by going out of the way to the westward to the 
Gaur Tagh, because the Colonel saw the sea from that point... It 
is evident that there must be many heights of the mountains east 
as well as west of the river of Gumush Khanah, from whence the 
sea can be discerned. In this part of the retreat, where probably 
the points will never be all definitively settled, that explanation 
which presents the greatest degree of simplicity, and at the same 
time meets most closely all the exigences of the case, will be the 
one which will ultimately meet with the most general acceptance. 

M. Vivien de Saint Martin, in his admirable Histoire des Décou- 
vertes Géographiques (tome ii. p, 824), after identifying Gymnias 


. 882 COMMENTARY ON 


with a village called Djinnis, situated near the left bank of the 
Euphrates, about six leagues from Arzrum to the westward, says: 

“The body of the Greeks having left Gymnias or Djinnis, on 
the Upper Euphrates, must have ascended the Kop Tagh, de- 
scended the Massa Deressi (Marsah Darahsi) or river of Baiburt, 
then re-ascended up the course of the river of Balakhor (Balak 
Hur, “Fish stream?”) to the Takiya Tagh, where the name of 
Theches is still preserved. From thence they descended to the 
upper valley of the Balak Hur, which led them to the precipitous 
chain of the Kolat Tagh, evidently the same as the mountain of. 
the Colchians of Xenophon; this chain separates the two water- 
sheds, which pour their waters to the south in the Upper Tchoruk 
or river of Ispir, to the north directly to the Black Sea, toward 
the coast of Trebizond. The divers circumstances of the narrative 
do not appear to us to leave the least doubt upon this itinerary, 
of which nature has marked the features in an ineffaceable man- 
ner in this country of deeply contrasted configurations.” 

It is scarcely necessary, but for fear of misconception it may be 
as well to remark that this identification of the Kolat Tagh with 
the mountain of the Colchians, upon the strength of the name, 
will not be received by scholars in this country. - 

Professor Malden, after recurring to the mistake made by Major 
Rennell, Kinneir, and myself, in supposing that the Greeks 
marched seven days after the guide ran away from them before 
they reached the Phasis; adds, 

“ Rennell, however, has probably fallen into a further mistake 
in thinking that the Greeks did not cross the Harpasus; for this 
seems to be his opinion. He supposes that they came to the river 
between its conflux with the Araxes and the conflux of the river 
of Kars with the other streams that form it, and then turned back 
from it toward the west; so that their subsequent marches for 
four days were still between the Harpasus and ihe Phasis or 
Araxes; and he is inclined to identify the city of Gymnias with a 
modern town on the latter river. Xenophon certainly does not 
say distinctly that they crossed the Harpasus, but his language 
implies it. He says, ‘After this the Greeks arrived at the river 
Harpasus, which was four hundred feet broad. Thence they 
marched through the country of the Scythini, ete. (iv.7.18). He 
does not say that they did not cross it, and the notice of the 
breadth of the river is not much to the purpose unless they did 
cross it; and besides, he uses the very same language with respect 
to rivers which were certainly crossed. (See i. 4, $9 and 19; 
and iv. 4, §§ 8 and 7.) . 

“ But, if they crossed it, it was probably the branch called the 
river of Kars which they crossed, not the stream below the junc- 
tion of this branch with those to the east of it; otherwise, we 
should have them still persevering in their mistaken easterly course ; 


THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 333 | 


end they would have had to cross the eastern branch on their way 
back toward the west. In crossing the river of Kars they would 
be going northward ; and if they then turned westward, they would 
fall in with no considerable river tiil they came to the Apsarus or 
Shoruk (Juruk), which accords with Xenophon’s narrative; the 
Shoruk being identified with the river of the Macrones. 

“ After examining all the circumstances of the story, if we sup- 
pose the Greeks to have crossed the Phasis at the point which 
Rennell indicates, near the modern bridge of Koban Kupri (same 
as Kupri Kiui), or perhaps even nearer to its source; and then, 
in consequence of their confusion between the. two rivers Phasis, 
to have turned eastward, and marched seven days along its north- 
ern bank, and even when they left the river to have inclined but 
little toward the north, and to have reached the Harpasus about 
the junction of the river of Kars with the other branches, thus 
traversing the diagonal of the space between the Araxes and 
the Arpa-su, we assign them a march, which in winter, through 
an unknown country, and in the presence of an active enemy, 
might well occupy the time given for it. The time is twenty-one 
days; and the distance from point to point in a straight line, if the 
Greeks had not kept to the river-side for the first seven days, would 
be about 120 miles. If we admit, therefore, a very reasonable ac- 
count of deviation from the direct course, and allow that the length 
of the days’ marches has either been overrated by Xenophon, or 
exaggerated by errors of the transcribers, the difficulties seem to 
be removed. 

“The problem which remains is to fix the position of the city of 
Gymnias north of the river of Kars.” (The Classical Museum, 
No. vii. p. 41 et seq.) 

The most superficial glance at the map published by the Roy. 
Geog. Soc. to illustrate routes of Mr. Ainsworth, Mr. Brant, Mr. 
Suter, and Lord Pollington, in the tenth volume of their Journal, 
would satisfy Professor Malden that it was along the Bin Gil su, 
or Upper Aras, that the Greeks would have performed their seven 
days’ journey, and not on the Kalah-su, which they joined at Ku- 
pri Kiui, where I suppose them to have terminated their seven 
days’ march, having Professor Malden’s correction in mind. I 
quite agree, however, with the Professor, that the correct determin- 
ation of the position of Gymnias will do much toward elucidating 
this most abstruse part of the narrative, and the determination 
may yet be expected, from the constant progress that geographical 
and archzological research are making in the East. 

_ The question has, indeed, been much narrowed in its compass 
already, from the day when Rennell conceived that the Greeks, 
having lost their way, wandered up and down after crossing the 

es. A more intimate acquaintance with the physical charac- 


334 COMMENTARY ON 


ters of northern Armenia has shown it to be a country peculiarly 
difficult to travel in—a constant succession of hills and valleys— 
precipices and ravines—rocky ledges and fuaming torrents, 

Mr. Curzon, who has given a very picturesque account of some 
of the difficulties to be met with in traveling from Arzrum to 
Trebizond, in his little work on Armenia, mentions having met 
a rich Persian merchant on the 2nd of January, at a hotel called 
Khaderach Khan, who had been eighteen days on the road from 
Trebizond, which was thirty-two hours of Tartar posting. At the 
pass of Husha-Bunar he also came upon a party of Persians, seated 
on the ledge of a precipice, looking despairingly at a number of 
their baggage-horses which had tumbled over, and were wallowing 
in the snow many hundred feet below. At the Zigana Tagh, a 
whole caravan liad been overwhelmed ἴῃ ἢ avalanche. When 
these difficulties come to be better appreciated, it will Le easy to 
understand how the Greeks should, in the depth of winter and the 
natives in open hostilities to them, have spent so much time in this 
part of the country. 

*““We have not,” says Layard, “I conceive, sufficient data in 
Xenophon’s narrative to identify with any degree of certainty lis 
route after crossing the Euphrates. We know that about twenty 
parasangs from that river, the Greeks encamped near a hot spring, 
and this spring might be recognized in one of the many which 
abound in the country. It is most probable that the Greeks took 
the road still used by caravans through the plains of Hinnis (Kha- 
nus) and Hassan-Kalah, as offering the fewest difficulties. But 
what rivers are we to identify with the Phasis and Harpasns, the 
distance between the Euphrates and Phasis being seventy para- 
sangs, and between the Phasis and Harpasus ninety-five, and the 
Harpasus being the larger of the two rivers? I can not admit that 
the Greeks turned to the west and passed near the site of the mo- 
dern Erzeroom. There are no rivers in that direction to answer 
the description of Xenophon. Moreover, the Greeks came to the 
high mountain, and beheld the sea for the first time, at the dis- 
tance of thirty-two parasangs from Trebizond. Had they taken 
either of the three modern roads from Erzeroom to the coast, and 
there are no others, they must have seen the Euxine in the im- 
mediate vicinity of Trebizond, certainly not more than six or eight 
parasangs from that city. Iam, on the whole, inclined to believe, 
that either the Greeks took a very tortuous course after leaving the 
Euphrates, making daily but little actual progress toward the 
great end of their arduous journey, the sea-coast, or that there 15 
a considerable error in the amount of parasangs given by Xeno- 
phon; that the Harpasus must be the Tcherouk (Juruk), and the 
Phasis, either the Araxes or the Kur; and that Mount Theches, 
the holy mountain, from which the Greeks belield the sea, was be- 


THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON 835 


tween Batun and Trebizond, the army having followed the valley 
ot the Tcherouk, but leaving it before reaching the site of the 
modern port on the Black Sea.” (Nineveh and Babylon, p. 65.5 

This is, at all events, an uncompromising statement of the ob- 
scurities that envelop this part of the retreat, if it is not a lucid 
record of the details. Colonel Chesney having seen the sea with his 
own eyes from the Gaur or Jawur Tagh, is an answer to one objec- 
tion—that it could certainly not be seen at a greater distance than 
six or seven parasangs from Trebizond. With regard to other diffi- 
culties, Layard would throw the whole subject back again to the 
dark period that preceded the investigations of Rennell and Kin- 
neir. I have endeavored to show what has been added to those 
able and conscientious researches, and the patience and zeal of 
future inquirers will, most assuredly, sift what is good from all 
these statements, will expunge that which will not stand the test 
of time, and will arrive ultimately at some clear and satisfactory 
conclusions regarding these very remarkable Armenian wanderings. 

Crrasus.—lhe Greeks recruited themselves at Trebizond, till 
the supplies furnished by the surrounding country were nearly ex- 
hausted, and then, only a portion of the necessary shipping havin 
been obtained, they embarked their women and children, with the 
sick and the aged, under the two oldest generals, Philesius and 
Sophenetus, while the remainder proceeded by land ; and in three 
marches they reached the Greek city Cerasus, or, more correctly, 
Kerasus. Hamilton has shown that the ancient Kerasus does not 
correspond with the modern Kirasunt, but that the site must be 
sought for at the rivulet of Kirasun Darah-su, about eight miles 
from Cape Yurus, and not quite forty from Trebizond. Consider- 
ing the difficulties of the country, it is not likely, Colonel Ches- 
ney remarks, that a greater distance could have been accomplished 
in three days. 

Tue Mossynact—tThe territory of the Mossyneci or Moschi, 
in which the Greeks became engaged in a struggle that had nearly 
been disastrous to them, appéars to have stretched from a little 
distance westward of Trebizond, to the district of Pharnacia, or 
upward of seventy miles along the coast. The fort or citadel of 
these fierce people appears to have been in the neighborhood of 
Cerasus. These Mossyneci—the Mossyni of Pliny and of Pom- 
ponius Mela—and who are said to derive their name from tho’ 
wooden turrets or the trees they dwelt in, are described as being 
the most barbarous people the Greeks met with during the whole 
of their journey. 

Tae CratysBes.—The Greeks were eight days traveling through 
the territory of the Mossyneci, after which they came to that of 
the Chalybes. These were subject to the Mossyneecians, and far 
from being numerons, they lived by the manufacture of iron, and 
were mixed with the Tibarenians. Hamilton found the poor na. 


330 COMMENTARY ON 


tives of the coast occupied in the present day in extracting iron 
from the superficial soil, not exactiy at this spot, but to the west 
of Cotyora, and between the ruins of Polemonium and the Ther- 
modon, directly south of Uniyah Kalah, ancient noe. 

Corrora.—Marching through the country of the Tibareni, 
which is described as being more campaign, and the towns near 
the sea not so strong, the Greeks came to Cotyora, a Greek city, 
and a colony of Sinopians, situated in the territory of the Tibare- 
nians. Ootyora was replaced by Pharnacia, which was built, ac- 
cording to Strabo, out of its spoils, and hence, in the time of Ar- 
rian, was already a mere village. 

Hamilton has identified the site with a place called Ordu or 
Urdu, where are some remains of an ancient port, and Colonel 
Chesney has accepted the identification. There are some diffi- 
culties in the way of this identification with the distances given 
by Arrian in the Periplus of the Euxine Sea, which led me to 
prefer the site of Parshambah. It is, however, by no means a 
point to be insisted upon. 

Srveve.—After discussing the question of forming a Greek set- 
tlemept on the Euxine, as well as the relative advantages of a 
homeward voyage by sea, and a march thither by land, the Greeks 
adopted the former course; and the Cotyorians having provided 
the necessary shipping to get rid of their uninvited guests, a fair 
wind carried the Greeks rapidly along the coast of Paphlagonia, 
when_ passing in succession the rivers Thermodon (Thirmah-su), 
Tris (Zashil Irmak), and Halys (Kizil Irmak), they landed at 
Tlarmene or Armene, a port five miles from the flourishing city of 
Sinope, once a Milesian colony. The site of this port and city is 
too well known to require further illustration. 

Hxracrea.—After electing Cheirisophus commander-in-chief, 
the Greeks sailed from Sinope along the coast of Paphlagonia and 
Bithynia, to Heraclea, where the army disembarked at the close 
of the second day’s sail. Xenophon makes the Greeks pass the 
rivers Thermodon and Halys on this journey, by mistake ; instead 
of on that from Cotyora to Sinope. 

The Greeks came to an anchor near to the peninsula of the 
Acherusians—the site of one of Hercules’ fabled exploits. The 
modern town of Harakli occupies only the south-west corner of 
the space covered by the ancient city.. The Lycus noticed by 
Xenophon is called the Kilij-su or Sword river, significative of the 
same thing—its sudden wolf-like or destructive risings. 

Catpz.—The Greeks, in their apparent great anxiety for booty 
—an anxiety which attained its acme as they were getting near 
home, divided into three bodies. . The Arcadians and the Acha- 
ans, mustering about 4500 heavy-armed men, proceeded by sea to 
Calpe, while the other heavy-armed men and the Thracian target- 
eers, who amounted to about 2100 men under Cheirisophus, 


THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON, 887 


marched along the coast to Thrace; Xenophon himself, at the head 
of 1700 heavy-armed men, 800 targeteers, and 40 horsemen, 
marching, according to Colonel Chesney, toward Calpe in a direct 
line. I read it, however, through the middle of the country, a 
phrase which is twice repeated in the account of the journey, and 
as the district that lies between the shore and the plains of Tuz-cha 
and Sabancha, is occupied by the Yailah Tagh, a densely-wooded 
range of hills, totally impassable to a body of troops, there remained 
no alternative but to keep to the shore or to take to the middle of 
the country. My idea, as expressed in the “ Travels in the Track,” 
and which 1 am still inclined to hold by, is, that Xenophon, in the 
pursuit of booty, crossed the Yailah Tag—ancient Mons Hypius, and 
descended upon the fertile plain δὲ Prusa ad Hypium, but on hearing 
of the straits in which his comrades were placed at Calpe, he re- 
turned thither through the westerly prolongation of the same hills, 
The promontory of Calpe enjoyed in those times the same name 
as that of Gibraltar. It is now called Kirpah or Kafkan Adasi. 
Curysopoiis.—After a long stay and no small disasters entailed 
by the restlessness of the Greeks at Calpe, they started from that 
place, marching through Bithynia, or Asiatic Thrace, as it was also 
called, six days’ march, to Chrysopolis—the Golden city, the 
modern Uskudar or Scutari, opposite to Constantinople. The dis- 
tance traveled upon this occasion by road of some eighty miles in 
six days, gives an average of thirteen miles a day, showing that 
eight, ten, and twelve were as often assumed ordinary day’s jour- 
_neys, under circumstances of greater difficulties, according to the 
exigences of the case, and may indeed have been still less. The 
retreat of the Ten Thousand may in reality be said to end at this 
point, for the kind of business which they became engaged in after 
crossing the Bosphorus, has nothing to do with that in which they 
were originally taken from their homes by the ambition of Cyrus. 
The Ten Thousand in European Turace.—From Chrysopolis 
the Greeks crossed over to Byzantium, where they were but scur- 
vily treated by the Lacedeemonian admiral, Anaxibius, and hence 
obliged to quarter in some Thracian villages. Xenophon sailed in 
the mean time to Cyzicus (now Baal Kiz), from whence he re- 
turned to his comrades, and led them all, except such as remained 
with Neon and such as had disbanded on finding themselves in 
Europe, to Perinthus, now Harakli. From this point they were 
induced by large promises to assist Seuthes, son of Masades, to 
recover his patrimony as one of the independent kings of Thrace. 
In execution of this compact they marched into the country called 
the Delta of the Thracians, above Byzantium, that of the Melino- 
phagi, who dwelt in the eastern part of the Kutchuk Balkhan 
(Little Balkhan), and they arrived at Salmydissus or Kalmydissus, 
now Midiyah, on the Euxine. After they had subdued the in- 
15 


338 COMMENTARY ON THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 


habitants, who lived chiefly by the plunder of wrecks, they re- 
turned and encamped on a plain above Selymbria. 

Greeks arrive at Pereamus.—At this point the Greeks 
parted from Seuthes, who had failed to fulfill his promises made to 
them, and crossing the Propontis, they repaired to Lampsacus, a 
well-known port on the Hellespont, now called Lamsaki. From 
hence they marched through Troas, and passing over the celebrated 
Mount Ida, they came first to Antandrus, now Antandros, near 
Adramiti. Hence they continued their march along the coast of 
the Lydian sea, to the plainof Thebes. It is known, from Herod- 
otus and Livy, that the plain of Adramyttium was so called. 
Thence they passed through Adramyttium or Atramyttium Cer- 
tonium, which is believed to be the Karene of Herodotus, and 
Atarne, an Zolian city—the Atarneus of Strabo, from whence 
they reached Pergamus, where the narrative of the historian 
finally ceases. 

The whole of the way, both of the Expedition and of the Re- 
treat, is said to have comprised two hundred and fifteen days’ 
march, of eleven hundred and fifty-five parasangs, and of thirty 
thousand six hundred and fifty stadia; and the time employed in 
both, was a year and three months. 


GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX 
TO THE ANABASIS. 


ABYDUS, i. 1. 9...A city of Mysia on the Hellespont, nearly opposite 
Sestus on the European shore. . Aidos or Avido, a modern village on the 
Hellespont, may be the site of Abydus, though the conclusion from a 
name alone is not admitted by some critics. 

Acherusian Chersonese, vi. 2. 2: the scene, as it is said, of Hercules’s 
twelfth labor, to bring up the dog Cerberus from Acheron. It ran out 
into the Black sea, near Heraclea, now Harakli. Ainsw. p. 215. 

fBolia, v. 6. 24. <A district on the west coast of Asia Minor, which 
is included by Strabo in the larger division of Mysia. 

Antandrus, vii. 8. 7. A city on the coast of Troas, now Antandros. 

Apollonia, vii. 8. 15. A town of Mysia, on an eminence east.of Per- 
gamus, on the way to Sardis. Strabo, xiii. p. 625. It seems to have 
been near the borders of Lydia. The exact site does not appear to be 
determined. Ἶ 

Arabia, i. ὅ. 1; vii. 8. 25, The term Arabia is used by Xenophon to 
flesignate those. parts of Mesopotamia which lie south of the river Kha- 
bur, the same as are described by Strabo (i. 2, p. 65; xvi. 1, p. 351), as 
inhabited by the Arabes Scenitee or Nomad Arabs, and which are in 
the present day chiefly occupied by the Shamar Arabs. 

Araxes, i. 4.19. There is every reason to believe that what Xen- 
ophon calls the Araxes (ariver of Mesopotamia running into the 
Euphrates), is the same river that is called Chaboras by Ptolemy and 
Pliny, Aborras by Strabo, Zosimus, Ammianus Marcellinus, and other 
writers: and by the Arabs, the Khabur. The contributor to the Dic- 
tionary of Greek and Roman Geography, art. Chaboras, has, however, 
thought fit to question this identification. 

Armenia, Orontes the satrap of, iii. 5. 17; contains the sources of the 
Tigris and Euphrates, iv. 1.3; divided by the river Centrites from the 
country of the Carduchi, iv. 3.1; its mountains, iy. 3. 20; traversed 
by the Greeks, iv. 4..1; Western Armenia, Tiribazus satrap of, iv. 4. 4; 
their boys act as cup-bearers, iv. 5. 33; their horses described, iy. 5. 36. 


840 GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX 


Atarneus, a city of Mysia, opposite to Lesbos, and a strong place. The 
site is generally fixed at Dikheli or Dikhali Kiui. Cramer’s Asia Minor, 
vol. i, p. 133. 

Atramyttium or Adramyttium, a town situated at the head of the 
bay, called from it Sinus Adramyttenus, on the river Caicus, in Mysia, 
on the road from the Hellespont to Pergamus. Now Adramytti, Ainsw. 
p. 230, 248. 


Babylon, its distance from Cunaxa, where the battle was fought, ii. 2. 
G; its distance from Cotyora in Pontus, νυ. 5. 4. 

Babylonia, i. 7. 1; ii. 2. 13. 

Bisanthe, vii. 2. 38; 5. 8; a city on the Propontis, north-west of 
Perinthus. Ata later period its,name was changed into Rhedestum 
or Rhedestus, whence-its present name, Rodosto. Kriiger ad vii. 2. 
38. 

Bithynia, Pharnabazus satrap of it, vii. 8. 25. 

Byzantium, on the Bosporus, now: Constantinople ; the Greeks force an 
entrance into it, vii. 1. 16; belonged to the Athenians before the Pelop- 
onnesian war, vii. 1. 27. 


’ Ceene, ii. 4.28. A large city of Mesopotamia on the Tigris. Sup- 
posed by Mannert, Rennell, and others to be represented by the ruins 
at Senn, but determined by Colonel Chesney and Colonel Rawlin- 
son to be represented by the ruins at or near Kalah Shirgat or Kileh 
Shirgat. 

Caicus, Plain of vii. 8. 8, 18. The Caicus is a river of Mysia and 
Lydia, flowing past Pergamus into the sea opposite Lesbos; it is now 
called the Krimakli.. Ainsw. p. 230. 

Calpe, Harbor of, in Bithynia, described, vi. 4.1, 2. See also vi. 2. 
13,17; vi. 3. 2. It is now called Kirpah Liman, and the mountain 
Kaifkan Tagh, the chief headland or promontory Kaifkan Adasi, and 
a lesser promontory Yulanji Kaifkan, or the lying or deceitful Kaifkan. 

Cappadocia, i. 2. 20; vii. 8. 25. 

Carduchi or Karduchi, now the Kurds. A people inhabiting the 
mountains of Kurdistan, the ancient Gordene or Gordizus Mons, the 
banks of the Tigris, and more particularly the country bordering on 
Armenia and Assyria: independent, hardy, and warlike mountaineers, 
iii. 5. 16; v. 5.17; vii. 8. 25; the Greeks ascend their “aves εὐ κι 
iv. 1. 2; ‘attempt in vain to be friendly with them, iv. 1. 8,9; are ha- 
rassed by them, ἄγ. i 16; 8: 7. 

Carsus or Karsus,’ Cersus or Kersus, a river of Cilicia, i. 4. 4. - The 
ἈΜῊΝ of oa πάν Markatz-su, at the gates of Cilicia and Syria, ἢ i. 

' Ainsw. 

γ᾽, ἔσταν see of, i. 1: 2; 9. 7. Stephanus ot that Castolus was a 
ΡῈ of Lydia.- See note oni. 1. 2. 

Caystrus, Plain of, i. 2.11. Supposed to be the plain of Bulavadin, 
in the lower part of which is the lake called Ibar Gil. Hamilton thinks 
at or near the village called Chai Kiui or “ river village.” It has been 
placed higher up, near Surmanah. Koch and Long have dissented 
from the latter identification. See Kithner ad i. 2. 11. 


TO THE ANABASIS. 341 


Celene, a large city of Phrygia, i. 27. Xerxes built its citadel, i. 
2.9. Cyrus had a palace there. The site is now called Dinair or Dee- 
nair. Leake’s Tour, p. 158. Cramer, vol. ii. p. 50. Hamilton, vol. i. 
p. 499, 505. 

Centrites, a river dividing the country of the Carduchi from Ar- 
menia, iv. 3. 1; the Greeks cross it, iv. 3.15. Now the Buhtan Chai. 
Ainsw. Travels, vol. ii. p. 356. Layard, Nineveh and Babylon, p. 
49, 63. 

Ceramon Agora, or Ceramorum Forum, i. 2.10. This place appears 
to be represented by the modern Ushak, still a place of considerable 
traffic and commerce. Hamilton, ii. 204. Hutchinson supposes it to be 
the same with Ceranz, mentioned by Plin. H. N. v. 41. 

Cerasus, a Greek city on the coast of Colchis, founded by the people 
of Sinope, v. 3.2; 5.10; 7.13. The site of this-place was not at the 
modern Kirasunt, but in a valley bearing the same name of Kirasun 
Darah-su, or river of the valley of Kerasus.. Hamilton, i. 250. Eus- 
tathius, ad Dionys. Perieg. v. 437, says that the place was so named 
from the abundance of κεράσοι, cherry-trees, that grew there. Hence it 
is supposed Lucullus first introduced the cherry-tree into Europe. Plin. 
H. N. xv.-5. 33 5.10; -7..13. 

Cersus, see Carsus. 

Certo:.ium, a city of Mysia, vii. 8. 8. It is not mentioned in any 
other author: see Cramer, Asia Minor, vol. i. p. 133, who favors the 
suggestion of Hutchinson, that we should perhaps read Kapivye, the 
name of a town mentioned by Herodotus. It has been conjectured that 
it may be the Cytonium of Theopompus (Steph. s. v. Kvroviov): there 
being now a place named Kidonia, near the supposed situation of Cer- 
tonium. But Cytonium was between Mysia and Lydia; and Xenophon’s 
Certonium is in Mysia. Carine or Carene may have stood on the river 
Caresos, mentioned by Homer, 1]. xii. 20. 

Chalcedon, on the Bosporus, opposite Byzantium, vii. 1. 20; 2. 24, 26. 
Now Kadi Kiui. Ainsw. i. 14. 

Chalcedonia, vi. 6. 38. 

Chaldaeans, iv. 3.4; v. 5. 17; vii. 8. 25. Now Khaldis and Nestorian 
mountaineers. : 

Chalus, a river of Syria, i. 4. 9. Identified by Colonel Chesney with 
the Baluklu-su, or Fish river, a tributary to the Sajur, but more prob- 
ably the Chalib or Kuwait, the river of Aleppo. Ainsw. p. 63. 

Chalybes, a people on the shore of the Euxine, bordering on Armenia, 
iv. 5. 34; vii. 8. 25; serve under Tiribazus, iv. 4. 18; meet the Greeks, 
iv. 6. 5; "their bravery, and armor, vi. 7. 15; subject ‘to the Mossynoeci, 
Vs a; ὧν Strabo makes the Chalybes the same as the Chaldei. Ainsw. 


| Ghealondlna a large city on the Euphrates, i. 5.-10. Formerly identi- 
fied with Hit, but Colonel Chesney thinks that the site is represented by 
ruins opposite to the island of Jibbah or Jabbah. (Exped. to survey the 
rivers Euph. and Tigris, vol. ii. 214.) 

Chersonesus opposite Abydus, or the Thracian Chersonesus, ἡ. 1. 9: 
ii, 6. 2, 24; its beauty and fertillty, v. 6. 26; vii. 1. 13. 

Ch ersonesus, Acherusian. - See Acherusian Chersonesus. 


842 GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX 


Chrysopolis, a city near Chalcedon, vi. 1. 1; 0.38, Now Uskudar or 
Scutari.. Ainsw. p. 222. 

Cilicia, difficulty of entering it, i. 2.21; situation and nature of the 
country, i. 2. 22; its Gates, i. 4. 4. 

Coetze, vii: 8. 25. Perhaps a corruption of Taochi: see Dindorf ad 


Colchians, iv. 8. 23; vii. 8. 25; oppose the Greeks, but are defeated, 
iv. 8. 9, 18; Greeks suffer from the Colchian honey, iv. 8. 20; their 
deputies stoned, νυ. 7. 2. 

Colossx, a large city of Phrygia Major, i. 2.6. Supposed by Arundel 
(ii. 159) to be represented by ruins at the modern Chonos or Khonos, but 
identified by Hamilton with ruins about three miles north of that. site 
i. 508). 
᾿ Comania, viii. 8. 15. It seems to haye been a fortress not far from 
Pergamus., Zeune ad loc. , 

Corsote, a deserted city on the river, or canal, Mascas, i. 5. 4. Sup- 
posed to be represented by ruins ata site now called Jrzah or Werdi. 
Ainsw. p. 79. 

Cotyora, a Greek city, and colony of the Sinopians, situated on the 
Euxine in the territory of the Tibareni, v. 5. 3, 4.. Cramer (i. 278) places 
it at Buyuk Kalah, “ Great Castle,” near Cape Vona or Bona. . Kinneir 
and Hamilton think it lay nearer to Urdu or Ordou. 

Cydnus, flows through the midst of Tarsus, i. 2. 23.. Now called 
Tarsus chat. 

Cyzicus, a city of Mysia on the Propontis, vii. 2.5. This celebrated 
city is now represented by the ruins of Bal Kiz, of which a description 
is given by Hamilton (ii. 103), and Leake, p. 271. 


Dana, a city of Cappadocia, i. 2. 20. The same as the Tyana of 
Strabo, xiii. p. 371. Now represented by the ruins of Kiz Hissar. 

Dardes, a river described as a plethrum in breadth at its sources, i. 
4.10. In most of the old editions it is called the Daradax. Identified 
formerly with the canal at Balis, but supposed by Colonel Chesney to be 
the same as the fountain of Al Bab, near the source of the stream called 
Dhahab or Dabb (ii. 213). 

Delta of Thrace, was between Byzantium and Salmydessus, vii. 1. 33 ; 
5. 1.. Gryllus de Bosporo Thracio (see Schneider ad vii. 5.1.) places it 
the angular point Derkon, in which opinion D’Anville agrees with him. 
Rennell, p. 268, thinks it the angular space running out into the Euxine 
near Byzantium. 

Dolopes, of Epirus, i. 2. 6. 

Drile, v. 3.1. Arrian, Peripl. p. 123, ed. Blane., suggests that this 
people may have been a tribe of the Sanni or Macrones. 
Ῥ. ane and Cramer,:Asia Min. i: Ρ. 287, who. refers to Steph. Byz y. 
Δρυλάι. 


Ecbatana, the capital of Media, i ii. 4.25; iii, 5.15. The Ecbatana or 
Agba' “ Treasure city,” of Media, is supposed to be represented by 
Hamadan, the Ecbatana of Assyria by Amadiyah, the Echatana of 
Babylonia by Kirkuk, and the Ecbatana of Atropatene by Takhii 


TO THE ANABASIS. 343 


Sulaiman. There were also Ecbatanas at Persepolis and on Mount 
Carmel. 

Ephesus, ii. 2. 6. The ruins of Ephesus have been described by 
Spon and Wheler, Chishull and Chandler, Arundel, Hamilton, Fellows, 
and others. The ‘site of these ruins is now called Ayasaluk. 

Euphrates, its breadth, i. 4.11. Cyrus crosses it, i. 4.17, 18. The 
Greeks re-cross it, not far from its source, iv. 5. 2. 


gon a city of Thrace, on the Propontis, to the south of Bisanthe, 
Vil, 5 

Gites of Silicia and Syria, i. 4.4. See note ad loc. 

Gates, Babylonian, i, 5. 5; placed by Colonel Chesney 24 miles short 
of the Median Well, nearly opposite the village of Jarrah (ii. 214); by 
others at the termination of the hilly pannity on the plains of Babylonia. - 
See note ad loc. 

Gymnias, a large city of the Scythini, iv. 7.19. Identified formerly 
conjecturally with Arzrum, now. with Jspir or Ispira. Identified by 
Colonel Chesney with the little town of Gemeri on the Kara-su (ii. p. 
230); by M. Vivien de Saint Martin, Hist. des Découvertes Géographiques 
(tome ii. p. 324), with Djinnis, a village on the left bank of the Upper 
Euphrates, about six leagues from Arzrum. 


Halisarne, a town near Pergamus, vii. 8. 17. It is mentioned by 
Xen. Hell. iii. 1, 4; Plin. H. N. v. 32; and Steph. Byz. 

Halys, river of Paphlagonia, v. 6.9; vi. 2.1. Now called the Kizil 
Irmak, or Red River. See Jasonian Shore. 

Harmene, a port near Sinope, vi. 1.15. Strabo, xii. p. 545; Arrian, 
Peripl. p. 127. 

Harpasus, river so called, iv. 7.18. Rennell (p. 225) and Hamilton 
(i. 197) have identified this river with the Arpa chat, a branch or tribut- 
ary to the Aras or Araxes, but Colonel Chesney (ii. 230) and Layard 
(Nin. and Baby. p. 65) have identified it with the Juruk or Tchoruk-su, 
the Asparus of the Romans. 

Heraclea, a Greek city of Pontus, originally a colony from Megara, in 
the territory of the Mariandyni, vi. 2. 1; its distance from Byzantium, 
σὺ, 4, 2; much frequented by ships, v..6. 10. It is now called Harakli. 
SAins, Tray. i 38). For its history, see Justin. B. xvi. 

Heracleotis, the territory of Heraclea, vi, 2. 1°. 

Hesperite, vii. 8..25. 

Hyrcanians, vii. 8. 15. 


Iconium, an ancient city of Phrygia, 1. .2.. 19. Now Kontyah, the 
eapital of Karaman, seat of a pasha and of a Greek metropolitan. 

Ida, mountain of "Troas, vii, 8.7. Now Karajah Tagh. 

Tris, a river of Paphlagonia, Vi 6.95 vi-2.-T, Now il the Yashii Irmak, 
or Green River. 

Issi, or Issus, a large city on the coast of Cilicia, 1, 2. 24; 4.1. Has 
been identified with ruins on the Dali chat, “mad: or swift river,” sup- 
posed to be the Pinarus. It was in later times called Nicopolis. See 
Steph. Byz., and Cramer’s Asia Minor, vol. ii. p. 359. 


344 GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX 


Isthmus of Corinth, ii. 6. 3. 

Jasonian Shore, vi. 2.1. Kriiger supposes the passage in which this 
is mentioned, from παραπλέοντες to τοῦτον dé, to be an interpolation, be- 
cause the rivers named in connection with it, the Thermodon, Iris, and 
Halys, do not run into the Euxine on that side of Sinope, but on the 
other, to the east of it. Koch thinks it is a mistake of Xenophon him- 
self: see Kiihner ad loc. See Ainsw. p. 213; Rennell, p. 261. 


Lampsacus, vii. 8.1, 6. A city of Mysia, on the Hellespont, now 
Lamsaki.. Cramer's Asia Minor, vol. i. p. 65. 

Larissa, a large city on the Tigris, i iii. 4. ἢ. Identified by most recent 
inquirers, as in the Tray. in the Track, by Colonel Chesney, Colonel 
Rawlinson, and Layard, with the great Assyrian ruin now called Nimrud 
or Athur. Koch, it appears, differs from this view of the subject; see 
Kiihner ad loc. Bochart thought it the same as the Resen of Gen. x. 12. 

Lotophagi, iii. 2. 25. ᾿ 

Lycaonia, a country of Asia Minor, ee} waste by Cyrus, i. 2. 19. 
Not subject to the king of Persia, iii. 2. 23.  Mithridates satrap of it, 
Vii. 8. 25. 

Lyceum, at Athens, vii. 8.1. See note adloc. 

Lycus, a river running into the Black Sea near Heraclea, vi. 2.3. It 
is now called Kilij-su, or Sword River. See Cramer’s Asia Min. vol. i. 

203. 

ΕΑΝ vii. 8. 20. 


Macrones, a people at the extremity of Cappadocia, on the confines 
of Colchis and Armenia, iv. 8.1; v. 5.18; vii. 8.25. In later times 
they were called Sanni or Tzani, according to the Eustath. ad Dionys. v. 
766. See also Strabo. xii. p. 8. 25. _ Yet Pliny, H. N. vi. 4, keeps the 
Macrones and Sanni distinct. Ainsw. p. 189. 

Meeander, in Lydia, i. 2. 5, 6. Now Mandarah or Mendereh-su. 

Mardi, a people on the borders of Media, iv. 4. 3. Some read Mar- 
donii. 

“Mariandyni, a παρα of Bithynia or Paphlagonia, in whose territory 
Heraclea stood, vi. 2 

Marsyas, a river of Lydia, running into the Mzeander, i. 2. 8. 

Mascas, a river or canal of Mesopotamia, joining the Euphrates, i. 
5. 4. 

Media, Greeks return through it, ii. 4. 27; iii 5.15. Beauty of the 
women of Media, i iii. 2. 25. Sovereignty over the country obtained by 
the Persians, iii. 4. 8, 11. 

Media, Wall οὗ i. 7. 15; ii. 3.19... It appears to have stretched across 
the narrow space between the Tigris and Euphrates, from the site of the 
ancient Opis to the Sipphara of Ptolemy, the ruins of which are now 
called Sifairah. Ainsw. p. 107; seqq. - 

Melanditze, a people of Thrace, vii. 2. 32. 

Melinophagi, a people of Thrace near Salmydessus, vii. 5. 12. 

' Mespila, or Meso-pulai, middle gates or pass, a city of Media taken by 
the Persians, iii. 4. 10-12. Identified by Rennell with Nineveh, by 
Jelonel Rawlinson with Musul or Mausil, It may have comprised both, ἶ 


TO THE ANABASIS. 345 


or portions of both, that is to say, so much of each city as lay near the 
river pass, and which at all times have been parts of the same city, as 
Southwark to London or London to Southwark. The fortress or castle, 
which Xenophon mentions as being near it, is now called Yarum-jah. 

Miletus, in Ionia, near the mouth of the Mzeander; besieged, i. 1 7; 
4.2. Why it did not revolt to Cyrus, i. 9. 9. 

Mountain, Sacred, iv. 7. 21. 

ss Ξ another, vii. 1. 14; 3. 3. 

Mossynceci, a people on the shores of the Euxine, near Cerasus, be- 
tween the Tibareni and Drile, v. iv. 2; v.51. Were not subject to the 
Persians, vii. 8, 25. 

Myriandrus, a city near the sea, inhabited by Phoenicians, i. 4.6. It 
was a place of trade and a harbor, not far from the present port of Js- 
kandaran or Alexandretta, nearer to and more in front of the pass of 
Baslan between Amanus and Rhosus, but the actual site has not been 
determined. 

’ Mysia, vii. 8.8. The Mysians ravage the province of Cyrus, i. 6. 7; 
Cyrus makes war upon them, i. 9. 14; not subject to the King of Persia, 
iii. 23. 23. Dance of a Mysian, vi. 1. 9; stratagem of a Mysian, v. 2. 29. 


Neontichos, a town and harbor of Thrace, between Ganus and Sely- 
bria. Scylax, Peripl p. 28, ed. Huds. 


Odrys, a people of European Thrace, vii. 2. 32; 3. 16; 4. 21; 5. 
1, 15. 

Olympia, v. 3. 7; v. 3. 11. 

Olynthians, i. 2. 6. 

Ophrynium, a town of Troas, near Dardanus, vii. 8. 5. 

Opis, a large city on the river Physcus, ii. 4, 25. Formerly supposed 
to be represented by ruins at the embouchure of the river Athaim or 
Adhem into the Tigris, now with the ruins of Aski Baghdad or Old Bagh- 
dad, where the ancient canal called Katur or Nahrwan takes its depart- 
ure from the Tigris, or, according to Colonel Chesney, with ruins at 
Kayim or Kaim on the Nahr-al-Risas, a southerly cross-cut to the 
Nahrwan. 


Paphlagonia described, v. 6. 6; Corylas satrap of it, vii. 8. 25: Paph- 
lagonian helmets, v. 2. 22; 4. 13. : 

Parium, a town on the Propontis, between Cyzicus and the Helles- 
pont, vii. 2.7; 2. 25; 3.20; 3. 16. 

Parthenium, a town of Mysia near Pergamus, vii. 8.15, 21. Plin. H. 
N. ν᾿ 30. 

Pelte, a town of Phrygia, i: 3. 10. The plain near Peltz on which 
Cyrus reviewed his troops may either be represented by the Baklan 
Uvah on the great plain to the south of Jshakli, or at the foot of the 
mountains two miles on the road from IJshakli to Dinair. (Hamilton, ii, 
163 and 203.) ; 

Pergamus, a celebrated city of Mysia, near the Caicus, vii. 8. 8, 23. 
Now called Bergma, or Bergamo. Cramer’s Asia Minor, i. p. 136. 

Perinthus, a city of Thrace on the EOD west of Byzantium, ii, 6- 

15 


846 GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX 


2; vii. 2. 8, 11, 28; 4. 2, In later times it was called Heraclea, and is 
now Harakli. 

Persians, the beauty of their women, iii. 2, 25; their bows large, iii. 
4.17; their cavalry of little use in the night, iii. 4, 35; Persian dance, 
vi. 1. 10. 

Phasis, iv. 6. 4. Not the Phasis of Colchis, which runs into the 
Euxine, but a river of Armenia, fiowing into the Caspian, called by 
other writers the Araxes. Rennell, p. 230. “ Xenophon seems to have 
confounded: this river with the Phasis of Colchis.” . Kiihner, ad loc. The 
plain through which the upper portion of the Aras or Araxes flows, is 
still called Pasin. (See map to illustrate routes of Mr. Ainsworth, Mr. 
Brant, Mr. Suter, and Lord Pollington, in the tenth volume of the 
Journal of the Royal Geographical Society.) 

Phoenicia, vii. 8. 25. 

Pholoe, νυ. 3. 10, a woody mountain range between Arcadia and Ellis, 
now Mauro Bount. Cramer’s Ancient Greece, iii. p. 92. 

Phrygia, v. 6. 24; vii. 8. 25. 

Physcus, a river or canal connected with the Tigris, ii. 4. 25. Iden- 
tified by Captain Lynch and Mr. Ross with the river Athaim or Adhem. 
(Journ. R. G. 8. vol. ix. 472, 448.) By Coionel Rawlinson, with the 
Katur or Nahrwan. (Journ. R. G. S. vol. x. 93—97.) . By Colonel 
Chesney (ii. 221), with the Nahr-al-Risas, a tributary to the Nahrwan. 

Pisidians, the inhabitants of a mountainous district to the north of 
Pamphylia, perpetual enemies to the Persians, ii. 5.13; iii. 2, 23. Cyrus 
pretends that he is going to attack them, i. 2.1; had formerly been at 
war with them, i. 9. 14. 

Pontus, the country on the shores of the Euxine, v. 6. 15, 16. 

Pontus Euxinus, iv. 8. 22. 

Psarus, or Sarus, a considerable river of Cilicia, running into the 
Mediterranean, i. 4. 1. It is now called the Sihun or Saihun. Ainsw. 
p. 51. 

Pyramus, a large river of Cilicia, flowing into the Sinus Issicus, i. 4. 1. 
Now the Jihun or Jaihun. ins. p. 52. 


Sacred Mountain. See Mountain. 

Salmydessus, a city of Thrace on the Euxine, vii. 5. 12. It is now 
called Midiyah. .Rennell, p. 267. 

Sardis, or Sardes, the chief city of Lydia, and of Cyrus’s government, 
i, 2. 2; iii,1. 8. 

Scillus, a town of Elis, not far from Olympia, assigned by the 
Lacedzemonians to Xenophon for a residence during his exile, y. 3. 7. 
See Kriiger de Xen. Vita, p. 20; Schneider, Epimetrum de Scilluntio Agro. 

Seythini, a people near the Euxine, bordering on the Macrones, iv. 7. 
18. Rennell, p. 243; Ainsw. p. 228. 

Selinus. Xenophon speaks of two rivers of this name, one flowing by 
the temple of Diana at Ephesus, another near Olympia, on which he 
erected a temple to Diana, v. 3. 8. 

Selybria, or Selymbria, a city of Thrace on the Propontis, between 
Byzantium and Perinthus, vii, 2. 8; 5. 15. Now called Silivri. Ainsw. 
p. 227. 


TO THE ANABASIS. 347 


Sinope, a Greek city in Paphlagonia, on the Euxine, originally ao 
wlony from Miletus, vi. 1. 15; a deputy from it to the Greeks, v. 5. 12. 
Now called Sinub. Ainsw. p. 211. 

Sittace, a large city of Babylonia on the Tigris, iii. 4. 13. Formerly 
identified with the ruins of Akbara, a city of the Khalifs; but since 
with those at Shiriat-al-Baida. 

Soli, a city on the coast of Cilicia, i. 2.24. Afterward Pompeiopolis. 
Pompon. i. xiii.; Ptol. v. vili.; Dio Cassius, xxxvi. 18. Now Aske Shahir, 
“ old city,” near Mazatlu. 

Susa, the winter residence of the Persian kings, on the river Choaspes, 
ii, 4. 25; iii. 5.15. Now Sus on the Kirkhah or Choaspes. The Shu- 
shan of ee is now Susan on the Karun or Eulzeus. Rawlinson, 
Journ. R. G. 8. (vol. ix. p. 85); Long, ditto (iii. 257); Layard, ditto 
(xii. 102.) 

Syria, i. 4. 6; Syrians regard certain fish, and doves, as gods, i. 4. 9. 

Syrian Gates. See Gates. 


Taochi, a people between Armenia and the Euxine; some of them 
serve under Tiribazus, iv. 4. 18; they oppose the passage of the Greeks, 
iv. 6.5; the Greeks take one of their fortresses, iv. 7.2; they are not 
subject to the king of Persia, v. 5. 17. 

Tarsus, a large and rich city of Cilicia on the’river Cydnus, i. 2. 23; 
plundered by the soldiers of Menon, i. 2. 26. It still retains its ancient 
name. 

Teleboas, a small river in Western Armenia, iv. 4. 3. Identified by 
Layard (Nin. and Baby. p. 64) with the river of Bitlis; by most other 
recent commentators, with the head-waters of the Kara-su, in Mush or 
Moxcene. 

Teuthrania, a town and district in Mysia, i ii. 1. 3; vii. 8. 17. 

Thapsacus, a city of Cyria on the Euphrates, at which Cyrus crosses 
that river, i 4.11. Afterward Amphipolis (Pliny, H. N. V. 21); also 
Turmeda (Steph. Byz.); Tiphsah (1 Kings iv. 24). Now designated as 
the ford of the Badawin at Al Hammam near Suriyah ancient Sura or 
Sure of Ptolemy. Sura in Pliny, and Ura (¢b.) 

Thebe, plain of, in Lydia, according to the common reading in vii. 
8.7. But some copies have ᾿Ασίας: Kriiger. Kiihner would read 
Μυσίας. The Thebe meant is probably that at the foot of Mount Placos 
in Mysia, and hence called Hypoplacia. See Cramer’s Asia Minor, i 

. 129. 
i Theches, the mountain from which the Greeks had their first view of 
the Euxine, iv. 7. 21. Colonel Chesney (ii. 230) identifies Theches with 
the Gaur or Jawur Tagh, “ Infidel Mountain.” It has been more gen- 
erally identified with the Takiyah Tagh or “Monastery Mountain,” the 
Hak Masjidi Tagh of Vivien de St. Martin. 

Thermodon, a river of Paphlagonia, running into the Euxine, v. 6. 9; 
vi. 2. 1. See Jasonian Shore. 

Thrace, Asiatic, vi.4.1. The people of it attack the Arcadians, vi. 3. 4. 

Thrace, European, vii. 1. 5; a Thracian dance, vi. 1. 5; banquet, vii. 
3.16; dress, vii. 4.4; Thracian mountaineers, vii. 4.11; their mode of 
flight, vii. 4. 17. 


848 GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 


Thracian Area or Square, a place in Byzantium, vii. 1. 24, Probably 
the At Maidan. 

Thymbrium, a town of Phrygia, i. 2.13. Probably represented in tho 
present day by Ak Shahir, “the white city,” if not situated between 
that town and Ulu Bunar, the supposed fountain of Midas; but this is 
unlikely. 

* Thynians, or Bithynians, a people of European Thrace, vii. 2. 22; v 
4. 1, 14, 18. 

Tibareni, a people of Asia, bordering on the Chalybes, v. 5. 2; vii. 
8. 25. : 

5, canals from it communicating with the Euphrates, i. 7.15; ii. 
4.13; the Greeks cross it by a bridge, ii. 4. 24; they recross it near its 
source, iv. 4. 3. 

Tralles, a fortified town of Lydia on the Mzander, i. 4. 8. Some ruins 
of it still remain. Ainsw. p. 61. 

Tranipse, a people of Thrace, vii. 2. 32. 

Trapezus, en, on the Pontus, a Greek city in the Territory of 
the Colchians, iv. 8. 22. It paid tribute to Sinope, of which it was a 
colony, v. 5. 10. 

Troas, νυ. 6. 24; vii. 8. 7. 

Tyrizum, a town of Phrygia, i. 2.14. Formerly identified with Arkut 
Khan, but most probably represented by Jighun. Hamilton (ii. 200). 
Colonel Chesney (ii. 208). 


Zabatus, or Zapatas, a river of Assyria, running into the Tigris, ii. 5. 
1; iii. 3. 6. Zerab of the Chaldeans and Hebrews, corrupted into Zarb 
and Zab. The Lycus of Herodotus, Polybius, Strabo, and Ptolemy. 
Diaba of Amm. Marcellinus. Now Zaba ala. 


XENOPHON’S 


MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. 





BOOK I—CHAPTER I. 


The two charges on which Socrates was condemned to death by the Athe- 
nians, sect. 1. The first charge refuted by several arguments: for Soc- 
rates used to sacrifice to the gods, 2; he a divination, and his 
daemon was no new god, 2-5; he recommended that the gods should be 
consulted by man in perplexing circumstances, 6-9; he was guilty of no 
impiety, he avoided vain speculations respecting the gods, and said that 
the business of philosophy was the study of virtue, 10-17 3 his life was 
in accordance with the precepts of morality, 18-20. 


1. I nave often wondered by what arguments the accusers* 
of Socrates persuaded the Athenians that. he deserved death 
from the state ; for the indictment against him was to this ef 
fect: SocRATES OFFENDS AGAINST THE LAWS IN NOT PAYING 
RESPECT’ TO THOSE GODS WHOM THE CITY RESPECTS, AND INTRO- 
DUCING OTHER NEW DEITIES; HE ALSO OFFENDS AGAINST THE 
LAWS IN CORRUPTING THE YOUTH. 

2. In the first place, that he-did not respect the gods whom 


1 Plato, in his Apology of Socrates, mentions his accusers by name: 
Meletus, a bad author of tragedies and songs (see Aristoph. Ran. 1302, 
and the Scholiast); Anytus, who was a tanner or currier, as appears 
from Xen. Apol. sect. 29, illustrated by the industry of Bornemann, p. 
72, ed. 1824, and p. 350, ed. 1829; and Lyco, an orator, to whom allu- 
sicn seems to be made in Aristoph. Vesp. 1301. Kihner. 

2 Οὐ νομίζων. Νομίζειν Geode is deos more publico (τῷ νόμῳ) receptos 
cobre. * * * Hence olf νενομισμένοι ϑεοὶ are the gods publicly ac- 
knowledged and worshiped. KXiihner. 


850 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK L 


the city respects, what proof did they bring? For he was seen 
frequently sacrificing at home, and frequently on the pub- 
lic altars of the city ; nor was it unknown that he used di- 
vination ; as it was a common subject of talk that “ Socrates 
used to say that the divinity instructed him ;” and it was 
from this circumstance, indeed, that they seem chiefly to have 
derived the charge of introducing new deities. 3. He how- 
ever introduced nothing newer than those who, practicing 
divination, consult auguries, voices," omens, and sacrifices ; for 
they do not imagine that birds, or people who meet them, 
know what is advantageous for those seeking presages, but 
that the gods, by their means, signify what will be so; and 
such was the opinion that Socrates entertained. 4. Most 
people say that they are diverted from an object, or prompted 
to it, by birds, or by the people who meet them ; but Socrates 
spoke as he thought, for he said it was the divinity that was 
his monitor. He also told many of his friends to do certain 
things, and not to do others, intimating that the divinity had 
forewarned him; and advantage attended those who obey- 
ed his suggestions, but repentance, those who disregarded 
them. : 

5. Yet who would not acknowledge that Socrates wished to 
appear to his friends neither a fool nora boaster? But he 
would have seemed to be both, if, after saying that intimations 
were given him by a god, he had then been proved guilty of 
falsehood. It is manifest, therefore, that he would have ut- 
tered no predictions, if he had not trusted that they would prove 
true. But who, in such matters, would trust to any one but a 
god? And how could he, who trusted the gods, think that 
there were no gods ? 


1 Φήμαις.] Φήμη, an omen taken from the voices of men. _ See Cicero 
de Div. i. 45. 102; where it is said that the Pythagoreans observed not 
only the voices of the gods, but also those of men, and called the signs 
from them. omina.. See Eustath. ad 1]. κ΄, p. 799; Xen. Apol..12; 
Bornemann ad Apol. 18, p. 51, ed. 1824; Herbst on Sympos. iv. 48, and 
on this passage. <Kiihner. 

2 Πῶς οὐκ εἶναι ϑεοὺς ἐνόμιζεν 1] Xenopbon here goes out of his 
line of argument, and introduces a new point, which is not given in the 
charge against Socrates as it stands in sect. 1. He there says that Soc- 
rates was accused of introducing new gods, not of denying that there 
were gods. Plato, in his Apology, p. 36, C., has made a far more accu- 
rate distinction between these two points of accusation. Kihner. It 
is observable, that if εἶναι were omitted, the question would be in ac- 


CHAP. I. ON CONSULTING THE GODS. - 351 


6. He also acted: toward his friends according to his con- 
victions, for he recommended them to perform affairs of ne- 
cessary consequence* in such a manner as he thought that 
they would be best managed; but concerning those of which 
it was doubtful how they would terminate, “he sent them to 
take auguries whether they should be done or not. 7% Those 
who would govern families or cities well, he said, had need of 
divination ; for to become skillful in architecture, or working in 
brass, or agriculture, or in commanding men, or to become a 
critic in any such arts, or a good reasoner, or a skillful regu- 
lator of a household, or a well-qualified general, he considered 
as wholly matters of learning, and left to the choice of the 
human understanding; 8. but he said that the gods reserved 
to themselves the most important particulars attending such 
matters, of which nothing was apparent to men; for neither 
was it certain to him who had sown his field well, ‘who should 
reap the fruit of it; nor certain to him who had built a house 
well, who should inhabit it; nor certain to him who was skilled 
in generalship, whether it would be for his advantage to act 
as a general; nor certain to him who was versed in. political 
affairs, whether it would be for his profit to be at the head of 
the state; nor certain to him who had married a beautiful wife 
in hopes of happiness, whether he should not incur misery by 
her means; nor certain to him who had acquired powerful 
connections in the state, whether he might not be banished by 
them: 9. and those who thought that none of these things 
depended on the gods, but that all were dependent on the 
human understanding, he pronounced: to be insane; as he also 
pronounced those to be insane who had recourse to omens re- 
specting matters which the gods had granted to men to dis- 
cover by the exercise of their faculties; as if, for instance, a 
man should inquire whether it would be better to take for the 
driver of his chariot one. who knows how to. drive, or one 
who does not know; or, whether it would be better to place 


cordance with the accusation: “How could he, who trusted in the gods, 
not pay respect to the gods ?” 

1 Τὰ dvoyxaia.] Things of which the eyent is certain, because neces- 
sary, as Ernesti interprets. © Schneider. 

2 Τῶν τοιούτων tpywd ἐξεταστίκόν.] ᾿Ἐξεταστικὸς appears to signify 
one who can point out the merits and defects in works, though he him- 
self could not execute any thing better than ‘what he criticises ; ἃ mza 
of theory, not of practice. ᾿ ἘΑ͂Ν 


aioe 


sateen 


352 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK I. 


over his ship one who knows how to steer it, or one who does 
not know; or if men should ask respecting matters which 
they may learn by counting, or measuring, or weighing; for 
those who inquired of the gods concerning such matters he 
thought guilty of impiety, and said that it was the duty of 
men to learn whatever the gods had enabled them to do by 
learning, and to try to ascertain from the gods by augury 
whatever was obscure to men; as the gods always afford in- © 
formation to those to whom they are rendered propitious. 

10. He was constantly in public, for he went in the morning 
to the places for walking and the gymnasia; at the time when 
the market was full* he was to be seen there; and the rest of 
the day he was where he was likely to meet the greatest 
number of people; he was generally engaged in discourse, 
and all who pleased were at liberty to hear him; 11. yet no 
one ever either saw Socrates doing, or heard him saying, any 
thing impious or profane; for he did not dispute about the 
nature of things as most other philosophers disputed,’ specu- 
lating how that which is called by sophists the world was 
produced, and by what necessary laws every thing in the heay- 
ens is effected, but endeavored to show that those who chose 
such subjects of contemplation were foolish; 12. and used in 
the first place to inquire of them whether they thought that 
they already knew sufficient of human affairs, and therefore 
proceeded to such subjects of meditation, or whether, when 
they neglected human affairs entirely, and speculated on celes- 
tial matters, they thought that they were doing what became 
them. 18. He wondered, too, that it was not apparent to 
them that it is impossible for man to satisfy himself on such 
points, since even those who pride themselves most on dis- 


_ cussing them, do not hold the same opinions one with another, 


1 TlAnSotene ἀγορᾶς.] See note on Anab. i. 8. 1. 

3 That Socrates used at times to discuss physical subjects, appears 
from Xenophon himself (see 6. 4, and Symp. vi. 6), as well as from 
Plato’s Apology and Phzedo, 6. 46, and Diog. Laert. ii. 45; but he 
pursued a different method from that of other philosophers in such 
discussions; for, abstaining from subtle and_ useless inquiries as to, 
the origin of things, the courses of the heavenly bodies, and other ob- 
scure topics, he directed his inquiries to the consideration of the divine 
power, the nature of man, the connection of the. human with. the 
we nature, and the government of the world by divine influence 

ner. 


OHAP. I. ON THE PHILOSOPHERS. 353 


but are, compared with each other, like madmen ; 14. for of mad- 
men some have no fear of what is to be feared, and others fear 
what is not to be feared; some think it no shame to say or do 
any thing whatever before men, and others think that they 
ought not to go among men at all; some pay no respect to 
temple, or altar, or any thing dedicated to the gods, and others 
worship stones, and common stocks, and beasts: so of those 
who speculate on the nature of the universe, some imagine 
that all that exists is one, others that there are worlds infinite 
in number; some that all things are in perpetual motion, 
others that nothing is ever moved; some that all things are 
generated and decay, and others that nothing is either gener- 
ated or decays. 

15. He would ask, also, concerning such philosophers, 
whether, as those who have learned arts practiced by men, 
expect that they will be able to carry into effect what they 
have learned, either for themselves, or for any one else whom 
they may wish, so those who inquire into celestial things, 
imagine that, when they have discovered by what laws every 
thing is effected, they will be able to produce, whenever they 
please, wind, rain, changes of the seasons, and whatever else 
of that sort they may desire, or whether they have no such 
expectation, but are content merely to know how every thing 
of that nature is generated. 16. Such were the observations 
which he made about those who busied themselves in such 
speculations; but for himself, he would hold discourse, from 
time to time, on what concerned mankind, considering what 
was pious, what impious; what was becoming, what unbe- 
coming; what was just, what unjust; what was sanity, 
what insanity; what was fortitude, what cowardice; what a 
state was, and what the character of a statesman; what was 
the nature of government over men, and the qualities of one 
skilled in governing them; and touching on other subjects, 
with which he thought that those who were acquainted were 
men of worth and estimation, but that those who were ignor- 
ant of them might justly be deemed no better than slaves. 

17. As to those matters, then, on which Socrates gave no 
intimation what his sentiments were, it is not at all wonderful 
that his judges should have decided erroneously concerning 
him; but is it not wonderful that they should have taken no 
account of such things as all men knew? 18. For when he 


854 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK 1. 


was a member of the senate, and had taken the senator’s oath, 
in which it was expressed that he would vote in accordance 
with the laws, he, being president in the assembly of the 

ople when they were eager to put to death Thrasyllus, 
Prasinides, and all. the nine generals, by a single vote con- 
trary to the law, refused,’ though the multitude were en- 
raged at him, and many of those in power uttered threats 
against him, to put the question to the vote, but considered it 
of more importance to observe his oath than to gratify the 
people contrary to what was right, or to seek safety against 
those who menaced him; 19, for he thought that the gods 
paid regard to men, not in the way in which some people 
suppose, who imagine that the gods know some things and do 
not know others, but he considered. that the gods. know all 
things, both what is said, what is done, and what is medi- 
tated in silence, and are present every where, and give ad- 
monitions to men concerning every thing human. 

20. I wonder, therefore, how the Athenians were ever per- 
suaded that Socrates had not right sentiments concerning the 
gods; a man who neyer said or did any thing impious. toward 
the gods, but spoke and acted in such a manner with respect 
to them, that any other who had spoken and acted in the same 
manner, would haye been, and have been considered, emi- 
nently pious, 





CHAPTER IL 


Reply to the other charge against Socrates. He did not corrupt the youth 
tor his whole teaching dissuaded them from vice, and theottaged them to 
temperance and virtue of every kind, sect. 1-8. He exhorted them to 
obey the laws, 9-11. If Critias and Alcibiades, who listened to his dis- 
courses, became corrupt, the fault was not his, 12-28; he endeavored to 
reclaim them, till they deserted him ; and others, who resigned themselves 
wholly to his instructions, became virtuous and honorable men, 28-48. 
Other frivolous assertions refuted, 49-60. His benevolence, disinterest- 

_ edness, and general merits, 61-64. 


1. Tr also seems wonderful.to me, that any should have 
been persuaded that Socrates corrupted the youth; Socrates, 
who, in addition to what has been said of him, was not only 


1 See Xen. Yell i. 7, especially sect. 15. 


ΟΗΑΡ. 1. PRINCIPLES AND HABITS OF SOCRATES. B55 


the most rigid of all men in the government of his passions 
and appetites, but also most able to withstand cold, heat, and 
every kind of labor; and, besides, so inured to frugality, that, 
though he possessed very little, he very easily made it a suffi- 
ciency. 2. How, then, being of such a character himself, 
could he have rendered others impious, or lawless, or luxuri- 
ous, or incontinent, or too effeminate to endure labor? On 
the contrary, he restrained many of them from such vices, 
leading them to love virtue, and giving. them hopes, that if 
they would take care of themselves, they would become hon- 
erable and worthy characters. 8. Not indeed that he ever 
professed to be an instructor in that way, but, by showing 
that he was himself such a character, he made those in his 
society hope that, by imitating him, they would become such 
as he was. ; 
4. Of the body he was not neglectful, nor did he commend 
those who were. He did not approve that a person should 
eat to excess, and then use immoderate exercise, but recom- 
mended that he should work. off, by a proper degree of exer- 
cise, as much as the appetite received with pleasure ; for such a 
habit, he said, was peculiarly conducive to health, and did not 
prevent attention to the mind. 5. He was not, however, fine 
or ostentatious in his clothes or sandals, or in any of his 
habits of life; yet he did not make those about him lovers of 
money,’ for he checked them in this as well as other passions, 
and asked no remuneration from those who desired his com- 
pany. 6. By refraining from such demand, he thought that 
he consulted his liberty, and called those who took money for 
their discourses their own enslavers, since they must of neces- 
sity hold discussions with those from whom they received 
pay. 7. Ha expressed wonder, too, that any one who pro- 
fessed to tesch virtue, should demand money, and not think 
that he gained the greatest. profit in securing a good friend, 
but fear that he whom he had made an honorable and 
worthy character would not retain the greatest gratitude 
toward his greatest benefactor. 8. Socrates, indeed, never 
expressed so much to any one; yet he believed that those of 
his associates who imbibed what he approved, would be always 
good friends both to himself and to each other. How then 


ὁ Though he was not extravagant, he was not avaricious; nor had 
his conversation a tendency to make others avaricious. 


356 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK 1, 


could a man of such a character corrupt the young, unless, 
indeed, the study of virtue be corruption ? 

9. “ But assuredly,” said the accuser, “he caused those who 
conversed with him to despise the established laws, by saying 
how foolish it was to elect the magistrates of a state by beans," 
when nobody would be willing to take a pilot elected by 
beans, or an architect, or a flute-player,* or a person in any 
other profession, which, if erroneously exercised, would cause 
far less harm than errors in the administration of a state ;” 
and declared that “such remarks excited the young to con- 
temn the established form of government, and disposed them 
to acts of violence.” 10. But I think that young men who 
exercise their understanding, and expect to become capable 
of teaching their fellow-citizens what is for their interest, 
grow by no means addicted to violence, knowing that on 
violence attend enmity and danger, but that, by persuasion, 
the same results are attained without peril, and with good- 
will; for those who are compelled by us, hate us as if despoiled 
of something, while those who are persuaded by us, love us 
as if they had received a favor. It is not the part, there- 
fore, of those who cultivate the intellect to use violence; for 
to adopt such a course belongs to those who possess brute 
force without intellect. 11. Besides, he who would venture 
to use force, had need of no small number of allies, but he 
who can succeed with persuasion, has need of none, for, 
though left alone, he would think himself still able to persuade ; 
and it by no means belongs to such men to shed blood, for 
who would wish to put another man to death rather than to 
have him as a living subject persuaded to obey ? 

12. “ But,” said the accuser, “ Critias and Alcibiades, after 
having been associates of Socrates, inflicted a great number 
of evils on the state; for Critias was the most avaricious and 
violent of all that composed the oligarchy, and Alcibiades 
was the most intemperate, insolent, and turbulent of all those 
in the democracy.” 13. For whatever evil they did the state, 
I shall make no apology; but as to their intimacy with 


? "And xvduov.| Black and white beans were used in votjng for the 
magistrates at Athens. 

? Μηδ' αὐλητῇ. These words, which occur in the texts of Weiske, 
Schneider, and all others that I have seen, are omitted by Kihner; 
perhaps inadvertently. 


OMAP. It. CRITIAS AND ALCIBIADES. - 857 


Socrates, I will state how it took place. 14. These two men 
were by nature the most ambitious of all the Athenians, and 
wished that every thing should be done by their means, and that 
they themselves should become the most celebrated of all men. 
But they knew that Socrates lived with the utmost contentment 
on very small means, that. he was most abstinent from every 
kind of pleasure, and that he swayed those with whom he con- 
versed just as he pleased by his arguments; 15. and, seeing 
such to be the case, and being such characters as they have 
just been stated to be, whether will any one say that they 
sought his society from a desire to lead such a life as Socrates 
led, and to practice such temperance as he practiced, or from 
an expectation, that if they associated with him, they would be- 
come eminently able to speak and act? 16. I myself, indeed, am 
of opinion, that if a god had given them their choice, whether 
they would live their whole lives as they saw Socrates living, or 
die, they would have chosen rather to die; and they showed 
this disposition by what they did; for as soon as they cor- 
sidered themselves superior to their associates, they at once 
started away from Socrates, and engaged in political life, to 
qualify themselves for which they had sought the society of 
Socrates. 

17. Perhaps some one may observe on this point, that 
Socrates should not have taught his followers politics before 
he taught them self-control. To this remark I make no reply 
at present;' but I see that all teachers make themselves 
examples to their pupils how far they practice what they 
teach, and stimulate them by precepts; 18. and I know that 
Socrates made himself an example to those who associated 
with. him as a man of honorable and excellent character, 
and that he discoursed admirably concerning virtue and other 
things that concern mankind. I know, too, that those men 
exercised self-control as long as they conversed with Socrates, 
not from fear lest they should be fined or beaten by him, but 
from a persuasion at the time that it was best to observe such 
conduct. 

19. Perhaps, however, many of those who profess to be 
philosophers, may say that a man once just, can never become 
unjust, or once modest, immodest ; and that, with regard to 


? Xenophon leaves this point for the present, intending to reply to it 
in iv. 8. Kithner. 


358 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK IL 


any other qualification (among such as can be taught), he who 
has once learned it can never become ignorant of it. But re- 
garding such points I am not of that opinion ; for I see that as 
those who do not exercise the body can not perform what is 
proper to the body, so those who can not exercise the mind, 
can not perform what is proper to the mind; for they can 
neither do that which they ought to do, nor refrain from that 
from which they ought to refrain. 20. For which reason fathers 
keep their sons, though they be of a virtuous disposition, from 
the society of bad men, in the belief that association with the 
good is an exercise of virtue, but that association with the bad 
is the destruction of it. One of the poets also bears testimony 
to this truth, who says, 
Ἐσθλῶν μὲν γὰρ ἄπ' ἐσθλὰ διδάξεαι" ἢν δὲ κακοῖσι 
Συμμίσγῃς, ἀπολεῖς καὶ τὸν ἐόντα νόον. 
From good men you will learn what is good; but if you associate with 
the bad, you will lose the understanding which is in you.' 


And. another, who observes, 
Αὐτὰρ ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς τότε μὲν κακὸς, ἄλλοτε δ᾽ ἐσθλός. 
A good man is at one time good, and at another bad. 


21. I also concur with them; for I see that as people forget 
metrical compositions when they do not practice the repetition 
of them, so forgetfulness of precepts of instruction is produced 
in those who neglect them. But where a person forgets 
moral admonitions, he forgets also what the mind felt when it 
had a desire for self-government; and, when he forgets this, 
it is not at all wonderful that he forgets self-government also. 
22. I see, too, that those who are given up to a fondness for 
drinking, and those who have fallen in love, are less able to 
attend to what they ought to do, and to refrain from what 
they ought not todo; for many who can be frugal in their 
expenses before they fall in love, are, after falling in love, unable 
to continue so; and, when they have exhausted their resources, 
they no longer abstain from means of gain from which they 
previously shrunk as thinking them dishonorable. 23. How is 
it impossible, then, that he who has once had a control over 

1 This distich is taken from Theognis, v. 35, 36... That Socrates was 
fond of quoting: it, appears also from Xen. Symp. ii. 4, and Plato, 
rat p. 95, D. Whence the following verse is taken is unknown. 

UhnMer. 


CHAP. II. BLAMELESSNESS OF SOCRATES. 859 


himself, may afterward cease to maintain it, and that he who 
was once able to observe justice, may subsequently become un- 
able? To me every thing honorable and good seems: to be 
maintained by exercise, and self-control not the least ; for sen- 
sual desires, generated in the same body with the soul, are con- 
stantly exciting it to abandon self-control, and to gratify them- 
selves and the body as soon as possible. 

24. Critias and Alcibiades, then, as long as they associated 
with Socrates, were able, with the assistance of his example, to 
maintain a mastery over their immoral inclinations; but, 
when they were separated from him, Critias, fleeing to Thes- 
saly, formed. connections there with men who practiced dis- 
honesty rather than justice; and Alcibiades also, being sought 
by many women, even of high rank, for his beauty, and being 
corrupted by many men, who were well able to seduce him by 
their flattery, on account of his influence in the city and 
among the allies, and being also honored by the people, and 
easily obtaining the pre-eminence among them, became like 
the wrestlers in the gymnastic games, who, when they are 
fairly superior to others, neglect their exercise; so he grew 
neglectful of self-control. 25. When such was their for- 
tune, and when they were proud of their birth, elated with 
their wealth, puffed up with their power, corrupted by many 
associates, demoralized by all these means, and long absent 
from Socrates, what wonder is it if they became headstrong? 
26. And then, if they did any thing wrong, does the accuser 
blame Socrates for it? and does Socrates seem to the accuser 
deserving of no praise, for having, when they were young, and 
when it is likely that they were most inconsiderate and in- 
tractable, rendered them discreet? 27. Yet other affairs are 
not judged of in such a way; for what flute-player, or what 
teacher of the harp, or what other instructor, if he produces 
competent pupils, and if they, attaching themselves to. other 
masters, become less skillful, is blamed for their deterioration ? 
Or what father, if his son, while he associated with one man, 
should be virtuous, but afterward, on uniting himself to 
some other person, should become vicious, would blame the 
former of the two? would he not rather, the more corrupt 
his son became with the second, bestow the greater praise on 
the first? Not even parents themselves, when they have their 
sons in their society, are blamed if their sons do any thing 


860 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. ᾿ BOOK.L 


wrong, provided they themselves are correct in their conduct. 
28. In the same manner it would be right to judge of Socrates ; 
if he had done any thing immoral, he would justly be thought 
to be a bad man; but if he constantly observed morality, how 
can he. reasonably bear the blame of vice which was not in 
him? 

29. Or even if he himself did nothing wrong, but com- 
mended. others when he saw them doing wrong, he would 
justly be censured. When he perceived, however, that Critias 
was enamored of Euthydemus, and. was seeking to have the 
enjoyment of his society, like those who abuse the persons of 
others for licentious purposes, he dissuaded him. from his -in- 
tention, by saying that it was illiberal, and unbecoming a man 
of honor and proper feeling, to offer supplications to the ob- 
ject of his affections, with whom he wished to be held in high 
esteem, beseeching and entreating. him, like a beggar, to grant 
a favor, especially when such favor was for no good end. 
30. But as Critias paid no regard to such remonstrances, and 
was not diverted from his pursuit, it is said that. Socrates, in 
the presence of many others as well as of Euthydemus, ob- 
served that “Critias seemed to him to have some feeling like 
that of a pig, as he wished to rub against Euthydemus as swine 

inst. stones.” 31. Critias, in consequence, conceived such 
a hatred to Socrates, that when he was one of the Thirty 
Tyrants, and was appointed a law-maker’ with Charicles, he 
remembered the circumstance to his disadvantage, and in- 
serted in his laws that “none should teach the art of dispute- 
tion,” intending an insult to Socrates, yet not knowing how 
to affect him in particular, but laying to his charge what was 
imputed tothe philosophers by the multitude,’ and calumni- 
ating him to the people; at least such was my opinion; for 
I myself never heard this from Socrates, nor do 1 remember 
having known any one say that heard it from him. 32. 


1 See Hellen. ii: 3. 2.. Of the Thirty, Charicles alone is here named, 
besides Critias the chief of them, because, by conspiring with Critias 
and a few of the others, he afterward acquired great authority and power 
in the state. Kiihner. The law here mentioned was abrogated after the 
expulsion of the Thirty Tyrants. See Potter's Antiquities of Greece, 
vol. 1, 6. 25. ἢ 

2 The common charge brought by the multitude against the philoso- 
phers and sophists, was, that they endeavored to “make the worse ἂρ" 
pear the better reason :” τὸν ἥττω λόγον κρείττω ποιεῖν. © ; 


CHAP. II. ENMITY TOWARD SOCRATES. 361 


But Critias showed that such was the case; for when the 
Thirty had put to death many of the citizens, and those not 
of the inferior class, and had encouraged many to acts of injus- 
tice,’ Socrates happened to observe that “it seemed surprising 
to him if a man, becoming herdsman of a number of cattle, and 
rendering the cattle fewer and in worse condition, should not 
confess that he was a bad herdsman, and still more surprising 
if a man, becoming governor of a city, and rendering the — 
people fewer and in worse condition, should not feel: ashamed, 
and be conscious of being a bad governor of the city.” 33. This 
vemark being repeated to the Thirty, Critias and Charicles 
snmmoned Socrates before them, showed him the law, and 
forbade him to hold discourse with the youth. Socrates in- 
quired of them if he might be permitted to ask a question as 
to any point in the prohibitions that might not be understood 
by him. They gave him permission. 84. “Then,” said he, “I 
am prepared to obey the laws; but that I may not unconscious- 
ly transgress through ignorance, I wish to ascertain exactly 
from you, ‘ whether it 1s because you think that the art of 
reasoning is an auxiliary to what is rightly spoken,” or to 
what is not rightly spoken, that you give command to abstain 
from it; for if it be an adjunct to what is rightly spoken, it 
is plain that we have to abstain from speaking rightly ; but if 
to what is not rightly spoken, it is plain that we ought to en- 
deavor to speak rightly’” 35. Charicles, falling into a 
passion with him, said, “Since, Socrates, you are ignorant of 
this particular, we give you an order more easily to be under- 
stood, not to discourse at all with the young.” “That it may 
not be doubtful, then,” said Socrates, “whether I do any thing 
contrary to what is enjoined, define for me till what age I 
must consider men to be young.” “As long,” replied Chari- 
cles, “as they are not allowed to fill the office of senator, as 
not being yet come to maturity of understanding; and do 


1 See Plato’s Apology of Socrates, ο. 20: Oia δὴ καὶ ἄλλοις ἐκεῖνοι 
πολλοῖς πολλὰ προσέταττον, βουλόμενοι ὡς πλείστους ἀναπλῆσαι αἰτίων. 

2 Σὺν τοῖς ὀρϑῶς λεγομένοις εἶναι.) That is, “that the art of speak- 
ing supports what is rightly said;” for σὺν tive εἶναι signifies alicut 
auailio esse. See my Gr. Gr. vol. 11. § 601. Kithner. Schneider took 
σὺν for ἐν, giving the passage the meaning of inter ila que recté di- 
cuntur, which is, as Weiske says, a forced sense of σὺν, but which, it 
must be confessed, suits very well with the sequel of the question put 
by Socrates. 

WOL. T. 16 


862 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK I. 


not discourse with such as are under thirty years of age.” 36. 
“ And if I wish to buy any thing,” said Socrates, “and a person 
under thirty years of age has it for sale, may I not ask him at 
what price he sells it?” “ Yes, such questions as these,” replied 
Charicles, “ but you are accustomed to ask most of your ques- 
tions about things, when you know very well how they stand ; 
such questions, therefore, do not ask.”> “If then any young 
man,” said he, “should ask me such a question as ‘ where does 
Charicles - live ? or ‘where is Critias? may I not answer 
him, if I know?” “Yes, you may answer such questions,” 
said Charicles. 81. “But,” added Critias, “ it will be necessary 
for you to abstain from speaking of those shoemakers,’ and 
_ carpenters, and smiths; indeed I think that they must now be 
-worn out from being so often in your mouth.” “I must 
therefore,” said Socrates, “abstain from the illustrations that 
I attach to the mention of those people, illustrations on justice, 
piety, and other such subjects.” “ Yes, by Jupiter,” retorted 
Charicles, “and you must abstain from illustrations taken from 
herdsmen; for, if you do not, take care lest you yourself make 
cattle fewer.”? 38. Hence it was evident that they were angry 
with Socrates on account of his remark about the cattle having 
been reported to them. 

' What sort of intercourse Critias had with Socrates, and 
how they stood toward each other, has now been stated. 39. 
But I would say that no regular training: is derived by any 
one from a teacher who does not please him; and Critias and 
Alcibiades did not associate with Socrates, while their associa- 
tion with him lasted, as bemg an instructor that pleased them, 
but they were, from the very first, eager to be at the head of 
the state, for, while they still attended Socrates, they sought 
to converse with none more than with those who were most 


1 ᾿ΑἈπέχεσϑαι----τῶὥν σκυτέων, x. τ. 2.] A brief mode of expression for 
“to abstain from drawing illustrations from those shoemakers,” ete. 
in his conversation, was accustomed to illustrate or support 
his precepts and opinions by examples taken from fullers, leather-cutters, 
potters, and other artizans; a mode of lecturing quite the reverse of 
that of the sophists, who sought to dazzle or delight the minds of their 
hearers, by the’splendor and. magnificence of their illustrations, and the 
grandiloquence of their speeches, and derided the method of Socrates as 
common, trite, and mean. See Ὁ. iv. 4. 5; Plato, Symp. p. 221, E; 
Gorg. 491, A. Kuhner. | 
2 By losing your own life. 


CHAP. II. WHAT A LAW IS. 863 


engaged in affairs of government. 40. Alcibiades, it is said, 
before he was twenty years of age, held the following dis- 
course with Pericles; who was his guardian, and chief ruler of 
the state about laws. 41. “Tell me,” said he, “ Pericles, can 
you teach me what a law is.” “ Certainly,” replied Pericles, 
“Teach me then, in the name of the gods,” said Alcibiades, 
“for I, hearing some persons praised as being obedient to the 
laws, consider that no one can fairly obtain such praise who 
does not know what a law is.” 42. “You desire no very” 
difficult matter, Alcibiades,” said Pericles, “when you wish 
to know what a law is; for all those regulations are laws, 
which the people, on meeting together and approving them, 
have enacted, directing what we should do and what we should 
not do.” “ And whether do they direct that we should do good 
things, or that we should do bad things?” “Good; by Jupiter, 
my child,” said he, “but bad by no means.” 48. “And if it . 
should not be the whole people, but a few, as where there is 
an oligarchy, that should meet ‘together, and enact what we 
are to do, what are such enactments?” “Every thing,” replied 
Pericles, “ which the supreme power jin the state, on determin- 
ing what the people ought ‘to do, has enacted, is called a law.” 
“And if a tyrant, holding rule over the state, preseribes te 
the citizens what they must do, is such prescription called a 
law.” “Whatever a tyrant in authority prescribes,” returned 
Pericles, “is also called a law.” 44. “ What then, Pericles,” 
asked Alcibiades, “is force and lawlessness? [5 it not when 
the stronger obliges the weaker, not by persuasion, but by 
compulsion, to do what he pleases?” “So it appears to: me,” 
replied Pericles. “ Whatever then a tyrant compels the 
people to do, by enacting it without gaining their consent, is 
that an act of lawlessness?” “Yes,” said Pericles, “ it appears 
to me that it is, for I retract my admission * that what a tyrant 
prescribes to the people without persuading them, is a law.” 
45. “ But what the few enact, not from gaining the consent of 
the many, but from having superior power, should we say that 
that is force or that it isnot?’ “Every thing,” said Pericles, 
“which one man obliges another to do without gaining 


1 "Ανατίϑεμαι.) A metaphorical expression from the game of πεττοὶ 
or calculi, in which ὠναϑεῖναι πεττοὺς is to replace or re-arrange: the 
i; after discovering that one or more of them are misplaced. 
Kiihner. See Suidas sub voce ὠναϑέσϑαι. r 


564 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK L 


his consent, whether he enact it in writing or not, seems to 
me to be force rather than law.” ‘“ Whatever, then, the whole 
people, when they are stronger than the wealthier class, enact 
without their consent, would be an act of force rather than a 
law?” 46. “Certainly, Alcibiades,” said Pericles; “and 1, 
when I was cf your age, was very acute at such disquisitions ; 
for we used to meditate and argue about such subjects as 

ou now appear to meditate.” “ Would, therefore,” said Alci- 
i. “that I had conversed with you, Pericles, at the time 
when you were most acute in discussing such topics!” 47. 
When Alcibiades and Critias, therefore, began to think them- 
selves superior to those who were then governing the state, 
they no longer attended Socrates (for he was not agreeable 
to them in other respects, and they were offended, if they 
went to him at all, at being reproved for any error that they 
- had committed), but devoted themselves to political employ- 
ments, with a view to which they had at first associated with 
Socrates. 48. But Crito was also an attendant on Socrates, 
as well as Cherephon, Cherecrates, Hermocrates, Simmias, 
Cebes, and Phzdondes, who, with others that attended him, 
did not seek his society that they might be fitted for popular 
orators or forensic pleaders, but that, becoming honorable 
and good men, they might conduct themselves irreproachably 
toward their families, connections, dependents, and friends, 
as well as toward their country and their fellow-citizens ; 
and no one of all these, whether in youth or at a more 
advanced age, cither was guilty, or was accused, of any 
crime. 

49. “ But Socrates,” said the accuser, “ taught children to 
show contempt for’ their parents, persuading his followers that 
he rendered them wiser than their fathers, and observing that a 
son was allowed by the law to confine his father on convicting 
him of, being deranged, using that circumstance as an argu- 
ment that it was lawful for the more ignorant to be confined 
by the wiser.” 50. But what Socrates said was, that he 


1 Προπηλακίζειν.] See Apolog. seet. 20, and Atistoph. Nub. 1407, 
where Phidippides is introduced, as a disciple of Socrates, beating his 
father with a stick, and proving that he was right in doing so. Προπη- 
λακίζειν is properly stercore aliqguem inquinare; treatment to which 
they were subjected who were punished with ἀτιμία : but it was at 
length applied to every kind of insult. - See Bremi ad Demosth. de Cor. 
p. 229. Kihner. 


CHAP. II. HIS CONDUCT TOWARD THE YOUTH. 3865 


thought he who confined another for ignorance, might justly 
be himself confined by those who knew what he did not know ; 
and, with a view to such eases, he used to consider in what 
respect ignorance differed from madness, and expressed his 
opinion that madmen might be confined with advantage to 
themselves and their friends, but that those who did not know 
what they ought to know, might reasonably learn from those 
who did know. . 

51. “ But Socrates,” proceeded the accuser, “not only 
caused parents, but other relations, to be held in contempt by 
his followers, saying that relatives, as relatives, were of no 
profit to people who were sick, or to people going to law, but 
that physicians aided the one, and lawyers the other.” 52. 
The accuser asserted, too, that Socrates said concerning 
friends that “it was of no profit that they were well-disposed, 
unless they were able also to assist ; and that he insisted that 
those only were deserving of honor who knew what was for 
the advantage of others, and could make it intelligible to 
them; and that by thus persuading the young that he himself 
was the wisest of mankind, and most capable of making others 
wise, he so disposed his pupils toward him, that other people 
were of no account with them in comparison with himself.” 
53. I am aware, indeed, that he did express himself concern- 
ing parents and other relatives, and concerning friends, in 
such a manner as this: and used to say, besides, that when 
the soul has departed, in which alone intelligence exists, men 
take away the body of their dearest friend, and put it out of 
sight as soon as possible. 54. He was accustomed to say, also, 
that every man while he is alive, removes of himself from 
his own body, which he loves most of all things, and allows 
others to remove from it, every thing that is useless and un- 
profitable ; since men themselves take off portions of their nails, 
and hair, and callous parts, and resign themselves to surgeons 
to cut and burn them with labor and pain, and think it their 
duty even to pay them money for their operations; and the 
saliva from the mouth, he said, men spit away as far as pos- 
sible, because, while it is in the mouth, it profits them nothing, 
but is far more likely to harm them. 55. But such observa- | 
tions Socrates uttered, not to teach any one of his followers 
to. bury his father alive, or to cut himself to pieces, but, by 
showing that what is senseless is worthless, he exhorted each te 


866 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. ΒΟΟΚ 1. 


study to become as intelligent and useful as possible, so that, 
whether he wished to be honored by his father, by his 
brother, or by any one else, he might not be neglectful of him- 
self through trusting to his relationship, but might en- 
deavor to be serviceable to those by whom he desired to be 
respected. 

56. The accuser also said that Socrates, selecting the worst 
passages of the most celebrated poets, and using them as 
arguments, taught those who kept him company to be un- 
principled and tyrannical. The verse of Hesiod, for example, 


Ἔργον δ᾽ οὐδὲν ὄνειδος, depyin δὲ ὄνειδος, 
Work is no disgrace, but idleness is a disgrace,’ 


they say that he used to explain as intimating that the poet 
bids us abstain from no kind. of work, dishonest or dishonor- 
able, but to do such work for the sake of profit. 57. But 
when Socrates maintained that to be busy was useful and 
beneficial for a man, and that to be unemployed was noxious 
and ill for him, that to work was a good, and to be idle an 
evil, he at the same time observed that those only who do 
something good really work, and are useful workmen,’ but 
those who gamble or do any thing bad and pernicious, he 
called idle; and in this view the sentiment of the poet will 
be unobjectionable. 


Work is no disgrace, but idleness is a disgrace. 


58. That passage of Homer, too, the accuser stated that he 
often used to quote, in which it is said that Ulysses, 


Whatever king or eminent hero he found, 
Stood beside him, and detained him with gentle words: 
“Tlustrious chief, it is not fit that you should shrink back as a coward; 
Sit down yourself, and make the rest of the people sit down.” 
But whatever man of the people he noticed, and found clamoring, 
He struck him with his staff, and rebuked him with words: 
“Worthless fellow, sit down in peace, and hear the exhortations of 
others, 





? Not toil, but sloth, shall ignominious be.—iton. 


The enemies of Socrates insinuated that he joined οὐδὲν, not with its 

proper substantive ὄνειδος, but with ἔργον, making the sense to be “no 
work is di ul.” 

? Compare iii. 9. 9. 


CHAP. £1. HIS PHILANTHROPY. 867 
Who are much better than you; for you are unwarlike and power- 
less, 
Neither to be numbered in the field nor in the council.” * 


59. And he said that he used to explain it as if the poet rec- 
ommended that plebeians and poor people should be beaten. 
Socrates, however, said no such thing (for he would thus 
have given an opinion that he himself ought to be beaten), 
but what he did say was, that those who benefited others 
neither by word nor deed, and who were incapable of serving 
the army, or the state, or the common people, if they should 
ever be called upon to serve, should, especially if, in addition 
to their incapacity, they were of an insolent spirit, be curbed in 
every way, even though they might be ever so rich. 60. 
But, contrary to the charge of the accuser, Socrates was 
evidently a friend to the common people, and of a liberal dis- 
position; for though he received numbers of persons desirous 
to hear him discourse, as well citizens as foreigners, he never 
require! payment for his communications from any one, but 
imparted to every one in abundance from his stores, of which 
some* receiving fragments from him for nothing, sold them 
at a great price to others, and were not, like him, friends to 
the common people, for they declined to converse with such as 
had not money to give them. 61. But Socrates, in the eyes of 
other men, conferred glory on the city, far more than Lichas, 
who was celebrated in this respect, on that of the Lacedax- 
monians; for Lichas indeed entertained the strangers that 
visited Lacedemon at the Gymnopzdiz,’ but Socrates, through 


1 Tl, ii. 188, segg. 
Each. prince of name, or chief in arms approv’d, © 
He fir’d with praise, or with persuasion mov’d; 
Warriors like you, with strength and wisdom blest, 
By brave examples should confirm the rest. 
But if a clamorous, vile plebeian rose, 
Him with reproof he check’d, or tam’d with blows: 
Be still, thou slave, and to thy betters yield, 
Unknown alike in council and in field.—Pope. 


2 Xenophon alludes to other hearers of Socrates, but especially to 
Aristippus, who was the first of the Socratic philosophers that taught 
for hire. Ftuhnken. See Diog. Laert. ii. 65. 

* A festival at Sparta, which lasted for several days during the 
month of Hecatombeon, and in which dances were performed by 
youths in honor of Apollo, Diana, and Latona. It was partly in- 
tended to celebrate the victory of tho Spartans over the Argives at 


868 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK 1. 


the whole course of his life freely imparted whatever he had 
to bestow, and thus benefited in the highest degree all who 
were willing to receive from him, making those who asso- 
ciated with him better before he let them go. 

62. To me, therefore, Socrates, being a man of such a 
character, appeared to be worthy of honor rather than of 
death; and any one, considering his case according to the 
laws, would find such to be the fact; for, by the laws, death 
is the punishment for a man if he be found stealing, or strip- 
ping people of their clothes, or cutting purses, or house- 
breaking, or kidnapping, or sacrilege, of which crimes Soc- 
rates was the most innocent of all men. 63, Nor was he ever 
the cause of any war ending unfortunately for the state, or 
of any sedition or treachery ; nor did he ever, in his private 
transactions, cither deprive any man of what was for his good, 
or involve him in evil; nor did he ever lie under suspicion 
of any of the crimes which I have mentioned. 

64. How then could he have been guilty of the charges 
brought against him? a man who, instead of not acknowledg- 
ing the gods, as was stated in the indictment, evidently paid 
respect to the gods more than other men; and instead of cor- 
rupting the youth, as the accuser laid to his charge, plainly 
led such of his associates as had vicious inclinations, to cease 
from indulging them, and exhorted them to cherish a love of 
that most honorable and excellent virtue, by which men 
successfully govern states and families. How then, pursuing 
such a course of conduct, was he not deserving of great 
honor from the city ? 





CHAPTER Il. 


Confirmation of the —— of Socrates given in the preceding chapters. 
He worshiped the gods, and exhorted others to worship them, sect. 1. 
His notions how the jute were to bes eee tis 2. His Bs ἀνθκρυοος μοὶ as to 
what was acceptable to them in a sacri for omens, 4. 
His observance of temperance, and recommendation of it to others, 5-15. 


1. But to show how he appeared to improve those who 
associated with him, partly by showing them what his 


Thyrea. See Smith's Dictionary of: Gr. and Rom. Ant. art. sirius 


παιδία. 


CHAP. II. HIS RESPECT FOR THE GOD3. 369 


character was, and partly by his conversation, I shall record 
whatever I can remember of him relating to these points. 

As to what had reference to the gods, then he evidently 
acted and spoke in conformity with the answer which the 
priestess of Apollo gives to those who inquire how they ought 
to proceed with regard to a sacrifice, to the worship of their 
ancestors, or to any such matter; for the priestess replies that 
they will act piously, if they act in agreement with the law of 
their country ; and Socrates both acted in this manner him- 
self, and exhorted others to act similarly ; and such as acted in 
any other way he regarded as doing what was not to the pur- 
pose, and guilty of folly. 

2. To the gods he simply prayed that they would give him 
good things, as believing that the gods knew best what things 
are good ; and those who prayed for gold, or silver, or dominion, 
or any thing of that kind, he considered to utter no other sort 
of requests than if they were to pray that they might play at 
dice, or fight, or do any thing else of which it is quite uncertain 
what the result will be. 

3. When he offered small sacrifices from his small means, 
he thought that he was not at all inferior in merit to those 
wno offered numerous and great sacrifices from ample and 
abundant means; for he said that it would not become the 
gods to delight in large rather than in small sacrifices; since, 
if such were the case, the offerings of the bad would often- 
times be more acceptable to them than those of the good; nor 
would life be of any account in the eyes of men, if oblations 
from the bad were better received by the gods than oblations 
from the good; but he thought that the gods had most pleas- 
ure in the offerings of the most pious. He also used to quote, 
with approbation, | the verse, 


Κἀδ' δύναμιν δ᾽ ἔρδειν ἵερ᾽ ἀϑανάτοισι ϑεοῖσι, 
Perform sacrifices to the gods according to your ability, 


and used to say that it was a good exhortation to men, with 
regard to friends, and guests, and all other relations of life, to 
perform according to their ability. 

4, If any thing appeared to be intimated to him from the 
gods, he could no more have been persuaded to act contrary 


? Tleptépyove.]. Doing what was supesfuous; not adhering, as a 
sught, to what was prescribed by law. 
16* 


370 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK 1. 


to such intimation, than any one could have persuaded him 
to take for his guideon a journey a blind man, or one who 
did not know the way, instead of one who could see, and did 
know it; and he condemned the folly of others, who act con- 
trary to what is signified by the gods, through anxiety to 
avoid the ill opinion of men. As for himself, he undervalued 
every thing human, in comparison with counsel from the 
s.' 

5. He disciplined his mind and body by such a course of 
life, that he who should adopt a similar one, would, if no 
supernatural influence prevented, live in good spirits and un- 
interrupted health; nor would he ever be in want of the 
necessary expenses for it. So frugal was he, that I do not 
know whether any one could earn so little by the labor of 
his hands, as not to procure sufficient to have satisfied Soc- 
rates. He took only so much food as he could eat with a 
keen relish; and, to this end, he came to his meals’ so dis- 
posed that the appetite for his meat was the sauce to it. 
Every kind of drink was agreeable to him, because he never 
drank unless he was thirsty. 6. If he ever complied with an 
invitation to go to a feast, he very easily guarded, what is 
extremely difficult to most men, against loading his stomach 
to excess. Those who were unable to do so, he advised to be 
cautious of taking any thing that would stimulate them to eat 
when they were not hungry, and to drink when they were 
not thirsty; for he said that those were the things that dis- 
ordered the stomach, the head and the mind; 7. and he used 
to say, in jest, that he thought Circe transformed men into 
swine, by entertaining them with abundance of such luxuries, 
but that Ulysses, through the admonition of Mercury, and 
through being himself temperate, and forbearing to partake of 
such delicacies to excess, was in consequence not changed into 
a swine. 


* Schneider thinks that some clause is wanting here, to connect this 
paragraph with what follows. Kiihner supposes that Xenophon, in 
passing from the duties of men toward the gods to their duties toward 
themselves and their fellow-creatures, hardly thought any connecting 
observation necessary. 

3 Ἐπὲ τούτῳ οὕτω παρεσκευασμένος jet. | Kiihner prefers éx? τούτῳ, 
“on this account, with this view,” understanding ἐπὲ σῖτον with ἤει. 
Schneider has ἐπὲ τοῦτον, from a conjecture of Neiske. "Ex? τούτῳ is 
supported by almost all the manuscripts. 


PHAP, TL EXHORTATIONS TO SELF-CONTROL. 3871 


8. Such jests ho would utter on these subjects, but with an 
earnest meaning. As to loye, his counsel was to abstain 
rigidly from. familiarity with beautiful persons; for he ob- 
served that it was not easy to be in communication with such 
persons, and observe continence. Hearing, on one occasion, 
that Critobulus, the son of Criton, had kissed the son of Alci- 
biades,’ a handsome youth, he asked Xenophon, in the pres- 
ence of Critobulus, saying, “Tell me, Xenophon, did you not 
think that Critobulus was one of the modest rather than the 
forward, one of the thoughtful rather than of the thoughtless 
and inconsiderate ?” 9. “Certainly,” replied Xenophon. “You 
must now, then, think him extremely headstrong and daring; 
one who would even spring upon drawn swords, and leap into 
the fire.” 10, “And what,” said Xenophon, “have you seen 
him doing, that you form so unfavorable an opinion of him ?” 
“Why, has he not dared,” rejoined Socrates, “ to kiss the son 
of Alcibiades, a youth extremely handsome, and in the flower 
of his age?” “If such a deed,” returned Xenophon, “is one 
of daring and peril, I think that even I could undergo such 
peril.” 11, “Unhappy man!” exclaimed Socrates, “ and what 
do you think that you incur by kissing a handsome person? 
Do you not expect to become at once a slave instead of a free- 
man? To spend much money upon hurtful pleasures? To 
have too much occupation to attend to any thing honorable 
and profitable? And to be compelled to pursue what not 
even a madman would pursue?” 12. “ By Hercules,” said 
Xenophon, “what extraordinary power you represent to be 
in a kiss!” “Do you wonder at this?” rejoined Socrates; 
“are you not aware that the Tarantula,’ an insect not as large 


2 The various opinions of critics on this passage have been con- 
sidered by Cobet, Prosop. p. 59-69, who conjectures that we should 
read τὸν τοῦ ᾿Αξιόχου υἱόν, “the son of Axiochus,” named Clinias. 
Kiihner. i . 

2 Φαλάγγια.} Insects similar in form to scorpions or spiders, of which 
the most venomous and destructive are found .in Italy, and are called 
Tarantule, from Tarentum. Concerning the madness said to be caused 
by their bite, sensible men entertain doubts in the present pay. Weiske. 
The comparison of it to the, half obolus shows at once the shape and 
smallness of the insect.’ Schneider. Kircher; in his Musurgia, Sir Thomas 
Brown, Vulg. Err. Ὁ. iii. c. 28, and Boyle, in his treatise On Languid and 
Unheeded Motions, express belief in the effects ascribed to the bite of the 
Tarantula. Opinions unfavorable to the truth of the accounts respecting 
τῷ, may be found ia the Philosophical Transactions for 1672 and 1770, and 


372 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK L 


as half an obolus, by just touching a part of the body with his 
mouth, wears men down with pain, and deprives them of 
their senses?” “Yes, indeed,” said Xenophon, “but the 
Tarantula infuses something at the bitten part?” 13. “ And 
do you not think, foolish man,” rejoined Socrates, “that beauti- 
ful persons infuse something when they kiss, something which 
you do not see? Do you not know that the animal, which 
they call a handsome and a beautiful object, is so much more 
formidable than the Tarantula, as those insects instill something 
when they touch the body, but this creature, without even 
touching, but if a person only looks at it, though from a very 
great distance, instills something of such potency, as to drive 
people mad? Perhaps indeed Cupids are called archers for no 
other reason but because the beautiful wound from a distance. 
But I advise you, Xenophon, whenever you see any handsome 
person, to flee without looking behind you; and I recommend 
to you, Critobulus, to absent yourself from hence for a year, for 
perhaps you may in that time, though hardly indeed, be cured 
of your wound.” 

14. Thus he thought that those should act with regard to 
objects of love who were not secure against the attractions of 
such objects ; objects of such a nature, that if the body did not 
at all desire them, the mind would not contemplate them, and 
which, if the body did desire them, should cause us no trouble. 
For himself, he was evidently so disciplined with respect to such 
matters, that he could more easily keep aloof from the fairest 
and most blooming objects than others from the most deformed 
and unattractive. 

15. Such was the state of his feelings in regard to eating, 
drinking, and amorous gratification; and he believed that he 
himself, with self-restraint, would have no less pleasure from 
them, than those who took great trouble to pursue such grati- 
fications, and that he would suffer far less anxiety. 


in Swinburne’s Travels in the Two Sicilies. The popular opinion regard- 
ing it is now generally supposed to have arisen from impostures of tho 
lower class of people; no instance of any respectable person having 
died of the bite of the insect, or having beén made to dance by it, being 
known. 


CHAP. IV. DIALOGUE WITH ARISTODEMUS. 373 


CHAPTER IY. 


Socrates not only exhorted men to practice virtue, but led them to the prac- 
tice of it; his dialogue with Aristodemus, sect. 1, 2. Things formed for 
a purpose, must be the production, not of chance, but of reason, 3, 4. 
The human frame is a structure of great excellence, and admirably fitted 
for its eee ead and we must therefore suppose that man is the object 
of divine forethought, 5-7, The order of things throughout the universe 
shows that it is under the providence of a superior nature, 8, 9. The su- 
periority of man over the inferior animals proves that he is more immedi- 
ately under the eare of the higher powers, 10-14. The gods also give 
instruction to man as to his conduct, 15. That they care for man both 
individually and collectively is evident from various considerations, 15, 16. 
As the mind governs the body, so the ba of the gods governs the 
world, 17. If men therefore worship the gods rightly, they may feel per- 
suaded that the gods will be ready to aid them, 18, 19. 


1. Bur if any suppose that Socrates, as some write and 
speak of him on conjecture,’ was excellently qualified to ex- 
hort men to virtue, but incapable of leading them forward in 
it, let them consider not only what he said in refutation, by 

uestioning, of those who thought that they knew every thing 
ἐπυάθοις intended to check the progress of those disput- 
ants),” but what he used to say in his daily intercourse with 
his associates, and then form an opinion whether he was capa- 
ble of making those who conversed with him better. 2. I 
will first mention what I myself once heard him advance in a 
dialogue with Aristodemus, surnamed The Little,’ concerning 
the gods; for having heard that Aristodemus neither sacri- 
ficed to the gods, nor prayed to them, nor attended to augu- 
ries, but ridiculed those who regarded such matters, he said 
to him, “Tell me, Aristodemus, do you admire any men 
for their genius?” “I do,” replied he. “Tell us their 
names, then,” said Socrates. 3. “In epic poetry I most admire 


1 πεκμαιρόμενοι.Ἶ Forming conjectures from those men, who, after 
being under the instruction. of Socrates, fell into vice. Weiske. 

2 Κολαστηρίου ἕνεκα.) I have been obliged to paraphrase this expres- 
sion. Κολάζω was often used in the signification of “to restrain, check, 
or keep within bounds,” like the Latin castigare, as Liddell and Scott 
observe. “Xenophon seems to allude to the διάλογοι ἐριστικοὶ of Plato 
and the other disciples of Socrates, in which Socrates refutes the subtle- 
ties of the sophists.” Schneider. ἡ 

3 An Athenian whom Plato names in his Symposium, a constant δα» 
tor of Socrates, and a man of much austerity.” Schneider. : ; 


874 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK I. 


Homer, in dithyrambic Melanippides,* in tragedy Sephocles, 
in statuary Polycletus, in painting Zeuxis.” 4. “ And whether 
do those who form images without sense and motion, or those 
who form animals endowed with sense and vital energy, ap- 
pear to you the more worthy of admiration?” “Those who 
form animals, by Jupiter, for they are not produced by chance, 
but by understanding.” “And regarding things of which it 
is uncertain for what purpose they exist, and those evidently 
existing for some useful purpose, which of the two would you 
say were the productions of chance, and which of intelli- 
gence?” “Doubtless those which exist for some useful pur- 
pose must be the productions of intelligence.” 5. “ Does not 
he, then,” proceeded Socrates, “who made men at first, ap- 
pear to you to have given them, for some useful purpose, those 
parts by which they perceive different objects, the eyes to see 
what is to be seen, the ears to hear what is to be heard? 
What would be the use of smells, if no nostrils had been as- 
signed us? What perception would there have been of sweet 
and sour, and of all that is pleasant to the mouth, if a tongue 
had not been formed in it to have a sense of them? ὁ. In ad- 
dition to these things, does it not seem to you like the work 
of forethought, to guard the eye, since it is tender, with eyc- 
lids, like doors, which, when it is necessary to use the sight, 
are set open, but in sleep are closed? To make the eyelashes 
grow as a screen, that winds may not injure it? To make a cop- 
ing on the parts above the eyes with the eye-brows, that the 
perspiration from the head may not annoy them? To provide 
that the ears may receive all kinds of sounds, yet never be ob- 
structed? and that the front teeth in all animals may be 
adapted to cut, and the back teeth to receive food from them 
and grind it? To place the mouth, through which animals 
take in what they desire, near the eyes and the nose? and 
since what passes off from the stomach is offensive, to turn the 
channels of it away, and remove them as far as possible from 
the senses ?—can you doubt whether such a disposition of 
things, made thus apparently with attention, is the result of 
chance or of intelligence?” 7. “ No, indeed,” replied Aris- 
todemus, “ but to one who looks at those matters in this light, 

1 He flourished about B.c. 520. Another Melanippides, his grand 


son, lived about sixty years later, at the court of Perdiccas 11. of Mace 
donia. ; 


CHAP, IV. A RULING INTELLIGENCE. 875 


they appear like the work of some wise maker who studied the 
welfare of animals?” “And to have engendered in them a love 
of having offspring, and in mothers a desire to rear their pro- 
geny, and to have implanted in the young that are reared a de- 
sire of life, and the greatest dread of death?’ “ Assuredly 
these appear to be the contrivances of some one who designed 
that animals should continue to exist.” 

8. “And do you think that you yourself have any portion 
of intelligence?” “ Question me, at least, and I will answer.” * 
“ And can you suppose that nothing intelligent exists any 
where else? When you know that you have in your body 
but a small portion of the earth, which is vast, and a small 
portion of the water, which is vast, and that your fra.ne is 
constituted for you to receive only a small portion of each of 
other things, that are vast, do you think that you have 
seized for yourself, by some extraordinary good fortune, in- 
telligence alone which exists nowhere else, and that this 
assemblage of vast bodies, countless in number, is maintained 
in order by some thing void of reason?” 9. “ By Jupiter, J can 
hardly suppose that there is any ruling intelligence among 
that assemblage of bodies,’ for I do not see the directors, as I 
sec the agent of things which are done here.” “Nor do you 


1 Ἐρώτα γοῦν καὶ ἀποκρινοῦμαι. These words are wanting in many 
editions, though found, as Kiihner says, who has replaced them, in all 
the manuscripts. . “‘ As modesty prevented Aristodemus from expressly 
affirming, and a regard for truth kept him from exactly denying, that ho 
had any intelligence, he answers guardedly and ingeniously, ‘Question 
me and 1 will answer;’ and, when I answer, you will understand that I 
have in me some portion of intelligence.” Lange. ‘‘ Lange, therefore, 
thinks that Aristodemus did not wish his possession of intelligence to be 
concluded from the matter of his answer or answers, but from the mero 
fact of his answering; intimating that he who could give an answer to 
ἃ question must necessarily be possessed of intellect.” Kiihner. Zeuno 
gives this sense to the passage: “‘ Question me as to other things which 
necessarily follow from hence, and which you are accustomed to infer 
from premises of this kind, and you will find me prepared to answer 
you.” The true sense, however, seems to be, “ Question me, and judge 
from my answers whether I ought to be considered as possessed of 
intellect or not.” 

3 The words in italics are supplied according to the sense given 
to the passage by Kiihner, who observes that the expression “ By 
Jupiter,” Μὰ Aia, has reference to the first part of the question of 
Socrates, “can you suppose that nothing intelligent exists any whero 
else?” 


376 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. ΤΟ BOOK % 


see your own soul, which is the director of your body; so that, 
by like reasoning, you may say that you yourself do nothing 
with undestanding, but every thing by chance.” 

10. “ However, Socrates,” said Aristodemus, “I do not 
despise the gods, but consider them as too exalted to need my 
attention.” “ But,” said Socrates, “the more exalted they 
are, while they deign to attend to you, the more ought you to 
honor them.” 11. “Be assured,” replied Aristodemus, “ that if 
I believed the gods took any thought for men, I would not 
neglect them.” “Do you not, then, believe that the gods 
take thought for men? the gods who, in the first. place, have 
made man alone, of all animals, upright (which uprightness 
enables him to look forward to a greater distance, and to con- 
template better what is above, and renders those parts less 
liable to injury in which’ the gods have placed the eyes, and 
ears, and mouth); and, in the next place, have given to other 
animals only feet, which merely give them the capacity of 
walking, while to men they have added hands, which execute 
most of those things through which we are better off than 
they. 12. And though all animals have tongues, they have 
made that of man alone of such a nature, as by touching 
sometimes one part of the mouth, and sometimes another, to 
express articulate sounds, and to signify every thing that we 
wish to communicate one to another. Do you not see too, that 
to other animals they have so given the pleasures of sexual in- 
tercourse as to limit them to a certain season of the year, but 
that they allow them to us uninterruptedly till extreme old 
age? 13. Nor did it satisfy the gods to take care of the body 
merely, but, what is most important of all, they implanted 
in him the soul, his most excellent part. For what other 
animal has a soul to understand, first of all, that the gods, 
who have arranged such a vast and noble order of things, 
exist? What other species of animal, besides man, offers 
worship to the gods? What other animal has a mind better 
fitted than that of man, to guard against hunger or thirst, or 
cold or heat, or to relieve disease, or to acquire strength by 
exercise, or to labor to obtain knowledge; or more capable 
of remembering whatever it has heard, or seen, or learned ? 
14. 15 it not clearly evident to you, that in comparison with 


> This passage admitted of no satisfactory interpretation till Kuhner 
substituted οἷς for καί. 


CHAP. IV. A SUPERINTENDING PROVIDENCE. 377 


other animals, men live like gods, excelling them by nature, 
both in body and mind? For an animal, having the body of 
an ox, and the understanding of a man, would be unable to 
execute what it might meditate; and animals which have 
hands,’ but are without reason, have no advantage over others; 
and do you, who share both these excellent endowments, think 
that the gods take no thought for you? What then must they 
do, before you will think that they take thought for you?” 
15. “I will think so,” observed Aristodemus, “when they 
send me, as you say that they send to you, monitors, to show 
what I ought, and what I ought not, to do.” “But when 
they send admonitions to the Athenians, on consulting them 
by divination, do you not thing that they admonish you also? 
Or when they give warnings to the Greeks by sending por- 
tents, or when they give them to the whole human race, 
do they except you alone from the whole, and utterly neglect 
you? 16. Do you suppose, too, that the gods would have en- 
gendered a persuasion in men that they are able to benefit or 
injure them, unless they were really able to do so, and that 
men, if they had been thus perpetually deluded, would not 
have become sensible of the delusion? Do you not see that 
the oldest and wisest of human communities, the oldest and 
wisest cities and nations, are the most respectful to the gods, 
and that the wisest age of man is the most observant of their 
worship? 17. Consider also, my good youth,” continued 
Socrates, “that your mind, existing within your body, directs 
your body as it pleases; and it becomes you therefore to 
believe that the intelligence pervading all things directs all 
things as may be agreeable to it, and not te think that while 
your eye can extend its sight over many furlongs, that of 
the divinity* is unable to see all things at once, or that while 
your mind can think of things here, or things in Egypt or 
Sicily, the mind of the deity 1s incapable of regarding every 


' Apes have hands resembling those of men, but are not on that ac. 
count equal to men in ability. Schneider. 

2 "AAD, ὅταν τι ποιήσωσι, νομιεῖς αὐτοὺς σοῦ φροντίζειν ;] “ But when 
they have done what, will you think that they care for you?” 

3 Τοῦ ϑεοῦ.] Xenophon sometimes makes Socrates use the singular, 
ὁ ϑεὸς, in speaking of the gods. But it is not hence to be inferred that 
he insinuated that there was only one god; for the Greeks frequently 
used the singular when they might have been expected te uso the plural. 
Compare iv. 3. 14, 


378 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK 1. 


thing at the same time. 18. If, however, 2s you discover, 
by paying court to men, those who are willing to pay court 
to you in return, and, by doing favors to men, those who are 
willing to return your favors, and as, by asking counsel of 
men, you discover who are wise, you should, in like manner, 
make trial of the gods by offering worship to them, whether 
they will advise you concerning matters hidden from man, you 
will then find that the divinity is of such power, and of such a 
nature, as to see all things and hear all things at once, to be 
present every where, and to have a care for all things at the 
same time. 

19. By delivering such sentiments, Socrates seems to me to 
have led his associates to refrain from what was impious, or 
unjust, or dishonorable, not merely when they were seen by 
men, but when they were in solitude, since they would conceive 
that nothing that they did would escape the knowledge of the 





CHAPTER V. 


Temperance and self-control recommended: he that is destitute of tempe- 
rance can be profitable or agreeable neither to himself nor others, sect. 1-4. 
Without temperance nothing can be learned or done with due effect, 5. 
Bone not only enco to temperance by precept, but by his ex- 
ample, 6. 


1. Ir temperance, moreover, be an honorable and valuable 
quality in a man, let us consider whether he at all promoted 
its observance by reflections of the following kind concern- 
ing it. “Tf, my friends, when a war was coming upon us, 
we should wish to choose a man by whose exertions we might 
ourselves be preserved, and might gain the mastery over our 
enemies, should we select one whom we knew to be unable 
to resist gluttony, or wine, or sensuality, or fatigue, or sleep ? 
How could we think that such a man would either serve us, 
or conquer our adversaries? 2. Or if, being at the close of 
life, we should wish to commit to any one the guardianship 
of our sons, or the care of our unmarried daughters, or the 
preservation of our property, should we think an intemperate 
man worthy of confidence for such purposes? Should we in- 


CHAP. V. VALUE OF TEMPERANCE. 879 


trust to an intemperate slave our herds, our granaries, or the 
superintendence of our agriculture? Should we be willing to 
accept such a slave as an agent, or purveyor, even for nothing? 
3. But if we would not even accept an intemperate slave, how 
can it be otherwise than important for every man to take care 
that he himself does not become such a character? For the 
intemperate man is not injurious to his neighbor and pro- 
fitable to himself (like the avaricious, who, by despoiling 
others of their property, seem to enrich themselves), but, 
while he is mischievous to others, is still more mischievous to 
himself, for it is, indeed, mischievous in the highest degree, 
to ruin not only his family, but his body and mind. 4. In 
society, too, who could find pleasure in the company of such a 
man, who, he would be aware, felt more delight in eating and 
drinking than in intercourse with his friends, and preferred 
the company cf harlots to that of his fellows? Is it not the 
duty of every man to consider that temperance is the founda- 
tion of every virtue, and to establish the observance of it in 
his mind before all things? 5, For who, without it, can either 
learn any thing good, or sufficiently practice it? Who, that is 
a slave to pleasure, is not in an ill condition both as to his 
body and his mind? It appears to me, by Juno,’ that a free- 
man ought to pray that he may never meet with a slave of 
such a character, and that he who is a slave to pleasure should 
pray to the gods that he may find well-disposed masters; for 
by such means only can a man of that sort be saved.” 

6. While such were the remarks that he made, he proved 
himself more a friend to temperance by his life than by his 
words; for he was not only superior to all corporeal pleasures, 
but also to those attendant on the acquisition of money; 
thinking that he who received money from any one,* set up a 
master over himself, and submitted to a slavery as disgraceful 
as any that could be. 


1 Νὴ τὴν “Hpav.] This mode of swearing, which was commonly used 
by women, was very frequently adopted by Socrates. See below, iii. 
10. 9; 11.5; iv. 2. 9; 4. 8; (icon. x. 1; Plato, Pheedr. p. 230, B. 
Kiihner. 

2 παρὰ τοῦ τυχόντος. From any one that happened to present him- 
self; from any one indiscriminately. 


380 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. “BOOK 1: 


CITAPTER VI. 


Three dialogues of Socrates with Antipho. I. Antipho ridicules the poventy 
and frugality of Socrates, and his forbearance to receive pay for his in- 
structions, sect. 1-3 ; Socrates ce to that, by not receiving remuneration, 
he is more at liberty to choose his audie 5; that there are various 
advantages attendant on plainness of diet an 6, 7; that the fragal 

’ man has the advantage over the man of pleasure in facilities for self-im- 
al pmo for doing his duty to his country, and for securing general 

ppiness, 8-10. 11. Antipho asserts that Socrates might be a just man, 
but was by no means wise, in accepting no payment, 11, 12; Socrates 
replies that to sell wisdom is to degrade it, and that more good is gained 
by the acquisition of friends than of money, 13, 14. ΠῚ. Antipho asks 
why, when he trained others to manage public affairs, he took 
no part in public affairs himself; Socrates replies that he was of more 
service to his country by training many to govern it, than he could have 
been by giving his single aid in the government of it, 15. 


1. It is due to Socrates, also, not to omit the dialogues 
which he held with Antipho the sophist. Antipho, on one 
occasion, wishing to draw away his associates from him, came 
up to Socrates when they were present, and said, 2. “I 
thought, Socrates, that those who studied philosophy were to~ 
become happier than other men; but you seem to have reaped 
from philosophy fruits of an opposite kind; at least you live 
in a way in which no slave would continue to live with his 
master; you cat food, and drink drink, of the worst kind; 
you wear a dress, not only bad, but the same both summer 
and winter, and you continue shoeless and coatless.’ 3. Money, 
which cheers men when they receive it, and enables those 
who possess it to live more generously and pleasantly, you. do 
not take; and if, therefore, as teachers in other professions 
make their pupils imitate themselves, you also shall produce a 
similar effect on your followers, you must consider yourself 
but a teacher of wretchedness.” 4. Socrates, in reply to these 


1 "Avurddytic te καὶ ἀχίτων] On the ἀνυποδησίᾳ of Socrates, see 
orster on Plato Phzedon. p. 64, D.; and the commentators on Aristoph. 
Nub. 103; 362, and on Plato Phedr. p. 229, A. Kiihner. By ἀχίτων 
is not to be understood that Socrates had covered his bare body only 
with his cloak, but that he wore only the inner tunic, ὑπενδύτης, not 
having the upper, ἐπενδύτης, which they called the tunic κατ᾽ εξοχήν, 
terming those who were without it dyitwvac, as Salmasius has fully 
shown, and Tertullian, de Pallio, p. 70, seg. and 400, seg. Ernest. 


cHar. vi. HUIS ABSTINENCE AND INDEPENDENCE. 3581. 


remarks, said, “ You seem to me, Antipho, to have conceived 
a notion that I live so wretchedly, that I feel persuaded you 
yourself would rather choose to die than pass your life as I 
pass mine. Let us then consider what it is that you find dis~ 
agreeable in my mode of life. 5. Is it that while others, who 
receive money, must perform the service for which they re- 
ceive it, while I, who receive none, am under no necessity to 
discourse with any one that I do not like? Or do you despise 
my way of living, on the supposition that I eat less whole- 
some or less strengthening food than yourself? Or is it that 
my diet is more difficult to procure than yours, as being more 
rare and expensive? Or is it that what you procure for 
yourself is more agreeable to you than what I provide for 
myself is to me? Do you not know that he who eats with 
the most pleasure is he who less requires sauce, and that he 
who drinks with the greatest pleasure is he who least desires 
other drink than that which he has? 6. You know that. those 
who change their clothes, change them because of cold and 
heat, and that men put on sandals that they may not be pre- 
vented from walking through annoyances to the feet; but 
have you ever observed me remaining at home, on account of 
cold, more than any other man, or fighting with any one for 
shade because of heat, or not walking wherever I please be- 
cause my feet suffer? 7. Do you not know that those who 
are by nature the weakest, become, by exercising their bodies, 
stronger in those things in which they exercise them, than 
those who neglect them, and béar the fatigue of exercise with 
greater case? And do you not think that I, who am con- 
stantly preparing my body by exercise to endure whatever 
may happen to it, bear every thing more easily than you who 
take no exercise? 8. And to prevent me from being a slave 
to gluttony, or sleep, or other animal gratifications, can you 
imagine any causé more efficient than having other objects of 
attention tore attractive than they, which not only afford 
pleasure in the moment of enjoying them, but give hopes that 
they will benefit me perpetually? You are aware of this also, 
that those who think themselves successful in, nothing, are far 
from being cheerful, but that those who regard their agricul- 
ture, their seamanship, or whatever other occupation they 
pursue, as going on favorably for them, are delighted as with 
present success? 9. But do you think that from all these 


882 WEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK & 


gratifications so much pleasure can arise as from the con- 
sciousness that you are growing better yourself, and are acquir- 
ing more valuable friends? Such is the consciousness, then, 
which I continue to enjoy. 

“ But if there should be occasion to assist our friends or our 
country, which of the two would have most leisure to attend 
to such objects, he who lives as I live now, or he who lives, 
as you think, in happiness? Which of the two would most 
readily seek the field of battle, he who can not exist without 
expensive dishes, or he who is content with whatever. comes 
before him? Which of the two would sooner be reduced by 
a siege, he who requires what is most difficult to be found, or 
he who is fully content with what is easiest to be met with? 
10. You, Antipho, seem to think that happiness consists in 
luxury and extravagance; but I think that to want nothing 
is to resemble the gods, and that to want as little as possible 
is to make the nearest approach to the gods; that the Divine 
nature is perfection, and that to be nearest to the Divine nature 
is to be nearest to perfection.” 

11. On another occasion, Antipho, in a conversation with 
Socrates, said,“ I consider you indeed to be a just man, Soc 
tates, but by no means a wise one; and you appear to me 
yourself to be conscious of this; for you ask money from no 
one for the privilege of associating with you; although, if you 
considered a garment of yours, or a house, or any other thing 
that you possess, to be worth money, you would not only not 
give it to any body for nothing, but you would not take less 
than its full value for it. 12. It is evident, therefore, that if 
you thought your: conversation to be worth any thing, you 
would demand for it no less remuneration than itis worth. 
You may, accordingly, be a just man, because you deceive 
nobody from covetousness, but wise you can not be, as you 
have no knowledge that is of any value.” 13. Socrates, in 
reply, said, “It is believed’ among us, Antipho, that it is 
possible to dispose of beauty, or of wisdom, alike honorably 
or dishonorably ;* for:if a person sells his beauty for money 


2 Νομίζεται τὴν ὥραν ‘kal’ τὴν σοφίαν ὁμοίως μὲν καλὸν, ὁμοίως δὲ 
αἱσχρὸν διατίϑεσϑαι eivat.] The sense seems to be, that it is alike hono- 
rable or dishonorable to dispose of beauty (in a certain way) and to dis- 
pose of wisdom (in a certain way): 4. 6., that there is a certain way of 
aisposing of beauty honorably, and a certain way of disposing of it dis- 


CHAP. να PREFERS FRIENDSHIP TO MONEY. 383 


to any one that wishes to purchase, men call him a male pros- 
titute; but if any one makes a friend of a person whom he 
knows to be an honorable and worthy admirer, we regard 
him as prudent: and, in like manner, those who sell their 
wisdom for money, to any that will buy, men call sophists, 
or, as it were, prostituters of wisdom; but whoever makes a 
friend of a person whom he knows to be deserving, by teach- 
ing him all the good that he knows, we consider him to act the 
part which becomes an honorable and good citizen. 14, 
As any other man, therefore, Antipho, takes delight in a good 
horse, or dog, or bird, so I, to a still greater degree, take de- 
light in valuable friends; and, if I know any thing good, I 
communicate it to them, and recommend them, also, to any 
other teachers by whom I conceive that they will be at all 
advanced in virtue. The treasures, too, of the wise men of 
old, which they have left written in books, I turn over and 
peruse in company with my friends, and if we find any thing 
good in them, we remark it, and think it a great gain, if we 
thus become more attached’ to one another.” To me, who 
heard him utter these sentiments, Socrates appeared to be both 
happy himself, and to lead those that listened to him to honor 
and virtue. 

15. Again, when Antipho asked him how he imagined that 
he could make men skillful statesmen, when he himself took 
no part in state affairs, if indeed he knew any thing of them, 
“In which of the two ways,” said he, “ Antipho, should I 
better promote the management of affairs; if I myself engage 
in them alone, or if I make it my care that as many as possi- 
ble may be qualified to engage in them ?” 


honorably, and that the same is the case with regard to wisdom, or talent. 
My translation is much the same as the Latin of Schneider. Apud nos 
existimatur eodem modo posse aliquem et forma et sapientid vel honest? vel 
turpiter uti. ; ΄ 

1 Φζλοι γιγυώμεϑα.] For φίλοι Ernesti substituted from one manu- 
script ὠφέλιμοι, which Kihner stigmatizes as “apertum glossema,” and 
restores the old φίλοι, with the comment, “Si nos jam antea amicitize 
vineulis constricti, etiam horum studiorum communione cari ac dilecti 
fiamus.” I have rendered φίλοι by the comparative degree, but think 
Ernesti’s correction far more eligible. 


884 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK I. 


CHAPTER VIL 


Dissuasions from ostentation. Ile that desires to be distinguished, should 
endeavor to be what he weuld wish to seem. He that pretends to be 
what he is not, exposes himself to great inconvenience and ridicule, and 
may bring disgrace and detriment on his country. 


1. Ler us consider also, whether, by dissuading his followers 
from ostentation he excited them to-pursue vitrtue. He always 
used to say that there was no better road to honorable distine- 
tion, than that by which a person should become excellent in 
that in which he wished ‘to appear excellent. : 

2. That he said what was just, he used to prove by the fol- 
lowing arguments. “Let us consider,” he would say, “what a 
person must do, if, not being a good flute-player, he should 
wish to appear so? Must he not imitate good flute-players 
in the adjuncts of their art? In the first place, as flute-players 
procure fine dresses, and go about with a great number of 
attendants, he must act in a similar manner; and as many 
ne applaud them, he must get many to applaud him; yet 

e must never attempt to play, or he will at once be shown to 
be ridiculous, and not only a bad flute-player, but a vain 
boaster. Thus, after having been at great expense without 
the least benefit, and having, in addition, incurred evil repute, 
how will he live otherwise than in uneasiness, unprofitableness, 
and derision ? : 

3. “In like manner, if any one should wish to be thought a 
good general, or a good steersman of a ship, without being so, 
let us reflect what would be his success. If, when he longed 
to seem capable of performing the duties of those characters, 
he should be unable to persuade others of his capability, 
would not this be a trouble to him? and, if he should per- 
suade them of it, would it not be still more unfortunate for 
him? For it is evident that he who is appointed to steer a 
vessel, or to lead an army, without having the ne 
knowledge, would be likely to destroy those’ whom he would 
not wish to destroy, and would come off himself with disgrace 
and suffering.” 

4. By similar examples he showed that it was of no profit 


1 His friends, and such as he would wish to applauc him 


CHAP. L CONVERSATION WITH ARISTIPPUS. 385 


for a man to appear rich, or valiant, or strong, without being 
so; for he said that demands were made upon such persons 
too great for their ability, and that, not being able to comply 
with them, when they seemed to be able, they met with no in- 
dulgence. 

5. He called him, also, no small impostor, who, obtaining 
money or furniture from his neighbor by persuasion, should 
defraud him; but pronounced him the greatest of all impos- 
ters, who, possessed of no valuable qualifications, should deceive 
men by representing himself capable of governing his country. 
To me he appeared, by discoursing in this manner, to deter 
his associates from vain boasting. 





BOOK IL. 


CHAPTER I 


Socrates, suspecting that Aristippus, a man of pleasure, was aspiring to a 
place in ie ρας βουνοῖς ὑπ ταλα πο him that temperance is a cooendal 
qualification in a statesman, sect. 1-7. But as Aristippus says that he 
looked only to a life of leisure and tranquil enjoyment, Socrates introduces 

the question, whether those who govern, or those who are governed, live 

the ἀρῶν» life, 8-10. Aristippus signifies that he wished neither to 
govern nor to be governed, but to enjoy liberty ; and Socrates shows that 
such liberty as he desired is inconsistent with the nature of human soci- 
ety, 11-13. Aristippus still adhering to his own views, and declaring his 
intention not to remain in ay one country, but to visit and sojourn in 
many, Socrates shows him the ers of such a mode of life, 14-16. But 
as Aristippus proceeds to accuse those of folly who prefer a life of toil in 
the affairs of government to a life of ease, Socrates shows the difference 
between those who labor voluntarily, and those who labor from compul- 
sion, and observes that nothing good is given to mortals without labor, 
17-20; in illustration of which remark he relates the fable of Prodicus, 
Tue Cuorce or Hercurzs, 21-34 


1. He appeared also to me, by such discourses as the fol- 
lowing, to exhort his hearers to practice temperance in their 
desires for food, drink, sensual gratification, and sleep, and 
endurance of cold, heat, and labor. But finding that one of 
his associates was too intemperately disposed with regard to 
such matters, he said to him, “Tell me, Aristippus,’ if it were 


? Aristippus of Cyrene, the founder of the Cyrenaic sect of philosophers, 
VOL. 1 17 


386 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK IL 


equired of you to take two of our youths and educate them, 
the one in such a manner that he would be qualified to 
govern, and the other in such a manner that he would never 
seek to govern, how would you train them respectively ? 
Will you allow us to consider the matter by commencing with 
their food, as with the first principles?” “Food, indeed,” re- 
plied Aristippus, “appears to me one of the first principles; 
for a person could not even live if he were not to take food.” 
2. “It will be natural for them both, then,” said Socrates, 
“to desire to partake of fool when a certain hour comes.” 
“Tt will be natural,” said Aristippus. “And which of the 
two, then,” said Socrates, “should we accustom to prefer the 
discharge of any urgent business to the gratification of his 
appetite?” “The one, undoubtedly,” rejoined Aristippus, 
“who is trained to rule, that the business of the state may 
not be neglected during his administration.” “And on the 
same person,” continued Socrates, “we must, when they 
desire to drink, impose the duty of being able to endure 
thirst?” “Assuredly,” replied Aristippus. 3. “And on 
which of the two should we lay the necessity of being tem- 
perate in sleep, so as to be able to go to rest late, to rise early, 
or to remain awake if it should be necessary?” “Upon the 
same, doubtless. “And on which of the two should we im- 
pose the obligation to control his sensual appetites, that he 
may not be hindered by their influence from discharging 
whatever duty may be required of him?” “Upon the same.” 
“ And on which of the two should we enjoin the duty of not 
shrinking from labor, but willingly submitting to it?’ “This 
also, is to be enjoined on him who is trained to rule.” “And 
to which of the two would it more properly belong to acquire 
whatever knowledge would assist him to secure the mastery 
over his rivals?’ “Far more, doubtless, to him who is 
trained to govern, for without such sort of acquirements there 
would be no profit in any of his other qualifications.” 4. “A 
man, then, who is thus instructed, would appear to you less 
liable to be surprised by his enemies, than other avimals, of 
which some, we know, are caught by their greediness; and 
others, though very shy, are yet attracted to the bait by their 
desire to swallow it, and consequently taken; while others 


who thought pleasure the greatest good, and pain the greatest evil. Soe 
Ὁ. iii. ch. 8, 


cuar.m. | CONVERSATION WITH ARISTIPPUS. 387 


also arc entrapped by drink.” “Indisputably,” replied Aris- 
tippus. “Are not others, too, caught through their salacious- 
ness, as quails and partridges, which, being attracted to the 
call of the female by desire and hope of enjoyment, and losing 
all consideration of danger, fall into traps?” To this Aris- 
tippus expressed his assent. 5. “ Does it not then,” proceeded 
Socrates, “appear to you shameful for a man to yield to the 
same ‘influence as the most senseless of animals; as adulterers, 
for instance, knowing that the adulterer is in danger of suffer- 
ing what the law threatens, and of being watched, and dis- 
graced if caught, yet enter into closets; and, though there 
are such dangers and dishonors hanging over the intriguer, 
and so many occupations that will free him from the desire of 
sensual gratification, does it not seem to you the part of one 
tormented with an evil genius, to run, nevertheless, into im- 
minent peril?” “Tt does not seem so to me,” said Aristippus. 
6. “And since the greater part of the most necessary employ- 
ments of life, such as those of war and agriculture, and not a 
few others, are to be carried on in the open air, does it not 
appear to you to show great negligence, that the majority of 
mankind should be wholy unexercised to bear cold and heat ?” 
Aristippus replied in the affirmative. “Does it not then 
appear to you that we ought to train him who is intended to 
rule, to bear these inconveniences also without difficulty ?” 
“Doubtless,” answered Aristippus. 7. “If, therefore, we class 
those capable of enduring these things among those who are 
qualified to govern, shall we not class such as are incapable 
of enduring them among those who will not even aspire to 
govern ?” - Aristippus expressed his assent. “In conclusion, 
then, since you know the position of each of these classes of 
men, have you ever considered in which of them you can 
reasonably place yourself?” 8. “I have indeed,” said Aris- 
tippus, “and I by no means place myself in the class of 
those desiring to rule; for it appears to me that, when it is a 
task of great difficulty to procure necessaries for one’s self, it 
is the mark of a very foolish man not to be satisfied with that 
occupation,’ but to add to it the labor of procuring for his 
fellow-countrymen whatever they need. And is it not the 


Δ Μὴ ἀρκεῖν τοῦτοι] That is, τόῦτο μὴ ἀρκεῖν αὐτῷ, “that that 
‘oc¢upation should not be sufficient for him;” should not content 
him. 


388 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. ΒΟΟΚ IL 


greatest folly in him, that while many things which he desires 
are out of his reach, he should, by setting himself at the head 
of the state, subject himself, if he does not accomplish all that 
the people desire, to be punished for his failure? 9. For the 
people think it right to use their governors as I use my 
slaves; for I require my slaves to supply me with the neces- 
series of life in abundance, but to take no part of them them- 
selves; and the people think it the duty of their governors 
to supply them with as many enjoyments as possible, but 
themselves to abstain from all of them. Those, therefore, who 
wish to have much trouble themselves, and to give trouble 
to others,’ I would train in this manner, and rank among those 
qualified to govern; but myself I would number with those 
who wish to pass their lives in the greatest possible ease and 
pleasure.” 

10. Socrates then said, “ W2!l you allow us to consider this 
point also, whether the gevernors or the governed live with 
the greater pleasure?’ “By all means,” said Aristippus. 
“Tn the first place, then, of the nations of which we have any 
knowledge, the Persians bear rule in Asia, and the Syrians, 
Phrygians, and Lydians are under subjection; the Scythians 
govern in Europe, and the Mzotians’ are held in subjection; 
the Carthaginians rule in Africa, and the Libyans are under 
subjection. Which of these do you regard as living with the 

ater pleasure? Or among the Greeks, of whom you your- 
self are, which of the two appear to you to live more happily, 
those who rule, or those who are in subjection?” 11. “ Yet, 
on the other hand,” said Aristippus, “I do not consign 
myself to slavery; but there appears to me to be a certain 
middle path between the two, in which I endeavor to pro- 


! He that holds the reins of government, must not only undergo much 
toil and trouble himself, but must also enjoin many tasks and duties on 
others, and incite them to exertion and industry. * * * With this 
passage of Xenophon may aptly be compared what the Corinthians say 
of the Athenians in Thucydides, i. 70; “If any one should say, in a 
word, that they are formed by nature neither to enjoy quiet them- 
selves, nor to suffer others to enjoy it, he would speak of them rightly.” 
Kiihner. 

2 The people bordering on the lake Mzotis, which was in Sarmatia 
Europza, and is now called the Sea of Azov. Kiihmner. 

3 Ad.] Compare sect. 8, where Aristippus says that he does not rank 
himself among those who wish to rule; here he states that, on the ot 
hand, he does not wish to be a slave. 


CHAP. I. INCLINATIONS OF ARISTIPPUS. 889 


ceed, and which leads, not through slavery, but through 
liberty, a path that most surely conducts to happiness.” 12. 
“Tf this path of yours, indeed,” said Socrates, “as it lies 
neither through sovereignty nor servitude, did not also lie 
through human society, what you say would perhaps be worth 
consideration ; but if, while living among mankind, you shall 
neither think proper to rule nor to be ruled, and shall not will- 
ingly pay respect to those in power, I think that you will see 
that the stronger know how to treat the weaker as slaves, mak- 
ing them to lament both publicly and privately. 18. Do those 
escape your knowledge who fell and destroy the corn and trees 
of others that have sown and planted them, and who assail in 
every way such as are inferior to them, and are unwilling to flat- 
ter them, until they prevail on them to prefer slavery to 
carrying on war against their superiors? In private life, too, 
do you not see that the spirited and strong enslave the timor- 
ous and weak, and enjoy the fruits of their labors?” “But 
for my part,” answered Aristippus, “in order that I may not 
sufier such treatment, I shall not shut myself up in any one 
state, but shall be a traveler every where.” 14. “ Doubtless,” 
rejoined Socrates, “this is an admirable plan that you pro- 
pose; for since Sinnis, and Sciron, and Procrustes’ were 
killed, nobody injures travelers. Yet those who manage 
the government in their several countries, even now make 
laws, in order that they may not be injured, and attach to 
themselves, in addition to such as are called their necessary 
connections, other supporters; they also surround their cities 
with ramparts, and procure weapons with which they may 
repel aggressors, securing, besides all these means of defense, 
other allies from abroad; and yet those who have provided 
themselves with all these bulwarks, nevertheless suffer injury; 
15. and do you, having no protection of. the sort, spending a 
long time on roads on which a very great number are out- 
raged, weaker than all the inhabitants of whatever city you 
may arrive at, and being such a character’ as those who are 


1 Celebrated robbers, put to death by Theseus. This is a pleasant 
irony, says Weiske, in the remark of Socrates: though Sinnis, Sciron, 
and Procrustes no longer rob on the highways, yet there is no lack of 
successors to them. 

2 A person without any settled abode, without friends or supporters; 
not under the protection of any particular state, but wandering from 
one state to another. Kithner. 


890 “MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK If 


eager to commit violence most readily attack, think, never 
theless, that you will not be wronged because you are a 
stranger? Or are you without fear, because these cities pro- 
claim safety to any one arriving or departing? Or because 
you think that you would prove a slave of such a character as 
would ‘profit no master, for who, you perhaps ask yourself, 
would wish to keep in his house a man not at all disposed to 
labor, and delighting in the most expensive fare? 16. But 
let us consider how masters treat slaves of such a sort. Do 
they not tame down their fondness for dainties by hunger? 
Do they not hinder them from stealing by excluding them 
from every place from whence they may take any thing? Do 
they not prevent them from running away by putting fetters 
on them? Do they not overcome their laziness with stripes ? 
Or how do you yourself act, when you find any one of your 
slaves to be of such a disposition?” 17. “I chastise him,” 
said Aristippus, “with every kind of punishment, until I 
compel him to serve me. But how do those, Socrates, who 
are trained to the art: of ruling, which you seem to me to con- 
sider as happiness, differ from those who undergo hardships 
from -necessity, since they will have (though it be with 
their own consent) to endure hunger, and thirst, and cold, and 
want of sleep, and suffer all other inconveniences of the same 
kind? +18. For I, for my own part, do not know what differ- 
ence it makes to a man who is scourged on the same skin, 
whether it be voluntarily or involuntarily, or, in short, to one 
who suffers with the same body in all such points, whether he 
suffer with his consent or against it, except that folly is to be 
attributed to him who endures troubles voluntarily.” “ What 
then, Aristippus,” said Socrates, “do not voluntary endur- 
ances of this kind seem to you to differ from the involuntary, 
inasmuch’ as he who is ‘hungry from choice may eat when 
he pleases; and he who is thirsty from choice may drink when 
he ‘pleases, the same being the case with regard to other 
voluntary sufferings, while he who endures such hardships 
from necessity has no. liberty to relieve himself from them 
when he wishes? Besides, he who undergoes trouble will- 
ingly, is cheered in undergoing it with some expectation of 
good, as the hunters of wild animals bear fatigue with pleas- 
ure in the hope of capturing them. 19. And such rewards 
of toil are indeed but of small worth; but as for those who, 


CHAP. I. SEDUCTIONS OF PLEASURE. 391 


toil that they may acquire valuable friends, or that they may 
subdue their enemies, or they may, by becoming vigorous in 
body and mind, manage their own household judiciously, and 
be of service to their friends and of advantage to their coun- 
try, how can you think that they labor for such objects 
otherwise than cheerfully, or that they do not live in happi- 
ness, esteeming themselves, and being praised and envied by 
others? 20. But indolence, moreover, and pleasures enjoyed 
at the moment of desire," are neither capable of producing a 
good constitution of body, as the teachers of gymnastic exer- 
cises say, nor do they bring to the mind any knowledge wor- 
thy of consideration ;* but exercises pursued with persevering 
labor lead men to the attainment of honorable and valuable 
objects, as worthy men inform us; and Hesiod somewhere 
says, - 
Vice it is possible to find in abundance and with ease; for the way 
to it is smooth, and lies very near. But before the temple of Virtue . 
the im~.ortal gods have placed labor, and the way to it is long and 
steep, and at the commencement rough; but when the traveler 
has arrived at the summit, it then becomes easy, however difficult 
it was at first.? 
A sentiment to which Epicharmus gives his testimony in this 
verse, 


The gods for labor sell us all good things; 





1 Ex τοῦ παραχρῆμα ἡδοναί.} The interpretation of this phrase given 
in the text is that which is adopted by Kuhner: Voluptaies ejusmodi, 
quas, ubt concupiveris, statim, utpote sine ullo labore parabiles, percipere 
liceat ; an interpretation taken from Ernesti. But the expression often 
seems to signify nothing more than what we mean by “present pleas- 
ures;” as in Cyrop. i. 5. 9; ii. 2. 24; so Schneider understands eas 
voluptates que statim percipiuntur, et quarum usus breve tempus durat, with 
Heindorf. ad Plat. Protag. p. 353. 

2 "Excotiuny ἀξιόλογον οὐδεμίαν.} ᾿Αξιόλογον is very properly added; 
for it can not be said that αἱ παραυτίκα ἡδοναὶ convey no knowledge to 
the mind; for who can deny that from listening to music, contemplating 
pictures, and other pleasures of that kind, some knowledge may be gain- 
ed? Kithner. 

3 Choose Sin, by troops she shall beside thee stand ; 
Smooth is the track, her mansion is at hand: 
Where Virtue dwells the gods have placed before 
The dropping sweat that springs from every pore; 
And ere the foot can reach her high abode, 
Long, rugged, steep th’ ascent, and rough the road: 
The ridge once gain’d, the path so hard of late 
Runs easy on, and level to the gate. Elton. 


892 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK Il, 
and in another place he says, 


O wretched mortal, desire not what is soft, lest you find what is 
hard. 


21. Prodicus the sophist,’ also, in his narrative concerning Her- 
cules,’ which indeed he declaims to most people as a specimen 
of his ability, expresses a similar notion respecting virtue, 
speaking, as far as I remember, to the following effect : For 
he says that Hercules, when he was advancing from boyhood 
to manhood, a period at which the young, becoming their own 
masters, begin to give intimations whether they will enter on 
life by the path of virtue or that of vice, went forth into a 
solitary place, and sat down, perplexed as to which of these 
two paths he should pursue; 22. and that two female figures, 
of lofty stature, seemed to advance toward him, the one of 
an engaging and graceful mien, gifted by nature with elegance 
of form, modesty of look, and sobriety of demeanor,’ and 
clad in a white robe; the other fed to plumpness and softness, 
but assisted by art both in her complexion, so as to seem 
fairer and rosier than she really was, and in her gesture, so 
as to seem taller than her natural height; she had her eyes 
wide open,* and a robe through which her beauty would 
readily show itself; she frequently contemplated her fizure, 
and looked about to see if any one else was observing her ; 
and she frequently glanced back at her own shadow. 23. As 


1 Ἢ σοφός. Sturz and others consider σοφός, in this passage, to be the 
yame as σοφιστὴς; but there seems no particular reason why it should 
aot be rendered the wise. “On Prodicus, the famous sophist of Ceos, 
there is an excellent note of Beierus ad Cic. Off. i. 32. _See Cobet, Pro- 
sop. Xen. p. 35. Οἱ Fr. Hermann, in his Disp. de Socr. Magistris, Marb. 
1837, p. 49, seg., judiciously shows that those are mistaken who think 
that Prodicus was a teacher of Socrates.” Kiihner. 

? There is an allusion to this fable in Cic. de Off. i. 32. It has been 
versified in English, with much elegance, though rather verbosely, by 
Bishop Lowth. 

3 Κεκοσμημένην τὸ μὲν σῶμα καϑαριότητι, x. τ, 2.] “Adorned as to 
her person with elegance, as to her eyes with modesty, and as to her 
gesture with sobriety.” The reading καϑαριότητι is properly preferred 
by Kiihner to καϑαρότητι, the first meaning elegance or gracefulness, the 
second, purity. 

4 ’Avanerrapuéva.| “ Wide open,” says Kiihner, is equivalent to 
“looking or staring boldly,” in opposition to “ modestly cast down.” 


CHAP. 1. CHOICE OF HERCULES. 393 


they approached nearer to Hercules, she, whom I first de- 
seribed, came forward at the same pace, but the other, eager 
to get before her, ran up to Hercules, and exclaimed, “I see 
that you are hesitating, Hercules, by what path you shall 
enter upon life; if, then, you make a friend of me, I will 
conduct you by the most delightful and easy road, and you 
shall taste of every species of pleasure, and lead a life free 
from every sort of trouble. 24. In the first place, you shall 
take no thought of wars or state affairs, but shall pass your 
time considering what meat or drink you may find to gratify 
your appetite, what you may delight yourself by seeing or 
hearing, what you may be pleased with smelling or touching, 
with what objects of affection you may have most pleasure in 
associating, how you may sleep most softly, and how you may 
secure all these enjoyments with the least degree of trouble. 
25. If an apprehension of want of means, by which such de~ 
lights may be obtained, should ever arise in you, there is no 
fear that I shall urge you to procure them by toil or suffering 
either of body or mind; but you shall enjoy what. others ac- 
quire by labor, abstaining from nothing by which it may be 
possible to profit, for I give my followers liberty to benefit 
themselves from any source whatever.” 

26. Hercules, on hearing this address, said, “ And what, O, 
woman, is your name?” “My friends,” she replied, “call ma 
Happiness, but those who hate me, give me, to my disparage. 
ment, the name of Vice.” 

27. In the mean time the other female approached, and 
said, “I also am come to address you, Hercules, because 1 
know your parents, and have observed your disposition in the 
training of your childhood, from which I entertain hopes, that 
if you direct your steps along the path that leads to my 
dwelling, you will become an excellent performer of whatever 
is honorable and noble, and that I shall appear more honor- 
able and attractive through your illustrious deeds. I will not 
deceive you, however, with promises of pleasure, but will set 
before you things as they really are, and as the gods have ap- 
pointed them; 28. for of what is valuable and excellent, the 
gods grant nothing to mankind without labor and care; and 
if you wish the gods, therefore, to be propitious to you, you 
must worship the gods; if you seek to be beloved by your 
friends, you must serve your friends; if you desire to be 

1" 


394 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK II. 


honored by any city, you must benefit that city; if you long 
to be admired by all Greece for your merit, you must endeav- 
or to be of advantage to all Greece; if you are anxious 
that the earth should yield you abundance of fruit, you must 
cultivate the earth; if you think that you should enrich your- 
self from herds of cattle, you must bestow care upon herds of 
cattle; if you are eager to increase your means by war, and 
to secure freedom to your friends and subdue your enemies, 
you must learn the arts of war, and learn them from such 
as understand them, and practice how to use them with ad- 
vantage ; or if you wish to be vigorous in body, you must 
accustom your body to obey your mind, and exercise it with 
toil and exertion.” 

29. Here Vice, interrupting her speech said, (as Prodicus 
relates), “Do you see, Hercules, by how difficult and :tedious 
a road this woman conducts you to gratification, while I shall 
lead you, by an easy and short path, to perfect happiness ?” 

30. “ Wretched being,” rejoined Virtue, “ of what good are 
you in possession? Or what real pleasure do you experience, 
when you are unwilling to do any thing for the attainment of 
ii? You, who do not even wait for the natural desire of 
gratification, but fill yourself with all manner of dainties be- 
fore you have an appetite for them, eating before you are 
hungry, drinking before you are thirsty, procuring cooks that 
you may eat with pleasure, buying costly wines that you may 
drink with pleasure, and running about seeking for snow’ in 
summer ; while, in order to sleep with pleasure, you prepare 
not only soft beds,’ but couches, and rockers under your 


1 “To cool wine; for they deposited snow and ice in pits for such 
purposes. See notes on Athen. iii. p. 124; Plin. H. N. ix. 4;.Aul. Gell. 
xix. 5; Macrob. Sat. vii. 12.” Schneider. See Wyttenbach ad Plutarch. 
Precept. Sanit. p. 809. Bornemann. 

2 Στρωμνάς.] Properly, couches or beds spread on the ground. With 
these the luxurious were not content, but prepared for themselves «Aiva:, 
or couches with legs, to which they afterward added ὑπόδαϑρα, rockers 
or rollers. “Commentators used to interpret ὑπόδαϑρα, carpets spread 
under the feet of couches, referring to Cyrop. viii. 8.16; but the true 
signification of the word has been very learnedly made clear by Schnei- 
der from three passages of Antyllus in Fragm. Medicorum. ed. Oribas. 
ed. Matthei, p. 114, 170, 172; from which it appears that the i7d6a3pa 
were fulera diagonalia, diagonal props, put under the feet of couches, in 
order that a σεισμὸς or rocking might be produced. The effect, as he 
observes, would be the same as that of suspended cradles.” Kiihner. 


WAP. 1. - QHOICE OF HERCULES. ὁ "895 


couches, for you do not desire sleep in consequence of labor, 
but in consequence of having nothing to do; you force the 
sensual inclinations before they require gratification, using 
every species of contrivance for the purpose, and abusing 
male and female; for thus it is that you treat your friends, 
insulting their modesty at night, and making them sleep away 
the most useful part of their day. 31. Though you are one of 
the immortal, you are cast out from the society of the gods, 
and despised by the good among mankind ; the sweetest of all 
sounds, the praises of yourself,* you have never heard, nor 
have you ever seen the most pleasing of all sights, for you 
have never beheld one meritorious work of your own hand. 
Who would believe you when you give your word for any 
thing? Or who would assist you when in need of any thing: 
Or who, that has proper feeling, would venture to join your 
company of revelers? for while they are young they grow 
impotent in body, and when they are older they are impo- 
tent in mind; they live without labor, and in fatness, 
through their youth, and pass laboriously, and in wretched- 
ness, through old age; ashamed of what they have done, op- 
pressed with what they have to do, having run through their 
pleasures in early years, and laid up afflictions for the close of 
life. 32. But I am the companion of the gods; I associate. 
with virtuous men; no honorable deed, divine or human, is 
done without me; I am honored, most of all, by the deities, 
and by those among men to whom it belongs to honor me, 
being a welcome co-operator with artisans, a. faithful house- 
hold guardian to masters, a benevolent assistant to servants, a 
benign promoter of the labors of peace, a constant auxiliary 
to the efforts of war, an excellent sharer in friendship. 88. 
My friends have a sweet and untroubled enjoyment of meat 
and drink, for they refrain from them iill they feel an appe- 
tite. They have also sweeter sleep than the idle; and are 
neither annoyed if they lose a portion of it, nor neglect to do 
their duties for the sake of it. The young are pleased with 
praises from the old; the old are delighted with honors from 
the young. They remember their former acts with pleasure, 


1 “Tt is said that Themistocles, when he was asked what acroama, or 
whose voice, he would hear with most pleasure, replied, ‘The voice of 
him by whom his merits would be best set forth.’” Cicero Pro Archi, 
c. 9. ; : 


896΄ MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK IL 


and rejoice to perform their present occupations with success ; 
being, through my influence, dear to the gods, beloved by their 
friends, and honored by their country. And when the 
destined end of life comes, they do not lie in oblivion and dis- 
honor, but, celebrated with songs of praise, flourish forever 
in the memory of mankind. By such a course of conduct, O 
Hercules, son of noble parents, you may secure the most ex- 
alted. happiness.” 

34. Nearly thus it was that Prodicus related the instruction 
of Hercules by Virtue; adorning the sentiments, however, 
with far more magnificent language than that in which I now 
give them. It becomes you, therefore, Aristippus, reflecting 
on these admonitions, to endeavor to think of what concerns 
the future period of your life. 





CHAPTER IL. 


A dialogue between Socrates and his son Lamprocles, who had expressed 
resentment against his mother, on the duty of children to their parents. 
The ungrateful are to be deemed unjust, sect. 1, 2. The greater benefits 
a person has received, the more unjust is he if he is ungrateful; and 
there are no greater benefits than those which children experience from 
their parents, 8-6. Hence it follows that a son ought to reverence his 
mother, though she be severe, when he knows that her severity proceeds 
from kind motives, 7-12. How great a crime the neglect of filial duty is, 
appears has the fact that it is punished by the laws and execrated by 

ind, 13, 14. 


1. Havine learned, one day, that Lamprocles, the eldest’ of 
his sons, had exhibited anger against his mother, “Tell me, 
my son,” said he, “do you know that certain persons are 
called ungrateful?” “Certainly,” replied the youth. “And 
do you understand how it is they act that men give them this 
appellation?” “I do,” said Lamprocles, “for it is those that 
have received a kindness, and that do not make a return when 
they are able to make one, whom they call ungrateful.” “ They 
‘then appear to you to class the ungrateful with the unjust ?” 
“T think so.” 2. “ And have you ever considered whether, as 
it is thought unjust to make slaves of our friends, but just to 


! Socrates had three sons, Lamprocles, Sophroniscus, and Menexenus. 
See Cobet, Prosopogr. Xen. p. 57. Kiihner. 


CHAP, IL. DUTY TOWARD PARENTS. 397 


make slaves of our enemies, so it is unjust to be ungrateful to- 
ward our friends, but just to be so toward our enemies?” 
“T certainly have,” answered Lamprocles, “and from whom- 
soever ἃ man receives a favor, whether friend or enemy, and 
does not endeavor to make a return for it, he is in my opinion 
unjust.” 

8. “If such, then, be the case,’ pursued Socrates, “ ingrat- 
itude must be manifest injustice?” Lamprocles expressed 
his assent. “The greater benefits, therefore, a person has 
received, and makes no return, the more unjust he must be.” 
He assented to this position also. “ Whom, then,” asked 
Socrates, “can we find receiving greater benefits from any 
persons than children receive from their parents? children 
whom their parents have brought from non-existence into ex- 
istence, to view so many beautiful objects, and to share in so 
many blessings, as the gods grant to men; blessings which 
appear to us so inestimable, that we shrink, in the highest 
degree, from relinguishing them; and governments have 
made death the penalty for the most heinous crimes, in the sup- 
position that they could not suppress injustice by the terror 
of any greater evil. 4. You do not, surely, suppose that men 
beget children merely to gratify their passions, since the streets 
are full, as well as the brothels, of means to allay desire; but 
what we evidently consider, is, from what sort of women the - 
finest’ children may be born to us, and, uniting with them, 
we beget children. 5. The man maintains her who joins with 
him to produce offspring, and provides, for the children that 
are likely to be born to him, whatever he thinks will conduce 
to their support, in as great abundance as he can; while the 
woman receives and bears the burden, oppressed ad endan- 
gering her life, and imparting a portion of the nutriment with 
which she herself is supported; and, at length, after bearing 
it the full time, and bringing it forth with great pain, she 
suckles and cherishes it, though she has received no previous 
benefit from it, nor does the infant know by whom it is tended, 
nor is it able to signify what it wants, but she, conjecturing what 
will nourish and please it, tries to satisfy his calls, and feeds it 
for a long time, both night and day, submitting to the trouble 


1 Βέλτιστα.Ἷ Kiihner interprets this word robustissima ; but it is better 
to understand it as meaning good it every way; excellent in shape, 
vigor, health, and understanding. 


898 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES, BOOK IL. 


and not knowing what return she will receive for it. 6. Nor 
does it satisfy the parents merely to feed their offspring, but 
as soon as the children appear capable of learning any thing, 
they teach them whatever they know that may be of use for 
their conduct in life; and whatever they consider another 
more capable of communicating than themselves, they send 
their sons to him at their own expense, and take care to adopt 
every course that their children may be as much improved as 
possible.” 

7. Upon this the young man said, “ But, even if she has 
done all this, and many times more than this, no one, assuredly, 
could endure her ill-humor.” “And which do you think,” 
asked Socrates, “more difficult to be endured, the ill-humor 
of a wild beast, or that of a mother?” “TI think,” replied 
Lamprocles, “that of a mother, at least of such a mother as 
inine 15.) “Has she ever then inflicted any hurt upon you, 
by biting or kicking you, as many have often suffered from 
wild beasts?” 8. “No; but, by Jupiter, she says such things 
as no one would endure to hear for the value of all that he 
possesses.” “And do you reflect,” returned Socrates, “ how 
much grievous trouble you have given her by your peevish- 
ness, by voice and by action, in the day and in the night, 
and how much anxiety you have caused her when you were 
ill?’ “But I have never said or done any thing to her,” re- 
plied Lamprocles, “ at which she could feel ashamed.” 9. “ Do 
you think it, then,” inquired Socrates, “a more difficult thing 
for you to to listen to what she says, than for actors to listen 
when they utter the bitterest reproaches against one another 
in tragedies?” “But actors, I imagine, endure such re- 
proaches easily, because they do not think that, of the speakers, 
the one who utters reproaches, utters them with intent to do 
harm, or that. the one who utters threats, utters them with 
any evil purpose.” “ Yet you are displeased at your mother, 
although you will know that whatever she says, she not only 
says nothing with intent to do you harm, but that she wishes 
you more good than any other human being. Or do you sup- 
pose that your mother meditates evil toward you?” “No, 
indeed,” said Lamprocles, “that I do not imagine.” 10. “Do 
you then say that this mother,” rejoined. Socrates, “ who is so 
benevolent to you, who, when you are ill, takes care of you, 
to the utmost of her power, that you may recover your health, 


CHAP. Π. DUTY OF A SON TO HIS MOTHER. 399 


and that you may want nothing that is necessary for you, and 
who, besides, entreats the gods for many blessings on your 
head, and pays vows for you, is a harsh mother? For my 
part, I think that if you can not endure such a mother, you 
can not endure any thing that is good? 11. But tell me,” 
continued he, “whether you think that you ought to pay re- 
spect to any other human being, or whether you are resolved 
to try to please nobody, and to follow or obey neither a general 
nor any other commander?” No, indeed,” replied Lamprocles, 
“TI have formed no such resolutions.” 12.“Are you then 
willing,” inquired Socrates, “to cultivate the good-will of 
your neighbor, that. he may kindle a fire for you when you 
want it, or aid you in obtaining some good, or, if you happen 
to meet with any misfortune, may assist you with willing and 
ready help?” “I am,” replied he. “Or would it make no 
difference,” rejoined Socrates, whether a fellow-traveler, or 
a fellow-voyager, or any other person that you met with, should 
be your friend or enemy? Ordo you think that you ought 
to cultivate their good-will?” “I think that I ought,” re- 
plied Lamprocles. 13. “ You are then prepared,” returned So- 
crates, “to pay attention to such persons; and do you think 
that you ought to pay no respect to your mother, who loves 
you more than any one else? Do you not know that the state 
takes no account of any other species of ingratitude, nor allows 
any action at law for it, overlooking such as receive a favor 
and make no return for it, but that 1 ἃ person does not pay 
due regard to his parents, it imposes a punishment on him,* 
rejects his services, and does not allow him to hold the arch- 
onship, considering that such a person can not piously perform 
the sacrifices offered for the country, or discharge any other 
duty with propriety and justice. Indeed, if any one does not 
keep up the sepulchers of his dead parents, the state inquires 
jate it in the examinations of candidates for office. 14. You 
therefore, my son, if you are wise, will entreat the gods to. 
pardon you if you have been wanting in respect toward your 
mother, lest, regarding you as an ungrateful person, they should 
be disinclined todo you good ; and you will have regard, also, 


1 Concerning the law against disrespect to parents, or ill treatment of 
them, see Meier and Schoemann, Att Proe. iii. 1, p. 288; and C. F. Her- 
mann, Gr. Staats-alterthiimer, sect. 133, 11, p. 254. Kiihner. 3 


400 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES BOOK Il. 


to the opinion of men, Jest, observing you to be neglectful of 
your parents, they should all condemn you, and you should 
then be found destitute of friends; for if men surmise that 
you are ungrateful toward your parents, no one will believe 
that if he does you a kindness he will meet with gratitude in 
return. 





CHAPTER IIL 


Socrates, hearing that two brothers, Chrerephon and Cherecrates, had quar- 
ed, recommends brotherly love to Cherecrates by the following argu. 
ments. A brother ought to be regarded as a friend, and esteemed mon, 
than wealth, sect. 1; for wealth is an uncertain possession, if the possessor 
of it is destitute of friends, 2,3. Fraternal love, an Resa: of 
Nature ; and men who have brothers are more respected than those who 
have none, 4. Even though a brother should conceive ill feelings toward 
us, we should still endeavor to conciliate him, 5-9. How such concilia- 
tion may be effected, 10-14. The endeavor to conciliate is still more the 
duty of a younger than of an elder brother, and the more noble the dispo- 
sition of a brother is, the more easy will it be to conciliste him, 15-17. 
Brothers should act in unison with one another, like different members 
of the same body, 18, 19. 


1. Socrates, having observed that Cherephon and Chere- 
crates, two brothers well known to him, were at variance with 
each other, and haying met with Cherecrates, said, “Tell me, 
Cherecrates, you surely are not one of those men, are you, 
who think wealth more valuable than brothers, when wealth 
is but a senseless thing, and a brother endowed with reason, 
when wealth needs protection, while a brother can afford pro- 
tection, and when wealth, besides, is plentiful, and a brother 
but one?’ 2. It is wonderful, too, that a man should con- 
sider brothers to be a detriment to him, because he does not 

his brothers’ fortunes, while he does not consider bis 
fellow-citizens to be a detriment, because he does not possess 
their fortunes; but, in the latter case, he can reason with 
himself, that it is better for him, living in society with many, 
to enjoy a competency in security; than, living alone, to possess 
all the property of his fellow-citizens in fear of danger, while, 
with regard to brothers, he knows not how to apply such rea- 


1 « After all, there is more money than brothers.” Bysshe’s Transla 
tion. 


CHAP. Il. ON BROTHERLY CONCORD. 401 


soning. 3. Those who are able, too, purchase slaves, that they 
may have helpers in their work, and procure friends, as being 
in need of supporters, while they neglect their brothers, as if 
friends could be made of fellow-citizens, but could not be 
made of brothers. 4. Yet it surely conduces greatly to friend- 
ship to have been born of the same parents, and to have been 
brought up together, since, even among brutes, a certain affec- 
tion springs up between those that are reared together. In 
addition to these considerations, men pay more respect to those 
who have brothers than to those who have none, and are less 
forward to commit aggression on them.” 

5. To this Cherecrates made answer, “If, indeed, Socrates, 
the dissension between us were not great, it might perhaps be 
my duty to bear with my brother, and not shun his society 
for slight causes; for a brother, as you say, is a valuable 
possession, if he be such as he ought to be; but when he 
is nothing of the sort, and is indeed quite the reverse of 
what he should be, why should I attempt impossibilities ?” 
6. “ Whether, then, Chzrecrates,” rejoined Socrates, “is 
Cherephon unable to please any body, as he is unable to 
please you, or are there some whom he certainly can please ?” 
“Yes,” replied Cherecrates, “for it is for this very reason 
that I justly hate him, that he can please others, while to me 
he is on all occasions, whenever he comes in contact with me, 
a harm rather than a good, both in word and deed.” JY “Is 
the case then thus,” said Socrates, “ that as a horse is a harm 
to him who knows not how to manage him, and yet tries to 
do so, so a brother is a harm, when a person tries to manage 
him without knowing how to doit?” 8. “But how can I 
be ignorant,” replied Cherecrates, “how to manage my 
brother, when I know how to speak well of him who speaks 
well of me, and to do well to him who does well tome? As 
to one, however, who seeks to vex me both by word and deed, 
Ishould not be able either to speak well of him, or to act 
well toward him, nor will I try.” 9. “You speak strangely, 
Cheerecrates,” rejoined Socrates, “for if a dog of yours were 
of service to watch your sheep, and fawned upon your shep- 
herds, but snarled when you approached him, you would for- 
bear to show any ill feeling toward him, but would: endeavor 
to tame him by kindness; but-as for your brother, though 
you admit that he would be a great good to you if he were 


402 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. - BOOK IL. 


such as he ought to be, and though you confess that you know 
how to act and speak well with respect to him, you do not 
even attempt to make him of such service to you as he might 
be.”* - 10. “I fear, Socrates,” replied Chzerecrates, “that I 
have not wisdom enough to render Chzrephon such as he 
ought to be toward me.” “Yet there is no need to contrive 
any thing artful or novel to act upon him,” said Socrates, “as 
it appears to me; for I think that he may be gained over by 
means which you already know, and may conceive a high es- 
teem for you.” 11. “Tell me first,” said the other, “whether 
you have observed that I possess any love-charm, which I 
was not aware that I knew?” “Answer me this question,” 
_said Socrates : “If you wished to induce any one of your ac- 
quaintance, when he offered sacrifice, to invite you to his 
feast, what would you do?” “I should doubtless begin by 
inviting him when I offered sacrifice.”. 12. “ And if you wished 
to prevail on any of your friends to take care of your property, 
when you went from home, what would you do?” “I should 
certainly first offer to take care of his property, when he went 
from home.” 13. “ And if you wished to induce an acquaintance 
in a foreign land to receive you hospitably when you visited his 
country, what would you do?” “Ishould unquestionably be 
the first to receive him hospitably when he came to Athens; 
and if I wished him to be desirous to effect for me the objects 
for which I went thither, it is clear that I must first confer a 
similar service on him.” 14. “Have you not long been un- 
awares acquainted, then, with all the love-charms that exist 
among mankind? Or are you afraid,” continued Socrates, 
“to make the first advances, lest you should seem to degrade 
yourself, if you should be the first to propitiate your brother? 
Yet he is thought to be a man deserving of great praise, who 
is the first to do harm to the enemy, and to do good to his 
friends. . If, then, Cherephon had appeared to me more 
likely to bring you to this frame of mind, I would have 
endeavored to persuade him first to try to make you 
his friend; but, as things stand, you seem more likely, if 
you take the lead, to effect the desired object.” 15. “You 
speak unreasonably, Socrates,” rejoined Cherecrates. “ and 


? Kiihner, differing from other editors, puts a note of interrogation 
at the end of this sentence. It seems better not to take it interroga- 
tively. 


σπΑΡ. πὶ BROTHER SHOULD BEAR WITH BROTHER. 403 


not as might be expected from you, when you desire me, who 
am the younger, to take the lead; for the established practice 
among all men is quite the reverse, being that the elder should 
always be first, both to act and speak.” 16. “ How,” said Soc- 
rates; “is it not the custom every where that the younger 
should yield the path to the elder when he meets him, rise 
from his seat before him, honor him with the softest couch, 
and give place to him in conversation? Do not therefore 
hesitate, my good young friend, but endeavor to conciliate 
your brother, and he will very soon listen to you. Do you 
not see how fond of honor, and how liberal-minded, he is? 
Mean-minded persons you can not attract more effectually 
than by giving them something; but honorable and good 
men you may best gain by treating them in a friendly spirit.” 
17. “ But what if he should become no kinder,” said Chzerecra- 
tes, “after I have done what you advise?” “Τὸ will be of no 
consequence,” replied Socrates, “for what other risk will you 
run but that of showing that you are kind and full of brother- 
ly affection, and that he is mean-spirited and unworthy of 
any kindness? But I apprehend no such result; for I con- 
ceive that when he finds you challenging him to such a con- 
test, he will be extremely emulous to excel you in doing 
kindnesses both by word and deed. 18. At present, you are 
in the same case as if the two hands, which the gods have 
made to assist each other, should neglect this duty, and begin 
to impede each other; or as if the two feet, formed by divine 
providence to co-operate with one another, should give up this 
office, and obstruct one another. 19. Would it not be a great 
folly and misfortune to use for our hurt what was formed for 
our benefit? And indeed, as it appears to me, the gods have 
designed brothers to be of greater mutual service than the 
hands, or feet, or eyes, or other members which they have 
made in pairs for men ; for the hands, if required to do things, 
at the same time, at greater distance than a fathom, would 
unable to do them; the feet can not reach two objects, at the 
same time, that are distant even a fathom; and the eyes, 
which seem to reach to the greatest distance, can not, of objects 
that are much nearer, see at the same time those that are be- 
fore and behind them; but brothers, if they are in friendship, 
can, even at the greatest distance, act In concert and for mu- 
tual benefit.” 


404 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK 0, 


CHAPTER IY. 


On the value of friendship. Many are more desirous to acquire property 
than friends, sect. 1-4. But no species of property is more valuable, 
lasting, and useful than a good friend: his qualities enumerated, 5-7. 


1. I nearp him, also, on one occasion, holding a discourse 
concerning friends,‘ by which, as it seems to me, a person 
might be greatly benefited, both as to the acquisition and use 
of friends ; for he said that he had heard many people observe 
that a true and honest friend was the most valuable of all 
possessions, but that he saw the greater part of mankind at- 
tending to any thing rather than securing friends. 2. He ob- 
served them, he added, industriously endeavoring to procure 
houses and lands, slaves, cattle, and furniture; but as for a 
friend, whom they called the greatest of blessings, he saw 
the majority considering neither how to procure one, nor 
how those whom they had might be retained. 8. Even when 
friends and slaves were sick, he said that he noticed people 
calling in physicians to their slaves, and carefully providing 
other means for their recovery, but paying ne attention to 
their friends ; and that, if both died, they grieved for their 
slaves, and thought that they had suffered a loss, but con- 
sidered that they lost nothing in losing friends. Of their 
other possessions they left nothing untended or unheeded, 
but when their friends required attention, they utterly neg- 
lected them. 

4, In addition to these remarks he observed that he saw 
the greater part of mankind acquainted with the number. of 
their other possessions, although they might be very numer- 
ous, but of their friends, though but few, they were not only 
ignorant of the number, but even when they attempted to 
reckon it to such as asked them, they set aside again® some 
that they had previously counted among their friends; se 
little did they allow their friends to occupy their thoughts. 5. 
Yet in comparison with what possession, of all others, would not 

1 The sentiments of Plato’s Socrates concerning friendship are given 
in his Lysis; but Stallbaum, in a note on it, p. 89, has justly observed 
that that subject is much more acutely and copiously discussed in the 


Symposium and Pheedrus. Kiihner 
? See note oni. 2. 44 


CHAF. V VALUE OF FRIENDS. 405 


a good friend appear far more valuable? What sort of horse, 
or yoke of oxen, is so useful as a truly good friend? What 
slave is so well-disposed or so attached, or what other acqui- 
sition so beneficial? 6. For a good friend is ready to 
supply whatever is wanting on the part of his friend, whether 
in his private affairs, or for the public interests; if he is re- 
quired to do a service to any one, he assists him with the 
means; if any apprehension alarms him, he lends him his aid, 
sometimes sharing expenditure with him, sometimes co-oper- 
ating with him, sometimes joining with him to persuade 
others, sometimes using force toward others; frequently 
cheering him when he is successful, and frequently support- 
ing him when he is in danger of falling. 7. What the hands 
do, what the eyes foresee, what the ears hear, what the feet 
accomplish, for each individual, his friend, of all such serv- 
ices, fails to perform no one; and oftentimes, what a person 
has not effected for himself, or has not seen, or has not 
heard, or has not accomplished, a friend has succeeded in ex- 
ecuting for his friend ; and yet, while people try to foster trees 
for the sake of their fruit, the greater portion of mankind are 
heedless and neglectful’ of that most productive possession 
which is called a friend. 





CHAPTER V. 


On the different estimation in which different friends are to be held. We 
ought to examine ourselves, and ascertain at what value we may expect 
our friends to hold us. 


1. I wearp one day another dissertation of his, which 
seemed to me to exhort the hearer to examine himself, and 
ascertain of how much value he was to his friends. » Finding 
that one of his followers was neglectful of a friend who was 
oppressed with poverty, he asked Antisthenes, in the presence 
of the man that neglected his friend, and of several others, 
saying, “Are their certain settled values for friends, Antis- 
thenes, as there are for slaves? 2. For, of slaves, one, per- 
haps, is worth two mine, another not even half a mina, an- 
other five mins, another ten. Nicias, the son of Niceratus, is 


'"Apydc καὶ ἀνειμένως ἐπιμέλονται.) “Idly and negligently attend 
to—.” 


406 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK Ii 


said to have bought an overscer for his silver mines’ at the 
price of a whole talent. I am therefore considering whether, 
as there are certain values for slaves, there are also certain 
values for friends.” 3. “There are, undoubtedly,” replied 
Antisthenes ; “ at least I, for my part, should wish one man to 
be my friend rather than have two minz; another I should 
not value even at half a mina; another I should prefer to ten 
mine; and another I would buy for my friend at the sacri- 
fice of all the money and revenues in the world.”* 4. “If 
such be the case, therefore,” said Socrates, “it would be well 
for each of us to examine himself, to consider of what value 
he is in the estimation of his friends; and to try to be of as 
much value to them as possible, in order that his friends may 
be less likely to desert him; for I often hear one man saying 
that his friend has abandoned him, and another, that a person 
whom he thought to be his friend has preferred a mina to 
him. 5. Iam considering, accordingly, whether, as one sells 
a bad slave, and parts with him for whatever he will fetch, so 
“it may be advisable to give up ἃ worthless friend, when there 
_is an opportunity of receiving more than he is worth. Good 
slaves I do not often see sold at all, or good friends aban- 
doned.” 





CHAPTER VI. 


What sort of persons we should choose for our friends, sect. 1-5. How we 
may ascertain the characters of men, before we form a friendship with 
them, 6, 7. How we may attach men to us as friends, 8-13... Friendship 
can exist only between the good and honorable, 14-19; between whom it 
will continue to subsist in spite of differences of opinion, 19-28. Deduc- 
tions from the preceding remarks, 29-39. 


1. He appeared to me, also, to make his followers wise in 
examining what sort of persons it was right to attach to 


1 ἀργυρεῖα. Kiihner reads tdpyvpia, “money,” but without giving 
any reason for his preference of that reading. I have thought it better 
to follow the generality of editors ; 

3 Πρὸ πάντων χρημάτων καὶ πόρων. Ἠόρων is the conjecture of 
Portus or-Leunclavius, which many editors haye adopted instead 
of the old zévwr,. which Kiihner retains, supposing that it means 
what is gained by labor, agreeably to the saying in ii. 1. 20, “the 
gods sell us all good things for labor ;” and that πρὸ πάντων χρημάνων 
sc) πόνων may be a proverbial expression. But this sense of πόνων 


CHAP. VI. QUALITIES OF A GOOD FRIEND. 40) 


themselves as friends, by such conversations as the following: 
“Tell me, Critobulus,” said he, “if we were in need of a 
good friend, how should we proceed to look for one? Should 
we not, in the first place, seek for a person who can govern 
his appetite, his inclination to wine or sensuality, and abstain 
from immoderate sleep and idleness? for one who is overcome 
by such propensities would be unable to do his duty either to 
himself or his friend.” “Assuredly he would not,” said 
Critobulus. “It appears then to you that we must avoid one 
who is at the mercy of such inclinations?” “Undoubtedly,” 
replied Critobulus. 2. “ Besides,” continued Socrates, “ does 
not a man who is extravagant and yet unable to support him- 
self, but is always in want of assistance from his neighbor, a 
man who, when he borrows, can not pay, and when he can not 
borrow, hates him who will not lend, appear to you to be a 
dangerous friend?” “ Assuredly,” replied Critobulus. “ We 
must therefore avoid such a character?” “ We must indeed.” 
3. “ Again : what sort of friend would he be who has the means 
of getting -money, and covets great wealth, and who, on this 
account, is a driver of hard bargains, and delights to receive, 
but is unwilling to pay?” “Such a person appears to me,” 
said Critobulus, “to be a still worse character than the 
former.” 4. “ What then do you think of him, who, from love 
of getting money, allows himself no time for thinking of any 
thing else but whence he may obtain it?” .“ We must avoid 
him, as it seems to me; for he would be useless to any one 
that should make an associate of him.” “And what do you 
think of him who is quarrelsome, and likely to raise up many 
enemies against his friends?’ “We must. avoid him also, by 
Jupiter.” “ But if a man have none of these bad qualities, 
but is content to receive obligations, taking no thought of re- 
turning them?” “He also would be useless as a friend. 
But what sort of person, then, Socrates, should we endeavor 
to make our friend?’ 5. “A person, I think, who, being 
the reverse of all this, is proof against the seductions of bodily 
pleasures, is upright and fair in his dealings, and emulous not 
to be outdone in serving those who serve ‘him, so that he is 
of advantage to those who associate with him.” 6. “How 


is so forced, and so destitute of support, that I have preferred 
the emendation, especially as it is effected with the change of ona 
letter. 


408 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK It, 


then shall we find proof of these qualities in him, Socrates, 
before we associate with him?” “ We make proof of statu- 
aries,” rejoined Socrates, “not by forming opinions from their 
words, but whomsoever we observe to have executed his pre- 
vious statues skillfully, we trust that he will execute others 
well.” 7. “ You mean, then, that the man who is known to 
have served his former friends, will doubtless be likely to serve 
such as may be his friends hereafter?” “Yes; for whom- 
soever I know to have previously managed horses with skill, 
I expect to manage other horses with skill.” 

8. “ Be it so,” said Critobulus; “but. by what means must 
we make a friend of him who appears to us worthy of our 
friendship?” “In the first place,” answered Socrates, “ we 
must consult the gods, whether they recommend us to make 
him our friend.” “Can you tell me, then,” said Critobulus, 
“how he, who appears eligible to us, and whom the gods do 
not disapprove, is to be secured?” 9. “ Assuredly,” returned 
Socrates, “he is not to be caught by tracking him like the 
hare, or by wiles, like birds, or by making him prisoner by 
force, like enemies ; for it would be an arduous task to make a 
man your friend against his will, or to hold him fast if you 
were to bind him like a slave; for those who suffer such treat- 
ment are rendered enemies rather than friends.” 10. “ How 
then are men made friends?” inquired Critobulus. “They 
say that there are certain incantations, which those who know 
them, chant to whomsoever they please, and thus make them 
their friends ; and that there are also love-potions, which those 
who know them, administer to whomsoever they will, and are 
in consequence beloved by them.” 11. “ And how can we dis- 
cover these charms?” “You have heard from Homer the 
song which the Sirens sung to Ulysses, the commencement of 
which runs thus: * 


‘Come hither, much-extolled Ulysses, great glory of the Greeks.’ ” 


“ Did the Sirens then, by singing this same song to other men 
also, detain them so that they were charmed and could not 
‘depart from them?” “ No; but they sang thus to those who 
were desirous of being honored for virtue.” 12. “You seem 
to mean that we ought to apply as charms to any person, such 
commendations as, when he hears them, he will not suspect 
that his eulogist utters to ridicule him; for, if he con- 


ORAP. VI. HOW FRIENDS ARE TO BE GAINED. 409 


ceived such a suspicion, he would rather be rendered an 
enemy, and would repel men from him; as, for instance, if a 
person were to praise as beautiful, and tall, and strong, one 
who is conscious that he is short, and deformed, and weak. 
But,” added Critobulus, “do you know any other charms ?” 
13..“No,” said Socrates, “but I have heard that Pericles 
knew many, which he used to chant to the city, and make it 
love him.” “And how did Themistocles make the city love 
him?” “Not, by Jupiter, by uttering charms to it, but by 
conferring’ on it some advantage.” 14. “You appear to me 
to mean, Socrates, that if we would attach to us any good 
person as a friend, we ourselves should be good both in speak- 
ing and acting.”* “ And did you think it possible,” said Soc- 
rates, “for a bad person to attach to himself good men as his 
friends?” 15. “I have seen,” rejoined Critobulus, “bad 
orators become friends to good orators and men bad at com- 
manding an army becoming friends to men eminently good in 
the military art.” 16. “Do you then,” said Socrates, “ re- 
garding the subject of which we are speaking,’ know any 
persons, who, being themselves useless, can make useful per- 
sons their friends?” “No, by Jupiter,” replied Critobulus; 
“but if it is impossible for a worthless person to attach to him- 
self good and honorable friends, it becomes now an object of 
consideration with me, whether it is possible for one who is 
himself honorable and good, to become, with ease, a friend 
to the honorable and good.” 17. “What perplexes you, Cri- 
tobulus, is, that you often see men who are honorable in 
their conduct, and who refrain from every thing disgraceful, 
involved, instead of being friends, in dissensions with one 
another, and showing more severity toward each other than 
the worthless part of mankind.” 18. “Nor is it only private 
persons,” rejoined Critobulus, “that act in this manner, but 
even whole communities, which have the greatest regard for 


? Tlepedyac.] An expression borrowed from witchcraft or sorcery, 

_when an amulet, or any thing supposed to have a fascinating power, is 

applied or attached to the person, and termed, in consequence, περίαπτον 
and περίαμμα, as is justly observed by Ernesti. Schneider. 

2 ᾿Αγαϑοὺς λέγειν Te καὶ πράττειν. Referring, as Coray and Herbst 
think, to the eloquence of Pericles, and the. exploits of Themis- 
tocles. 

ὅ Περὶ οὗ διαλεγόμεϑα.] Socrates wishes to recall the attention of 


Critobulus to the subject immediately under discussion. Kithner. 
VOL. 1. 18 


410 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK IL 


what is honorable, and are least inclined to any thing disgrace- 
ful, are often hostilely disposed toward one another. 

19. When I reflect on these differences,” continued Crito- 
bulus, “I am quite in despair about the acquisition of frends, 
for I see that the bad can not be friends with one another; 
for how can the ungrateful, or careless, or avaricious, or 
faithless, or intemperate, be friends to each other? indeed the 
bad appear to me to be altogether disposed by nature to be 
mutual enemies rather than friends. 20. Again, the bad, as 
you observe, can never harmonize in friendship with the good ; 
for how can those who commit bad actions be friends with 
those who abhor such actions? And yet, if those also who 
practice virtue fall into dissensions with one another about 
pre-eminence in their respective communities, and even hate 
each other through envy, who will ever be friends, or among 
what class of mankind shall affection and attachment be 
found?” 21. “But these affections act in various ways,” re- 
joined Socrates, “for men have by nature inclinations to 
attachment, since they stand in need of each other, and feel 
compassion for each other, and co-operate for mutual benefit, 
and, being conscious that such is the case, have a sense of 
gratitude toward one another; but they have also propen- 
sities to enmity, for such as think the same objects honor- 
able and desirable, engage in contention for them, and, divided 
in feelings, become enemies. Disputations and anger lead to 
war; the desire of aggrandizement excites ill-will; and envy 
is followed by hatred. 22. But, nevertheless, friendship, in- 
sinuating itself through all these hinderances, unites together 
the honorable and good; for such. characters, through affec- 
tion for virtue, prefer the enjoyment of a moderate competency 
without strife, to the attainment of unlimited power by means 
of war; they can endure hunger and thirst without discon- 
tent, and take only a fair share of meat and drink, and, 
though delighted with the attractions of youthful beauty, 
they can control themselves, so as to forbear from offending 
those whom they ought not to offend. 23. By laying aside- 
all avaricious feelings too, they can not only be satisfied with 
their lawful share of the common property, but can even 
assist one another. They can’ settle their differences, not 
only without mutual offense, but even to their mutual benefit. 
They can prevent their anger from going so far as to cause 


cHAP. VI. GOOD MEN DISPOSED TO FRIENDSHIP. 411 


them repentance ; and envy they entirely banish, by sharing 
their own property with their friends, and considering that of 
their friends as their own, 

24. “How, then, can it be otherwise than natardli that 
the honorable and good should be sharers in political dis- 
tinctions, not only without detriment, but even with advan- 
tage to each other? Those indeed who covet honor and 
power in states, merely that they may be able to embezzle 
money, to do violence to others, and to live a life of luxury, 
must be regarded as unprincipled and abandoned characters, 
and incapable of harmonious union with other men. 25. But 
when a person wishes to attain honors in a community, in 
order, not merely that he may not suffer wrong himself, but 
that he may assist his friends as far as is lawful, and may 
endeavor, in “his term of office, to do some service to his 
country, why should he not, being of such a character, form 
a close union with another of similar character? Will he be 
less able to benefit his friends if he unite himself with the 
honorable and good, or will he be less able to serve his coun- 
try if he have the honorable and good for his colleagues ? 
26. In the public games, indeed, it is plain, that if the strong- 
est were allowed to unite and attack the weaker, they would 
conquer in all the contests, and carry off all the prizes; and 
accordingly people do not permit them, in those competitions, 
to act in such a manner; but since, in political affairs,’ in 
which honorable and good men rule, no one hinders another 
from serving his country in concert with whomsoever he 
pleases, how can it be otherwise than profitable for him to 
conduct affairs with the best men as his friends, having these 
as colleagues and co-operators, rather than antagonists, in his 
proceedings? 27. It is evident, too, that if one man com- 
mences hostilities against another, he will need allies, and will 
need a great number of them, if he oppose the honorable and 
good; and those who’ consent to be his allies must be well 
treated by him, that they may be zealous in his interests; 
and it is much better for him to serve the best characters, — 
who are the fewer, than the inferior, who are more numerous; 
for the bad require’ far more favours than the good. 28. 


τ Exe? οὖν ἐκεῖ μὲν οὐκ ἐῶσι τοῦτο ποιεὶν, ἐν δὲ τοῖς πολιτικοῖς, ke τ᾿ 
4.] “Since, accordingly, they do not permit to act so there (7. 6, in the 
public games), but in political affairs,” etc. 


419 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK I. 


But strive with good courage, Critobulus,” he continued, 
“to be good yourself, and, having become so, endeavor to 
gain the friendship of men of honor and virtue. Perhaps I 
myself also may be able to assist you in. this pursuit of the 
honorable and virtuous, from being naturally disposed to 
love, for, for whatever persons I conceive a liking, I devote 
myself with ardor, and with my whole mind, to love them, 
and be loved in return by them, regretting their absence to 
haye mine regretted by them, and longing for their society 
while they on the other hand long for mine. 29. I know that 
you also must cultivate such feelings, whenever you desire to 
form a friendship with any person. Do not conceal from my 
knowledge, therefore, the persons to whom you may wish to 
become a friend; for, from my carefulness to please those 
who please me, I do not think that Iam unskilled in the art of 
gaining men’s affections.” : 

30. “Indeed, Socrates,” replied Critobulus, “I have long 
desired to receive such instructions as yours, especially if the 
same knowledge will have effect at once on those who are 
amiable in mind, and handsome in person.” 31. “ But, Crito- 
bulus,” replied Socrates, “there is nothing in the knowledge 
that I communicate to make those who are handsome in per- 
son endure him who lays hands upon them; for I am per- 
suaded that men shrunk from Scylla because she offered to 
put her hands on them; while every one, they say, was ready 
to listen to the Sirens, and were enchanted as they listened, 
because they laid hands on no one, but sang to all men from a 
distance.” 32. “On the understanding, then, that I shall lay 
my hands on no one,” said Critobulus, “ tell me if you know any 
effectual means for securing friends.” “But will you never,” 
asked Socrates, “apply your lips to theirs?” “Be of good 
courage, Socrates,” said Critobulus, “for I will never apply 
my lips to those of any person, unless that person be beauti- 
ful.” “You ‘have now ‘said,” rejoined: Socrates, the ‘exact 
contrary to what will promote your object; for the beautiful’ 
will not allow such liberties, though the deformed receive 
them with pleasure, thinking that they are accounted beau- 
tiful for their mental qualities.” 33. “As I shall caress the 
beautiful, then,” said Critobulus, “and caress the good with 


1 Kadoi.] Socrates plays on the word καλοί, which referred, as Borne- 
mann observes, both to beauty of person and beauty of mind. 


CHAP. VI EFFECTS OF JUDICIOUS PRAISE. 413 


the utmost ardor, teach me, with confidence, the art of at- 
taching my friends to me.” “ When, therefore, Critobulus,” 
said Socrates, “ you wish to become a friend to any one, will 
you permit me to say to him concerning you, that you admire 
him, and desire to be his friend?” “ You may say so,” an- 
swered Critobulus, “for I have never known any one dislike 
those who praised him.” 34. “ But if I say of you, in addition, 
that, because you admire him, you feel. kindly disposed to- 
ward him, will you: not think that false information is given 
of you by me?” “No: for a kind feeling springs up in my- 
self also toward those whom I regard as kindly disposed 
toward me.” 35. “Such information, then,” continued  So- 
erates, “I may communicate regarding you to such as you 
may wish to make your friends; but if you enable me also to 
say concerning you, that you are attentive to your friends; 
that you delight in nothing so much as in the possession of 
good friends; that you pride yourself on the honorable con- 
duct of your friends not less than on your own; that you 
rejoice at the good fortune of your friends not less than at 
your own; that you are never weary of contriving means by 
which good fortune may come to your friends; and that you 
think it the great virtue of a man to surpass his friends in do- 
ing them good and his enemies in doing them harm, I think 
that I shall be a very useful assistant to you in gaining the 
affections of worthy friends.” 36. “But why,” said Crito- 
bulus, “do you say this to me, as if you were not at liberty to 
say of me any thing you please?” “No, by Jupiter,” replied 
Socrates; “I have no such liberty, according to a remark that 
I once heard from Aspasia; for she said that skillful match- 
makers, by reporting with truth good points of character, had 
great influence in leading people to form unions, but that those 
who said what was false, did no good ‘by their praises, for that 
such as were deceived hated each other and the match-maker 
alike; and as Iam persuaded that this opinion is correct, I 
think that I ought not to say, when I praise you, any thing 
that I can not utter with truth.” 37. “You are, therefore,” 
returned Critobulus, “a friend of such a kind to me, Socrates, 
as to assist me, 11 have myself any qualities adapted to gain 
friends; but if not, you would not be willing to invent any 
thing to serve me.” “And whether, Critobulus,” said Soc- 
rates, “should I appear to serve you more by extolling you 


414 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES, BOOK It. 


with false praises, or by persuading you to endeavor to be- 
come a truly deserving man? 38. If this point is not clear to 
you, consider it with the following illustrations: If, wishing 
to make the owner of a ship your friend, I should praise 
you falsely to him, pronouncing you a skillful pilot, and he, 
believing me, should intrust his ship to you to steer when you 
are incapable of steering it, would you have any expectation 


that you would not destroy both yourself and the ship? Or if 
by false representations, I should persuade the state, publicly, — 


to intrust itself to you as a man skilled in military tactics, in 
judicial proceedings, or in political affairs, what do you think 
that yourself and the state would suffer at your hands? Or if, 
in private intercourse, I should induce any of the citizens, by 
unfounded statements, to commit their property to your care, 
as being a good and diligent manager, would you not, when 
you came to give proof of your abilities, be convicted of dis- 
honesty, and make yourself appear ridiculous? 39. But the 
shortest, and safest, and best way, Critobulus, is to strive to 
be really good in that in which you wish to be thought good. 
Whatever are called virtues among mankind, you will find, on 
consideration, capable of being increased by study and exer- 
cise. I am of opinion, that it is in accordance with these 
sentiments, that we ought to endeavor to acquire friends; if 
you know any other way, make me acquainted with it.” “I 
should be indeed ashamed,” replied Critobulus, “to say any 
thing in opposition to such an opinion ; for I should say what 
was neither honorable nor true.” 





CHAPTER VII. 


Socrates endeavored to alleviate the necessities of his friends by his instruc- 
tions, and by exhorting them to assist each other. In this chapter it is 
particularly shown that any person of liberal education may, when op- 

ressed by poverty, honorably use his talents and accomplishments for 

Ris support. _ ’ 

1. Sucw difficulties of his friends as arose from ignorance, 
he endeavored ‘to remedy by his counsel; such as sprung 
from poverty, by admonishing them to assist each other ac- 
cording to their means. With reference to this point, I will 


co 
eo 
tho τὰς ἡ 


vive’. 


ORAP. VII. NECESSITY OF LABOR 415 


relate what I know of him from haying been an ear-witness cf 
what he said. 

Observing Aristarchus,* on one occasion looking gloomily, 
“You seem,” said he, “ Aristarchus, to be taking something ἐσ 
heart; but you ought to impart the cause of your uneasiness 
to your friends; for perhaps we may by some means lighten 
it.” 2. “I am indeed, Socrates,” replied Aristarchus, “in 
great perplexity; for since the city has been disturbed,’ and 
many of our people have fled to the Pirmeus, my surviving 
sisters, and nieces, and cousins have gathered about me in 
such numbers, that there are now in my house fourteen free- 
born persons. At the same time, we receive no profit from 
our lands, for the enemy are in possession of them; nor any 
rent from our houses, for but few inhabitants are left in the 
city; no one will buy our furniture, nor is it possible to bor- 
row money from any quarter; a person, indeed, as it seems to 
me, would sooner find money by seeking it on the road, than 
get it by borrowing it. It is a grievous thing to me, therefore, 
to leave my relations to perish; and it is impossible for me to 
support such a number under such circumstances.” 3. Soc- 
rates, on hearing this, replied, “And how is it that Cera- 
mon,’ yonder, though maintaining a great number of people, 
is not only able to procure what is necessary for himself and 
them, but gains so much more, also, as to be positively rich, 
while you, having many to support, are afraid lest you should 
all perish for want of necessaries?” “Because, assuredly,” 
replied Aristarchus, “he mantains slaves, while I have to 
support free-born persons.” 4. “And which of the two,” in- 
quired Socrates, “do you consider to be the better, the free- 
born persons that are with you, or the slaves that are with 
Ceramon?’ “I consider the free persons with me as the 


1 Nothing more is known of him than is here mentioned. ᾿ Kiihner. 
3 When Lysander had taken the city, and established the Thirty 
ts, those who sought to restore the democracy and regain their 
ancient liberty, occupied the Pireeeus under the leadership of Thrasy- 
bulus, and began to make war on the supporters of the oligarchy. See 
Xen. Hellen. ii. 4. | Schneider. 
® Τοὺς ἐλευϑέρους.] Observe the force of the article: “ Fourteen, and 
those free persons, to say nothing of slaves.” Hrnesti. 
* Ὁ Κεράμων.] He is nowhere else mentioned. The article is here 
used δεικτικῶς, Ceramon iile. Kiihner 


416 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK Ib 


better.” “Is it not then a disgrace that he should gain abund- 
ance by means of the inferior sort, and that you should be 
in difficulties while having with you those of the better 
class?” “Such certainly is the case; but it is not at all 
wonderful; for’ he supports artisans ; but I, persons of liberal 
education.” 5. “Artisans, then,” asked Socrates, “are per- 
sons that know how to make something useful?” “Unques- 
tionably,” replied Aristarchus. “Is barley-meal, then, use- 
ful?” “Very.” “Is bread?” “Not less 50. “And are 
men’s and women’s garments, coats, cloaks, and mantles, use- 
ful?” “They are all extremely useful.” “And do those 
who are residing with you then, not know how to make any 
of these things?” “They know how to make them ali, as ] 
believe.” 6. “And are you not aware that from the manu- 
facture of one of these articles, that of barley-meal, Nau- 
sicydes* supports not only himself and his household but a 
great number of swine and oxen besides, and gains, indeed, so 
much more than he wants, that he often even assists the govern- 
ment with his money? Are you not aware that Cyrebus, by 
making bread, maintains his whole household, and lives luxu- 
riously; that Demea, of Collytus,* supports himself by mak- 
ing cloaks, Menon by making woolen cloaks, and that most 
of the Megarians live by making mantles?” “Certainly 
they do,” said Aristarchus; “for they purchase barbarian 
slaves and keep them, in order to force them to do what they 
please; but I have with me free-born persons and relatives.” 
7. “Then,” added Socrates, “because they are free and re- 
lated to you, do you think that they ought to do nothing else 
but eat and sleep? Among other free persons, do you see that 
those who live thus spend their time more pleasantly, and do 
you consider them happier, than those who practice the arts 
which they know, and which are useful to support life? Do 


" Νὴ A’, ἔφη, x. τ. λ.1 Ihave been obliged to supply some words 
here, which it is absolutely necessary to understand, if we adhere, with 
Kihner, to the reading Νὴ A?. “ Profecto ille in abundantié vivit, ego 
in egestate ; neque id mirum est, nam,” etc. Finck apud Kithner. Zeuno 
ag Sipe nance would read negatively μὰ Δι. “No, indeed, it is not 

all disgraceful, for,” ete.; a change which I can not but.think would 
pein improve the 

3 By the Scholiast on ‘Aristoph. Eccl. 426, he is called ἐλφιταμοιύός: 

xX 


, Lex. Xen. 
3 One of the boroughs or districts into which Attica was divided. 


CHAP. VIL ADVANTAGES OF INDUSTRY. 411 


you find that idleness and carelessness are serviceable to man- 
kind, either for learning what it becomes them to know, 
or for remembering what they have learned, or for maintain- 
ing the health and strength of their bodies, or for acquiring 
and preserving what is useful for the support of life, and that 
industry and diligence are of no service at all? 8. And as to 
the arts which you say they know, whether did they learn 
them as being useless to maintain life, and with the in- 
tention of never practicing any of them, or, on the contrary, 
with a view to occupy themselves about them, and to reap 
profit from them? In which condition will men be more 
temperate, living in idleness, or attending to useful employ- 
ments? In which condition will they be more honest, if they 
work, or if they sit in idleness meditating how to procure 
necessaries? 9. Under present circumstances, as I should sup- 
pose, you neither feel attached to your relatives, nor they to 
you, for you find them burdensome to you, and they see that 
you are annoyed with their company. For such feelings there 
is danger that dislike may grow stronger and stronger, and 
that previous friendly inclination may be diminished. But if 
you take them under your direction, so that they may be em- 
ployed, you will love them, when you see that they are sery- 
iceable to you, and they will grow attached to you, when they 
find that you feel satisfaction in their society ; and remember- 
ing past services with greater pleasure, you will increase the’ 
friendly feeling resulting from them, and consequently grow 
more attached and better disposed. toward each other. 10. If, 
indeed, they were going to employ themselves in any thing 
dishonorable, death would be preferable to it; but the ac- 
complishments which they know, are, as it appears, such as 
are most honorable and becoming to women; and all people 
execute what they know with the greatest ease and expedition, 
and with the utmost credit and pleasure. Do not hesitate, 
therefore,” concluded Socrates, “to recommend to them this 
line of conduct, which will benefit both you and them; and 
they, as it is probable, will cheerfully comply with your 
wishes.” 11. “By the gods,” exclaimed Anstarchus, “ you 
seem to me to give such excellent advice, Socrates, that 
though hitherto I did not like to borrow money, knowing that, 
when I had spent what I got, I should have no means of repay- 
185 


aie MEMORAPILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK Ir. 


ing it, I now think that I can endure to do so, in order to gain 
the necessary means of commencing work.” 
[ 12. The necessary means were accordingly provided ; wool 
was bought; and the women took their dinners as they con- 
tinued at work, and supped when they had finished their 
tasks ; they became cheerful instead of gloomy in countenance, 
and, instead of regarding each other with dislike, met the looks 
of one another with pleasure; they loved Aristarchus as their 
rotector, and he loved them as being of use to him. At last 
e came to Socrates, and told him with delight of the state of 
' things in his house; adding that “the women complained of 
_ him as being the only person in the house that ate the bread 
᾿ of idleness.” 13. “ And do you not tell them,” said Socrates, 
“the fable of the dog? For they say.that when beasts had 
the faculty of speech, the sheep said to her master, ‘you act 
strangely, in granting nothing to us who supply you with wool, 
and lambs, and: cheese, except what we get from the ground; 
while to the dog, who brings you no such profits, you give a 
share of the food which you take yourself’ 14. The dog, hear- 
ing these remarks, said, ‘ And not indeed without reason; for I 
am he that protects even yourselves, so that you are neither 
stolen by men, or carried off by wolves; while, if I were not 
to guard you, you would be unable even to feed, for fear lest 
you should be destroyed.’ In consequence it is said that the 
sheep agreed that the dog should have the superior honor. 
You, accordingly, tell your relations that you are, in the place 
of the dog, their guardian and protector, and that, by your 
means, they work and live in security and pleasure, without 
suffering injury from any one.” 





HAY. VILL. CONVERSATION WITH EUTHERUS. 419 


CHAPTER VU. 


Socrates persuades Entherus, who was working for hire, to seek some more 

ai employment, as his present occupation was not suited for old age, 

nd recommends to him the post of steward to some rich man. An ob- 

jection on the part of Eutherus, that he should dislike to have to render 

an account to a master, Socrates opposes with the remark that there is no 
office in the world free from. responsibility. 


1. Seerne an old friend one day, after a considerable inter- 
val of time, he said, “ Whence do you come, Eutherus?” “T 
am returned, Socrates,” replied Eutherus, “from my retire- 
ment abroad at the conclusion of the war;’ and I come now 
from the immediate neighborhood; for since we were robbed 
of all our possessions beyond the borders, and my father left 
me nothing in Attica, I am obliged to live in the city and 
work with my own hands to procure the necessaries of life ; 
but this seems to me better than to ask aid of any body, espe- 
cially as I have nothing on which I could borrow.” 2. “ And 
how long,” said Socrates, “do you think that your bodily 
labor will serve to earn what you require?” “Not very 
long, by Jupiter,” replied Eutherus. “Then,” said Socrates, 
“when you grow older, you will doubtless be in want of 
money, and no one will be willing to give you wages for your 
bodily labor.” “What you say is true,” rejoined Eutherus. 
3. “It will be better for you, therefore,” continued Socrates, 
“to apply yourself immediately ‘to some employment which 
will maintain you when you are old, and, attaching yoursel* 
to some one of those that have larger fortunes (who requires 
a person to assist him), and, superintending his works, help- 
ing to gather in his fruits, and preserve his property, to benefit 
him, and to be benefited by him in return.” 4. “I should 
with great reluctance, Socrates,” said he, “submit to slavery.” 
“Yet those who have the superintendence in states, and who 
take care of the public interests, are not the more like slaves 
on that account, but are thought to have more of the free- 


1 There is no doubt that the allusion here is to the peace of Thera- 
menes, by which every thing that the Athenians possessed beyond the 
limits of Attica was taken from them. See Plutarch. Lys. 14. Andoc. 
de Pace, 12. Kriiger. 


420 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK IL, 


man.” 5. “In a word, however,” rejoined Eutherus, “I am 
not at all willing to make myself liable to any one’s censure.” 
“But assuredly, Eutherus,” said Socrates, “it is not very easy 
to find an employment in which a person would not be ex- 
posed to censure; for it is difficult to do any thing so as to 
commit no error; and it is difficult, even if you have done it 
without error, to meet with a considerate judge; for even in 
the occupation in which you are now engaged 1 should wonder 
if it be easy for you to go through it without blame. 6. But 
you must endeavor to avoid such employers as are given to 
censure, and seek such as are candid; to undertake such duties 
as you are able to do, and to decline such as you can not fulfill ; 
and to execute whatever you take upon you in the best manner 
and with the utmost zeal; for I think that, by such conduct, 
you will be least exposed to censure, you will most readily find 
assistance in time of need, and you will live with the greatest 
ease and freedom from danger, and with the best provision for 


old age. 





CHAPTER IX. 


Crito, a rich man, complain that he is harassed by informers, Socrates 
recommends him to secure the services of Archedemus, a poor man well 
skilled in the law, to defend him against them; a plan Ὗ which both are 
benefited. Archedemus alsoassists others, and gains both reputation and 
emolument. . Fs 

1. I xyow that he also heard Crito once observe, how 
difficult it was for a man who wished to mind his own busi- 
ness to live at Athens,’ “For at this very time,” added he, 

“there are people bringing actions against me, not because 

they have suffered any wrong from me, but because they 

think that I would rather pay them a sum of money than 
have the trouble of law proceedings.” 2. “Tell me, Crito,” 
said Socrates, “do you not keep dogs, that they may drive 
away the wolves from your sheep?” “Certainly,” answered 


1 To live at Athens is said to have been troublesome on aceeunt of 
the sycophanie, or informers, whom the populace allowed te harass and 
annoy the richer class, in the belief that such liberty helped to support 
the democracy. Schneider. 


CHAP. IX. ARCHEDEMUS SERVES CRITO. 421 


Crito, “for it is more profitable to me to keep them than not.” 
“Would you not then be inclined to keep a man also, who 
would be willing and able to drive away from you those that 
try to molest you?” “I would with pleasure,” returned Crito, 
“if I were not afraid that he would turn against me.” 3. 
“But do you not see,” said Socrates, “that it would be much 
more pleasant for him to serve himself by gratifying such a 
man as you than by incurring your enmity. And be assured 
that there are such characters here, who would be extremely 
ambitious to have you for a friend.” 

4. In consequence of this conversation, they fixed upon 
Archedemus, a man of great ability both in speaking and 
acting, but poor; for he was not of a character to make 
money by every means, but was a lover of honesty, and a 
person of superior mind, so that he could draw money from 
the informers.’ Crito, therefore, whenever he gathered in 
his corn, or oil, or wine, or wool, or any thing else that grew 
on his land, used to select a portion of it, and give it to Ar- 
chedemus; and used to invite him whenever he sacrificed, 
and paid him attention in every similar way. 5, Archedemus, 
accordingly, thinking that Crito’s house would be a place of 
refuge for him, showed him much respect, and quickly dis- 
covered, on the part of Crito’s accusers, many illegal acts, 
and many persons who were enemies to those accusers, one of 
whom he summoned to a public trial, in which it would be 
settled what he should suffer or pay.* 6. This person, being 
conscious of many crimes, tried every means to get out of the 
hands of Archedemus; but Archedemus would not let him 
off, until he ceased to molest. Crito, and gave himself a sum 
of money besides. 

7. When Archedemus had succeeded in this and some 


1 Φιλόχρηστός τε καὶ εὐφυέστερος ὧν, ἀπὸ τῶν συκοφαντῶν λαμβάνειν.} 
Understand ὥστε, “so that he could get the better of the sycophants, 
and draw money from them, instead of allowing them to practice on 
Crito.” This is the reading of Kihner; most editions have édv 
ῥᾷστον εἶναι, “ he said that it was very easy to get money from the syco- 
phants.” 

2 When the sacrifice was ended, an entertainment followed, to which 
it was usual to invite kinsmen and friends, as a mark of respect. See 
Bachius ad Hieron. viii. 3. Kiihner. 

3 Ὃ τι δεῖ παϑεῖν ἢ ἐποτῖσαι.} A legal expression, παϑεῖν referring 
to corporal punishment, ἀποτῖσαι to a pecuniary fine. 3 


422 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK IL. 


other similar proceedings, then, as when any shepherd has a 
good dog, other shepherds wish to station their flocks near 
him, in order to have the benefit of his dog, so likewise many 
of the friends of Crito begged him to lend them the services 
of Archedemus as a protector. 8. Archedemus. willingly 
gratified Crito in this respect, and thus not only Crito himseli 
was left at peace, but his friends. And if any of those with 
whom he was at variance taunted him with receiving favors 
from Crito, and paying court to him, Archedemus would ask, 
“whether is it disgraceful to be benefited by honest men, 
and to make them your friends by serving them in return, 
and to be at variance with the unprincipled, or to make the 
honorable and good your enemies by trying to wrong them, 
and to make the bad your friends by co-operating with them, 
and associate with the vicious instead of the virtuous?” From 
this time Archedemus was one of Crito’s friends, and was 
honored by the other friends of Crito. 





CHAPTER X. 


Socrates exhorts Diodorus, a rich man, to aid his friend Hermogenes, who 
is in extreme poverty. A man endeavors to preserve the life of a slave 
and ought surely to use greater exertions to save a friend, who will well 
repay our kindness. 


1. I am aware that he also held a conversation with Dio- 
dorus, one of his followers, to the following effect. “Tell 
me, Diodorus,” said he, “if one of your slaves runs away, do 
you use any care to recover him?” 2. “ Yes, indeed,” an- 
swered he, “and I call others to my aid, by offering rewards 
for capturing him.” “ And if any of your slaves falls ill,” 
continued Socrates, “do you pay any attention to him, and 
call in medical men, that he may not die?” “Certainly,” 
replied the other. “And if any one of your friends, who is 
far more valuable to you than all your slaves, is in danger of 
perishing of want, do you not think that it becomes you to 
take care of him, that his life may be saved? 3. But you are 
not ignorant that Hermogenes is not ungrateful, and would 
be ashamed, if, after being assisted by you, he were not to 
serve you in return; and indeed to secure such a supporter as 


CHAP. I. ON CHARITY. ON DOING OUR DUTY. 423 


he, willing, well-disposed, steady, and not only able to do what 
he is directed, but capable of being useful of himself, and of 
taking forethought, and forming plans for you, I consider 
equivalent to the value of many slaves. 4. Good economists 
say that you ought to buy, when you can purchase for a little 
what is worth much ; but now, in consequence of the troubled 
state of affairs, it is possible to obtain good friends at a very 
easy rate.” 5, “You say well, Socrates,” rejoined Diodorus ; 
“and therefore tell Hermogenes to come to me.” “No, by 
Jupiter,” said Socrates, “I shall not; for I think it not so 
honorable for you to send for him as to go yourself to 
him; nor do I consider it a greater benefit to him than to 
you that this intercourse should take place.” 6. Diodorus 
accordingly went to Hermogenes, and secured, at no great 
expense, a friend who made it his business to consider by 
what words or deeds he could profit or please Diodorus. 





BOOK IIL. 


CHAPTER I. 


Socrates used to exhort those who aspired to public offices to learn the duties 
that would be required in them. The duties of a military commander, 
and his responsibilities, sect. 1-5. Ie must know many things besides 
military tactics, 6-11. 

1. I witt now show that Socrates was of great service to 
those who aspired to posts of honor,’ by rendering them 
attentive to the duties of the offices which they sought. 

Having heard that Dionysodorus’ had arrived at the city, 
offering to teach the art of a general, he said to one of those 
who were with him, whom he observed to be desirous of 
obtaining that honor in the state, 2. “It is indeed unbe- 
coming, young man, that he who wishes to be commander of 


ι Τῶν καλῶν. Τὰ καλὰ are here munera publica, honores. See Weisko 
ad h. L, and Haas. ad lib. de Rep. Lac. p. 95, seq. . Kiihner. 

2 A native of Chios, and brother of Euthydemus. He first taught 
the military art at Athens, and then devoted himself to the profession 
of the Sophists. See Cobet, Prosopogr. Xen. p. 38.  Kiihner. 


494 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK Ut. 


an army in his country should neglect to learn the duties of 
that office when he has an opportunity of learning them; and 
such a person would be far more justly punished by his coun- 

than one who should contract to make statues for it, 
when he had not learned to make them; 3. for as the whole 
state, in the perils of war, is intrusted to the care of the 
general, it is likely that great advantages will occur if he act 
well, and great evils if he fall into error. How, then, would 
_ not he, who neglects to learn the duties of the office, while he 
is eager to be elected to it, be deservedly punished?” By 
making such observations, he induced the young man to go 
and learn. 

4. When, after having learned, he returned to Socrates again, 
he began to joke upon him, saying, “Since Homer, my 
friends, has represented Agamemnon as dignified,’ does not 
this young man, after learning to be a general, seem to you to 
look more dignified than before? For as he who has learned 
to play the lyre is a lyrist, though he may not use the instru- 
ment, and he who has learned the art of healing is a physician, 
though he may not practice his art, so this youth will from 
henceforth be a general, though no one may elect him to com- 
mand; but he who wants the proper knowledge is neither 
general nor physician, even though he be chosen to act as 
such by all the people in the world. 5. But,” he continued, 
“in order that we may have a better knowledge of the mili- 
tary art, in case any one of us should have to command a 
troop or company under you, tell us how he began to teach 
you generalship?” “He began,” replied the youth, “ with 
the same thing with which he ended; for he taught me 
tactics, and nothing else.” 6. “But,” said Socrates, “how 
small a part of the qualifications of a general is this! Fora 
general must be skillful in preparing what is necessary for 
war, able’ in securing provisions for his troops, a man of great 
contrivance and activity, careful, persevering, and sagacious ; 
kind, and yet severe; open, yet crafty; careful of his own, 
yet ready to steal from’ others; profuse, yet rapacious; lavish 
of presents, yet eager ‘to acquire money; cautious, yet enter- 
prising; and many other qualities there are, both natural and 
acquired, which he, who would fill the office of general. with 
ability, must possess. 7. It is good, indeed, to be skilled in 

* Τεραρόν. 1]. iii. 171. ? Compare Cyrop. i. 6, 12, segg. 


OHAP, I. THE DUTIES OF A GENERAL 425 


tactics; for a well-arranged army is very different from a 
disorderly one; as stones and bricks, wood and tiles, if thrown 
together in confusion, are of no use whatever; but when the 
stones and tiles, materials not likely to rot or deeay, are 
placed at the bottom and the top, and the bricks and wood 
are arranged in the middle (as in building), a house, which is 
a valuable piece of property, is formed.” * 8. “ What you have 
said, Socrates,” rejoined the youth, “is an exact illustration 
of our practice; for in the field of battle we must place the. 
bravest troops in the front and rear, and the cowardly in. the 
middle, that they may be led on by those before them, and 
pushed forward by those behind.”* 9. “If indeed he has 
taught you to distinguish the brave and cowardly,” rejoined 
Socrates, “that rule may be of use; but if not, what profit is 
there in what you have learned? for if he ordered you, in 
arranging a number of coins, to lay the best first and last, 
and the worst in the middle, and gave you no instructions 
how to distinguish the good and bad, his orders to you would 
be to no purpose.” “But indeed,” he replied, “he did not 
teach me this; so that we must distinguish the brave from 
the cowardly ourselves.”* 10. “ Why should we not consider 
then,” said Socrates, “how we may avoid mistakes as to that 
matter?” “TI 4m willing,” returned the young man. “If 
then we had to capture a sum of money, and were to place 
the most covetous men in front, should we not arrange them 
properly?” “It appears so to me.” “And what must 
generals do when entering on a perilous enterprise? Must 
they not place the most ambitious in front?” “They at 
least,” said the young man, “are those who are ready to 
brave danger for the sake of praise; and they are by no 
means difficult to discover, but-will be every where con- 
spicuous and easy to be selected.”* 11. “But did your in- 


! Compare Cyrop. vi. 3, 25. 
2 See Cyrop. vii. 5. 5. As Homer, Il. iy. 297, says of Nestor, 
The horse and chariots to the front assign’d, 
The foot (the strength of war) he rang’d behind; 
The middle space suspected troops supply, 
Inclos'd by both, nor left the power to fly. Pope. 
3 So that if we have to decide which are good, and. which bad, we 
must make the decision for ourselves. Kiihner. 
4 These remarks on the easiness of discovering the ambitious, are 
given to the young man by Schneider, Kithner, and, I believe, all otiex 


496 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK IIL, 


structor,” inquired Socrates, “teach you to arrange an army, 
merely, or did he tell you for what purpose, and in what 
manner, you must employ each division of your forces ?” 
“Not at all,” replied he. “Yet there are many occasions, 
on which it is not proper to draw up an army, or to conduct 
it, in the same way.” “But, by Jupiter, he gave me no ex- 
planation as to such occasions.” “Go, again, then, by all 
means,” said Socrates, “and question him; for if he knows, 
-and is not quite shameless, he will blush, after taking your 
money, to send you away in ignorance.” 





CHAPTER ΤΙ. 


A good general ought to take measures for the safety, maintenance, and 
success of his troops; and not to study his own honor alone, but that ~ 
of his whole army. 


1. Havine met, on some occasion, a person who had been 
elected general, Socrates said to him, “ Why is it, do you 
think, that Homer has styled Agamemnon ‘Shepherd of the 
people? Is it not for this reason, that as a shepherd must 
be careful that his sheep be safe, and have food, and the ob- 
ject may be effected for which they are kept, so a general 
must take care that his soldiers be safe, and have provisions, 
and that the object be effected for which they serve? and 
they serve, no doubt, that they may increase their gratifica- 
tions by conquering the enemy. 2. Or why has he praised 
Agamemnon in the following manner, saying that he was 


Both characters, a good king, and an efficient warrior?! 


Does he not mean that he would not have been “an efficient 
warrior” if he had fought courageously alone against the 
enemy, and if he had not been the cause of courage to his 
whole army; and that he would not have been “a good king,” 
if he had attended to his own subsistence only, and had not 
been the cause of comfort to those over whom he ruled? 3. 


a but it se be inquired whether they are not more suitable to 
e character of Socrates, to whom Sarah Fielding has taken the liberty 
7 giving them. 
* I, iii, 179, 


CHAP, III. DUTIES OF A CAVALRY OFFICER. 427 


For a man is chosen king, not that he may take good care of 
himself, but that those who have chosen him may prosper by 
his means ; and all men, when they take the field, take it that 
their lives may be rendered as happy as possible, and choose 
generals that they may conduct them to the accomplishment 
of that object. 4. It is incumbent on the leader of an army, 
therefore, to carry into execution the views of those who have 
chosen him their leader. ΝῸΡ is it easy to find any thing more 
honorable than such exertion, or more disgraceful than an op- 
posite course of conduct.” 

Thus considering what was the merit of a good leader, he 
omitted other points in his character, and left only this, that he 
should render those whom he commanded happy. 





CHAPTER III. 


The duty of a commander of cavalry is twofold, to improve the condition 
both of his men and his horses; and not to leave the care of the horses to 
the troops, sect. 1-4.. How he should train his men, and how he should 
be himself qualified to do so, 5-10. He should acquire oratorial power. 
that he may incite his men to exertion, and fire them with the desire o 

- glory, 11-15. 

1. I remember that he held a dialogue with a person who 
had been chosen Hipparch,’ to the following purport : “ Could 
you tell me, young man,” said he, “with what object you de- 
sired to be a Hipparch ? It certainly was not for the sake of rid- 
ing first among the cavalry ; for the horse-archers are honored 
with that dignity, as they ride even before the Hipparchs.” 
“You say the truth,” said the youth. “Nor was it, 
surely, for the sake of being noticed, for even madmen are 
noticed by every body.” “You say the truth in that respect 
also.” 2. “ But was it, then, that you expect to render the 
cavalry better, and present them in that condition to your 
country, and that, if there should be need for the services of 


1 There were at Athens two ixzapyoi, or commanders of the horse, 
who had supreme authority over the cavalry, but were subject to the 
orders of the ten στράτηγοι, or commanders of the infantry. The duties of 
a Hipparch, Xenophon has described in his treatise entitled Ἱππαρχικός. 
Exhner. 


498 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK In. 


cavalry, you hope, as their leader, to be the author of some 
advantage to the state?” “I do hope so, certainly.” “And 
it will be truly honorable to you,” continued Socrates, “if 
you are able to effect that object. But the office, to which 
you have been chosen, takes charge of both the horses and 
riders?” “It does so,” said the young man. 3. “ Come then, 
tell me this first of all, how you propose to render the horses 
better?” “That,” replied the other, “I do not consider to 
be my business; for I think that each man, individually, must 
take care or his own horse.” 4. “ If, then,” said Socrates, 
“some of the men should present their horses before you so 
diseased in the feet, so weak in the legs, or so feeble in body, 
and others, theirs so ill-fed, that they could not follow you; 
others, theirs so unmanageable, that they would not remain 
where you posted them; others, theirs so vicious that it 
would not be possible to post them at all; what would be 
the use of such cavalry to you? Or how would you be able, 
at the head of them, to be of any service to your country ?” 
“You admonish me well,” said the youth, “and I will try 
to look to. the horses as far as may be in my power.” 5. 
“ And will you not also endeavor,” asked Socrates, “to make 
the riders better?” “I will” said he. “You will first of 
all, then, make them more expert in mounting their horses.” 
“T ought to do so; for if any of them should fall off, they 
would thus be better prepared to recover themselves.” 6. 
“ Tf, then,” said Socrates, “you should be obliged to hazard 
an ‘engagement, whether will you order your men to bring 
the enemy down to the level sand’ on which you have been 
accustomed to ride, or will you try to exercise them on such 
ground as that on which the enemy may show themselves ?” 
“The latter method will be the better,” said the young man. 
7. “ Will you also take any care that the greatest possible 
number of your men may be able to hurl the dart on horse- 
back?” “That will be better, too,” replied he. “And have 
you considered how to whet the courage of your cavalry, 
since you intend to make them more courageous, and animate 
them against the enemy?” “If I have not yet considered,” 


1 The cavalry were exercised on level ground strewed with sand; 
hence such places were called ἐμμόδρομοι. See Lexic. apud Rubnk. ad 
Ἔρεσοον Ρ. 23, ed. ii, Schneider. See also Hipparch. i. 5, and Schneider 

Hipparch. iii. 10. 


CHAP, IIL. DUTIES OF A CAVALRY OFFICER... 429 


said he, “I will now try to do so.” 8. “ And have you at all 
considered how your cavalry may be induced to obey you? 
For without obedience you will have no profit either from 
horses or horsemen, spirited and valiant as they may be.” 
“ You say the truth, Socrates,” said he; “but by what means 
can a leader most effectually induce them to obedience ?” 
9. “You are doubtless aware that in all circumstances men 
most willingly obey those whom they consider most able to 
direct ; for in sickness patients obey him whom they think 
the best physician; on shipboard, the passengers obey him 
whom they think the best pilot, and in agriculture, people 
obey him whom they deem the best husbandman.” “ Unques- 
tionably,” said the young man. “Is it not then likely,” said — 
Socrates, “ that in horsemanship also, others will be most will- 
ing to obey him who appears to know best what he ought 
to do?” 10. “If, therefore, Socrates, I should myself appear 
the best horseman among them, will that circumstance be 
sufficient to induce them to obey me?” “If you convince 
them in addition,” said Socrates, “ that it is better and safer 
for them to obey you.” “ How, then, shall I convince them 
of that?’ “ With much more ease,” replied Socrates, “ than 
if you hal to convince them that bad things are better and 
more profitable than good.” 11. “ You mean,” said the young 
man, “that a commander of cavalry, in addition to his other 
qualifications, should study to acquire some ability in speak- 
ing.” “And did you think,” asked Socrates, “that you would 
command cavalry by silence? Have you not reflected, that 
whatever excellent principles we have learned according to 
law,’ principles by which we know how to live, we learned all 
through the medium of speech; and that whatever other 
valuable instruction any person acquires, he acquires it by 
means. of speech likewise? Do not those who teach best, use 
speech most; and those who know the most important truths, 
discuss them with the greatest eloquence? 12. Or have you 
not observed,’ that when a band of dancers and musicians is 


1 Noug.] That is, more et institutis civitatis, Ernesti. 

2 The idea is, that though the Athenians excel other people in many 
respects, they excel them in nothing more than in their love of praise. 
If, therefore, you wish to improve the cavalry, you must. bestow 
praise and honors upon them as often as they do their duty weil. 
Langs. 


paar ccol eens 


430 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK Ill 


formed from this city, as that, for instance, which is sent to 
Delos,’ no one from any other quarter can compete with it; 
and that in no other city is manly grace’ shown by num- 
bers of people like that which is seen here?” “ What you 
say is true,” said he. 13. “ But it is not so much in sweet- 
ness of yoice, or in size and strength of body, that the Athen- 
ians excel other people, as in ambition, which is the greatest 


' incitement to whatever is honorable and noble.” “This also 


| is true,” said he. 14. “Do you not think, then,” said Soc- 


rates, “that if any one should study to improve the cavalry 
here, the Athenians would excel other people in that depart- 
ment also (as well in the decoration of their arms and horses as 
in the good order of the men, and in boldly defying danger to 
encounter the enemy), if they thought that by such means they 
would acquire praise and honor?” “It is probable,” said the 
young man. “ Do nc delay, therefore,” added Socrates, “ but 
try to excite your men to those exertions by which you will 
both be benefited yourself, and your countrymen through your 
means.” “1 will assuredly try,” replied he. 





CHAPTER IV. 


Nicomachides complaining that the Athenians had not chosen him general, 
though he was experienced in war, but Antisthenes, who had seen no 
military service, Socrates proceeds to show that Antisthenes, although he 
had never filled the office of commander, might have qualities to indicate 
that he would fill it with success. 


1. Szerye Nicomachides,® one day, coming from the as- 
sembly for the election of magistrates, he asked him, “ Who 


1 The Athenians sent. a chorus to Delos every year, and a sacred de- 
putation, in which there was also a chorus, every fifth year, to celebrate 
games in honor of Apollo. It is of this deputation that the passage in 
iv. 8. 2 is to be understood. Weiske. 

2 He refers to the custom of selecting the best-looking men, both young 
and old, to walk as Thallophori at the Panathenza, or feast of Minerva. 
See Harpocration sub ἢ. v. ibique Valesius, p. 34. Old men’ are men. 
tioned as Thallophori by Xen. Sympos. iv. 11. See Athenzeus, lib. xiii, 
p. 565. Schneider. f 

3 Nothing is said of him elsewhere. Kiihner. 


CHAP. IY. GOOD QUALITIES FOR COMMAND. 431 


have been chosen generals, Nicomachides?” “ Are not the 
Athenians the same as ever, Socrates?’ he replied; “for 
they have not chosen me, who am worn out with serving on 
the list,’ both as captain and centurion,’ and with having re- 
ceived so many wounds-from the enemy (he then drew aside 
his robe, and showed the scars of the wounds), but have 
elected Antisthenes, who has never served in the eavy-armed 
infantry, nor done any thing remarkable in the cavalry, and 
who indeed knows nothing, but how to get money.” 2. 
“Ts it not good, however, to know this,” said Sozrates, “since 
he will then be able to get necessaries for the troops?” “But 
merchants,” replied Nicomachides, “are able to collect money ; 
and yet would not on that account, be capable of leading an 
army.” 3. “ Antisthenes, however,” continued Socrates, “is 
given to emulation, a quality necessary in a general. Do you 
not know that whenever he has been chorus-manager* he has 
gained the superiority in all his choruses?” “ But, by Jupi 
ter,” rejoined Nicomachides, “there is nothing ‘similar ia 
managing a chorus and an army.” 4. “ Yet Antisthenes,” 
said Socrates, “though neither skilled in music nor in teach- 
ing a cherus,! was able to find out the best masters in these 


departments. ® «Tn the army, accordingly,” exclaimed Nico- 
machides, “he will find he! to range his troops for him, 
and others to fight for him!” 5. “ Well, then,” rejoined Soe- 


rates, “if he find out and select the best men in military 
affairs, as he has done in the conduct of his choruses, he will 
probably attain superiority in this respect also; and it is 
likely that he will be more willing to spend money for a vic- 
tory in war on behalf of the whole state, than ἐν a victory 
with a chorus in behalf of his single tribe.” δ΄ 6. “Do you 


1 Ἐκ κοὐ αρναδῆ E delectu militans. * * * Significatur ratio qud ad. 
militares expeditiones venit. Kiihner: who also refers wo Thucyd. viii. 
24; Aristot. Polit. v. 2; and Suidas, v. κατάλογος. 

2 Λοχαγῶν καὶ ταξιαρχῶν. Serving as λοχαγὸς, ccislaiae of twenty-five, 
and ταξιαρχὸς, captain of a hundred. 

3 The χορηγὸς, or chorus-manager, among the Attic writers, is properly 
he who raised the chorus, and provided it with instruction and every 
thing necessary, at his own expense. Schneider. See Bockh, Sub. con. 
of Athens, vol. i. p. 487. 

4 Xopav διδασκαλίας. He that taught and disciplined the χορὸς, was 
called χοροῦ διδάσκαλος. 

5 The victory belonged, not to the χορηγὸς, but to his tribe, in the 


432 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOR ΠῚ. 


say, then, Socrates,” said he, “that it is in the power of the 
same man to manage a chorus well, and to manage an army 
well?” “TI say,” said Socrates, “that over whatever a man 
may preside, he will, if he knows what he needs, and is able 
to provide it, be a good president, whether he have the direc- 
tion of a chorus, a family, a city, or an army.” 7. “By 
Jupiter, Socrates,” cried Nicomachides, “I should never have 
expected to hear from you that good managers of family 
would also be good generals.” “Come, then,” proceeded Soc- 
rates, “let us consider what are the duties of each of them, 
that we may understand whether they are the same, or are in 
any respect different.” “By all means,’ said he. 8. “Is it 
not, then, the duty of both,” asked. Socrates, “to render those 
under their command obedient and submissive to them ?” 
“ Unquestionably.” “Is it not also the duty of both to in- 
trust various employments to such as are fitted to executo 
them?” “That is also unquestionable.’ “To punish the 
bad, and to honor the good, too, belongs, I think, to each of 
them.” “Undoubtedly.” 9. “ And is it not honorable in both 
to render those under them  well-disposed toward them ?” 
“That also is certain.” “And do you think it for the interest 
of both to gain for themselves allies and auxiliaries or not ?” 
“Tt assuredly is for their interest.” “Is it not proper for 
both also to.be careful of their resources?” “ Assuredly.” 
“ And is it not proper for both, therefore, to be attentive and 
industrious in their respective duties?’ 10. “ All these par- 
ticulars,” said Nicomachides, “are common alike to both; 
but it is not common to both to fight.” ‘Yet both have 
doubtless enemies,” rejoined Soerates. “That is probably the 
case,” said the other. “Is it not for the interest of both to 
gain the superiority over those enemies?” 11. “ Certainly; 
but to say nothing on that point, what, I ask, will skill in 
managing a household avail, if it be necessary to fight?” “It 
will doubtless in that case, be of the greatest avail,” said Soc- 
rates; “for a good manager of a house, knowing that nothing 
is so advantageous or profitable as to get the better of your 
enemies when you contend with them, nothing so unprofitable 
and prejudicial as to be defeated, will zealously seek and pro- 
vide every thing that may conduce to victory, will carefully 


name of which the money was expended. Schneider. Attica was divid- 
ed into ten tribes. 


CHAP. ¥. CONVERSATION WITH PERIULES. 43% 


watch and guard against whatever tends to defeat, will vigor- 
ously engage if he sees that his force is likely to conquer, and, 
what is not the least important point, will cautiously avoid en- 
gaging if he finds himself insufficiently prepared. 12. Do not, 
therefore, Nicomachides,” he added, “despise men skillful in 
managing a household; for the conduct of private affairs dif- 
fers from that of public concerns only in magnitude ; in other 
respects they are similar; but what 1s most to be observed, is, 
that neither of them are managed without men, and that pri- 
vate matters are ποῦ managed by one species of men, and pub- 
lic matters by another; for those who conduct public business 
make use of men not at all differing in nature from those 
whom the managers of private affairs employ ; and those who 
know how to employ them conduct either public or private 
affairs judiciously, while those who do not know will err in the 
_ management of both.” 





CHAPTER V. 


Conversation of Socrates with Pericles the younger on the manner in which 
the Athenians might be made to recover their ancient spirit and ambition. 
They ought to be reminded of the deeds of their ancestors, sect. 1-12; 
and to be taught that indolence has been the cause of their degeneracy, 
13. They ought to revive the institutions of their forefathers, or iraitate 
those of the Lacedemonians, 14; and to pay Pipe attention to military 
affairs, 15-25. How the territory of Attica might be best secured against 
invasion, 26-28. 


1. ConveRsInG, on one occasion, with Pericles,’ the son of 
the great Pericles, Socrates said, “I have hopes, Pericles, that 
under your leadership the city will become more eminent and 
famous in military affairs, and will get the better of her ene- 
mies.” “T wish, Socrates,” said Pericles, “that what you say 
may happen; but how such effects are to be produced, I can 
not understand.” “Are you willing, ther,” asked Socrates, 


1 This is the Pericles, the illegitimate son of the great Pericles, whom 
the Athenians, when the legitimate sons of the elder Pericles were dead, 
naturalized, in order to gratify his father. See Plutarch in Pericl. extr. 
Being made general with Thrasylus and Erasinides, and being involved 
in the ill-success at Arginusze, he was condemned to death, Olymp. xciii. 
2. LErnesti. 

VOL, I. 19 


484 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK IIL. 


“that we should have some conversation on these points, 
and consider how far there is a Possibility of effecting + what 
we desire.” “I am quite willing,” replied Pericles. 2. “ Are 
you aware, then,” said Socrates, “that the Athenians are 
not at all inferior in number to the Beotians?’ “I am,” 
said Pericles. “And whether do you think that a greater 
number of efficient and well-formed men could be selected 
from the Beeotians, or from the Athenians?’ “Tke Atheni- 
ans do not appear to me to be inferior in this respect.” 
“ And which of the two yeoples do you consider to be more 
united among themselves?” ΚΤ think that the Athenians 
are; for many of the Beeotians, being oppressed by the The- 
bans, entertain hostile ae toward them. But at Athens 
) [see nothing of the kind.” 3, “ But the Athenians are, more- 
| over, of all people most eager for honor and most friendly i in 
ὶ \ disposition ; qualities which most effectually impel men to face 
‘danger in ‘the cause of glory and of their country.” “The 
\Athenians are certainly not to be found fault with in these 
respects. ” “ And assuredly there is no people that can boast 
of greater or more numerous exploits of their ancestors than 
the Athenians; a circumstance by which many are prompted 
and stimulated to cultivate manly courage and to become 
brave.” 4.“ All that you say is true, Socrates, but you see 
that since the slaughter of the thousand occurred δὲ Lebadeia, 
under Tolmides,’ and that at Delium under Hippocrates,’ 
the reputation of the Athenians has suffered as far as regards 
the Beeotians, and the spirit of the Bceotians has been raised 

1 Lebadeia was a town of central Boeotia, between Haliartus and 
Chzronea; the whole province is now. comprehended under the name 
of Livadia. From the proximity of these places, it has happened that 
the battle is sometimes called the battle of Lebadeia, sometimes at 
Chzeronea, sometimes at Coronea. — See’ Thucyd. i. 113; Plutarch, 
Pericl. c. 18; Agesil. ο. 19; Diod. Sic. xii. 6; Plat. Alcib; I. p.:112, E. 
The battle was fought B.. c. 447. The “ slaughter” was of a thousand 
ae by the Beeotians. Tolmides was the Athenian general. 

ner. 

2 Hippocrates was a general of the Athenians killed by the Boeotians. 
See Kriiger, de Xen. Vit. Questt. Critt. p. 6. Cobet, Prosopogr. Xen. 
p. 49. The battle at Delium was fought B.c. 424; Socrates, as Schnei- 
der observes, was present at it, according to Strabo, ix. p. 618, B., and 
Diogenes Laertius, Vit: Soc. See Thucyd. iv. 93, segq. * * * Delium 
was a temple of Apollo in Beotia, near which a little town seems 
grednally to have arisen; for Strabo and others speak of a πολεχνέον. 


OHAP. V. CONDITION OF THE ATHENIANS. 435 


as far as regards the Athenians, so that the Boeotians, indeed, 
who formerly did not’ dare, even on their own soil, to meet 
the Athenians in the field without the aid of the Spartans 
and other Peloponnesians, now threaten to invade Attica 
single-handed ; while the Athenians, who formerly, when the 
Beeotians were unsupported, ravaged yr anse are afraid lest 
the Beeotians should lay waste Attica.” 5. “I perceive, in- 
deed,” said Socrates, “that such is the bald but the city 
seems to me now to be more favorably disposed for any good 
general; for confidence produces in’ men carelessness, indo- 
lence, and disobedience, but fear renders them more attentive, 
obedient, and orderly. 6. You may form a notion of this 
from people in a ship; for as long as they fear nothing, they 
are all in disorder, but as soon as they begin to dread a storm, 
or the approach of an enemy, they not only do every thing 
that they are told to do, but are hushed in silence, waiting 
for the directions to be given, like a band of dancers.”* - 7, 
“Well, then,” said Pericles, “if they would now, assuredly, 
obey, it would be time for us to discuss how we might incite 
them to struggle to regain their ancient spirit, glory, and 
happiness.” 8. “If then,” said Socrates, “we wished them 
to claim property of which others were in possession, wé 
should most effectively urge them to lay claim to ‘it, if we 
proved that it belonged to their fathers, and was their rightful 
inheritance ; and since we wish that they should strive for 
pre-eminence in valor, we must show them that such pre- 
eminence was indisputably theirs of old, and that if they now 
exert themselves to recover it, they will be the most powers 
ful of all people.” 9. “ How, ‘then, can we convince them of 
this?” “1 think that we may do so, if we remind them that 
they have heard that their most ancient forefathers, of whom 
we have any knowledge, were the bravest of men.” 10. “Do 
you allude to the dispute between the gods, of which Cecrops* 
and his assessors had ‘the decision on account of their valor ?” 
“T do allude to that, and to the education and birth of Erech- 


τ Ὥσπερ xopevrai. | Who always look to the coryphzeus, or chotus- 
leader. Schneider 

2 Cecrops is said to have set as judge between Neptune and Minerva 
when they were contending for the dominion over Attica. The fable is 
related both by other writers and by Apollodorus, iii. 14. See Heyne, 
Observat. p. 321, segg., and the commentators on Ovid. Met. vi, 70. 
Schneider, : 


486 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK IIL 


theus,’ and the war which occurred in his time with the people 
of the whole adjoining continent,’ as well as that which was 
waged under the Heracleidz against the Peloponnesians,* and 
all the wars that were carried on under Theseus,‘ in all of 
which they showed themselves the bravest people of their 
time ; 11. and also, if you please, to what their descendants 
have since done, who lived not long before our day, not only 
contending, with their own unassisted strength, against the 
lords of all Asia and of Europe, as far as Macedonia (who in- 
herited vast power and wealth from their ancestors, and who 
had themselves performed great achievements), but also dis- 
ished themselves, in conjunction with the Peloponnesians, 
both by land and sea. They, doubtless, are celebrated as 
having far surpassed other men of their time.” ‘“ They are so,” 
said Pericles. 12. “ In consequence, though many migrations 
occurred in Greece, they remained’ in their own country ; and 
many, when contending for their rights, submitted their claims 
te their arbitration, while many others, also, when — 
by more powerful people, sought refuge with them.” “1 
wonder, indeed, Socrates,” said Pericles, “ how our toms ever 
degenerated. ” JT imagine,” said Socrates, “ that as some other 
nations’ have grown indolent through excessive exaltation and 

1 Erectheus was the fourth king of Athens. IL ii. 547: 

Athens the fair, where great Erectheus sway’d, 
That owed his nurture to the blue-ey’d maid, 
But from the teeming furrow took his birth, 

The mighty offspring of the foodful earth. Pope. 

2 The continent meant is the country of Thrace, which, in the earliest 
times, reached to the boundaries of Attica. See Isocrates, Panegyr. c. 
19. The war intended is that which was waged by the Athenians against 
the Thracians and Eleusinians. See Goeller ad Thucyd. ii. 15, and Stall- 
baum ad Plat. Menex. p. 239, B. Kiihner. 

3 The war carried on by the descendants of Hercules against Eurysth- 
eus and the Peloponnesians. Kiihner. 

4 He alludes to the wars carried on against the Amazons and Thra- 
cians. Herodot. ix. 27; Isocr. Panegyr. ο. 19; Plutarch, Thes. ο. 27; 
ope Panath. p. 201, 5e4q.5 ; Lysiz Epitaph. sect. 4, seqq. ; Justin ii, 4. 
Ter 

5 Hence the Athenians wished to be thought αὐτόχϑονες and γηγενεῖς: 
all their praises, to which Xenophon here alludes, are briefly given by 
ae FOR in his Panegyric. | Schneider. 

6 "Αλλοι τινές.) Schneider, from a conjecture of Weiske or Heinz, 
reads ἀϑληταί τινες, for, says he, “inepté civitati Atheniensium ἄλλοι 
τινὲς opponuntur. » "ADR τινὲς is however the reading of all the old 
copies, and is followed by Kiihner. 


cHaP. Υ. HOW THE ATHENIANS MAY BE IMPROVED. 437. 


power, so likewise the Athenians, after attaining great pre-em- 
inence, grew neglectful of themselves, and consequently became 
degenerate.” 

14. “By what means, then,” said Pericles, “could they 
now recover their pristine dignity?” “It appears to me,” 
replied Socrates, “ not at all difficult to discover; for I think 
that if they learn what were the practices of their ancestors, 
and observe them not less diligently than they, they will 
become not at all inferior to them; but if they do not take 
that course, yet, if they imitate those’ who are now at the 
head of Greece, adhere to their institutions, and attend to 
the same duties with diligence equal to theirs, they will stand 
not at all below them, and, if they use. greater exertion, even 
above them.” 15. “ You intimate,” returned Pericles, “ that 
honor and virtue are far away from our city; for when will 
the Athenians reverence their elders as the Spartans do, 
when they begin, even by their own fathers, to show disrespect 
for older men? Or when will they exercise themselves like 
them, when they not only are regardless of bodily vigor, but 
deride those who cultivate it. 16. Or when will they obey 
the magistrates like them, when they make it their pride to set 
them at naught? Or when will they be of one mind like 
them, when, instead of acting in concert for their mutual in- 
terests, they inflict injuries on one another, and envy one 
another more than they envy the rest of mankind? More 
than any other people, too, do they dispute in their private 
and public meetings; they institute more law-suits against 
one another, and prefer thus to prey upon one another than 
to unite for their mutual benefit. They conduct their public 
affairs as if they were those of a foreign state ;? they contend 
about the management of them, and rejoice, above all things, 
in having power to engage in such contests. 17. From such 
conduct much ignorance and baseness prevail in the republic, 
and much envy and mutual hatred are engendered in the 
breasts of the citizens ; on which accounts I am constantly in 

1 That the Lacedsemonians are meant is plain from what follows. 
Schneider. It is justly observed by Herbst, that Xenophon takes every 
occasion to praise the constitution of Sparta, and to prefer it to that of 
Athens, referring to iv. 4.15; Cyrop. i. 6. 19; Symp. viii. 39; De Rep, 
Ath. and De Vectigal. Kiihner. 

τ Ὥσπερ ἀλλοτρίοις. Negligently; as if they had no concern iv. 
them. 


488 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK II. 


the greatest fear lest some evil should happen to the state too 
great for it to bear.” 18.“ Do not by any means suppose, 
Pericles,” rejoined Socrates, “that the Athenians are thus 
disordered with an incurable depravity. Do you not see how 
orderly they are in their naval proceedings, how precisely 
they obey the presidents in the gymnastic games, and how, in 
the arrangement of the choruses, they submit to the directions 
of their teachers in a way inferior to none?” 19. “This is 
indeed surprising,” said: Pericles, “that men of that class* 
should obey those who are set over them, and that the in- 
fantry and cavalry, who are thought to excel the ordinary 
citizens in worth and valor, should be the least obedient of 
all the people.” 20. “The council of the Areopagus, too,” 


| said‘ Socrates, “is it not composed of men of approved char- 


acter {Ὁ “ Undoubtedly,” replied Pericles. “And do you 
know of any judges:who decide causes, and conduct all their 
business with more exact conformity to the laws, or with 
more honor and justice?” “TI find no fault with them,” said 
Pericles.. “We must not, therefore, despair,” said Socrates, 
“as if we thought that the Athenians are not inclined to be 
lovers of order.” 21. “ Yet in military affairs,” observed Peri- 
cles, “in which it is most requisite to act with prudence, and 
order, and obedience, they pay no regard to such duties.” 
“It may be so,” returned Socrates, “for perhaps in military 
affairs men who are greatly deficient in knowledge have the 
command of them. Do you not observe that of harp-players, 
choristers, dancers, wrestlers, or pancratiasts, no one ventures 
to assume the direction who has not the requisite knowledge 
for it, but that all who take the lead in such matters are able 
to show from whom they learned the arts in which they are 
masters; whereas the most of our generals: undertake to com- 
mand without previous study.’ 22. I do not, however, imagine 
you to be onevof that sort; for I am sensible that you can tell 
when you began to learn generalship not: less certainly than 


1 Τοὺς τοιούτους. Such men as the sailors, rowers, and ἐπιδάταί, who 
were either slaves, or of the lower order of the citizens. Kiihner. 

2 Δεδοκιμασμένων.} Those who had discharged their duties as magis- 
trates with integrity and honor, and, on giving in their accounts at the 
end of their term of office, had been approved by the judgment of the 
people. Schneider. 

3 A similar complaint is made by Marius of the Roman panies in 
Sall. Jug. 85. 


CHAP. V. HOW ATTICA MAY BE DEFENDED. 439. 


when you began to learn wrestling. Iam sure, too, that you 
have learned, and keep in mind, many of your father’s prin- 
ciples of warfare, and that you have collected many others 
from every quarter whence it was possible to acquire any 
thing that would add to your skill as a commander. 23. I 
have no doubt that you take great care that you may not un- 
awares be ignorant of any thing conducive to generalship, 
and that, if you haye ever found yourself deficient in any 
such matters, you have applied to persons experienced in them, 
sparing neither presents nor civilities, that you might learn 
from them what you did not know, and might render them 
efficient helpers to you.” 24. “You make me well aware, 
Socrates,” said Pericles, “that you do not say this from a 
belief that I have diligently attended to these matters, but from 
a wish to convince me that he who would be a general must 
attend to all such studies; and I indeed agree with you in that 
opinion.” 

25. ‘* Lave you considered this also, Pericles,” asked So- 
crates, “that on the frontier of our territories lie great moun- 
tains,’ extending down to Beeotia, through which there lead 
into our country narrow and precipitous defiles; and that our 
country is girded by strong mountains,” as it lies in the midst 
of them?’ “Certainly,” said he. 26. “Haye you heard, 
too, that the Mysians and Pisidians, who occupy extremely 
strong positions in the country of the Great King,* and who 
are lightly armed, are able to make descents on the king’s 
territory, and do it great damage, while they themselves pre- 
serve their liberty?” .“ This, too, I have heard,” said Pericles. 
27. “ And do you not think that the Athenians,” said Socrates, 
“if equipped with light arms while they are of an age for 
activity, and occupying the mountains that fence our country, 
might do great mischief to our enemies, and form a strong bul- 
wark for the inhabitants of our country?” “1 think, Socrates,” 
said he, “that all these arrangements would be useful.” 28, 
“Tf these plans, then,” concluded. Socrates, “ appear satisfactory 
to you, endeavor, my excellent friend, to act upon them ; for 

1 The frontier of Attica was defended by the mountains Cithzron, 
Cerastes, and others. Schneider. 

2 Parnes, Brilessus, Hymettus, Laurium. Schneider. Also Lycabettus, 
Pentelicum, Corydalus. Herbst. 

_ 3 The king of Persia. See, respecting the Pisidians, Anab, iii. 2.22; 
LIE 


440 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. 300K It, 


whatsoever of them you carry into execution, it will be an 
honor t6 yourself and an advantage to the state; and if you 
fail in the attempt for want of power, you will neither injure 
the state nor disgrace yourself.” 





CHAPTER VI. 


Socrates, by his usual process of interrogation, leads Glaucon, a young man 
who was extravagantly desirous of a post. in the government, to confess 
that he was entirely destitute of the knowledge necessary for the office to 
which he aspired. He then shows that, unless a ruler has acquired an 
τσοὶ bacwiodse of state affairs, he can do no good to his country or cred- 
it to himself. 


1. Wuen Glaucon,’ the son of Ariston, attempted to ha- 
rangue the people, from a desire, though he was not yet 
twenty years of age,’ to have a share in the government of the 
state, no one of his relatives, or other friends, could prevent 
him from getting himself dragged down from the tribunal, 
and making himself ridiculous; but Socrates, wno had a 
friendly γι μα toward him on account of Charmides* the 
son of Glaucon, as well as cn account of Plato,* succeeded in 
prevailing on him, by his sole dissuasion, to relinquish his 
purpose. 2. Meeting him by chance, he first stopped him by 
addressing him as follows, that he might be willing to listen 
to him: “ Glaucon,” said he, “have you formed an intention 


1 This Glaucon was the brother of Plato the philosopher. See 
Cobet, Prosopogr. Xen. p. 66. On the other Glaucon, see iii. 7 1. 
Kiih 


2 Young men at Athens were allowed to assume the right of citizens, 

and take part in the government, on attaining their twenty-second year. 
. See Schoemann de Comit. Athen. p. 76, 105. 

3 He is mentioned iii. 7. 1. 

4 The philosopher, of whom Gellius (xiv. 13) denies that any mention 
is made in the writings of Xenophon. But Muretus has referred to this 
passage for a refutation of Gellius, Var. Lect. v. 14. Schneider. This 
question about the supposed enmity between Plato and Xenophon is 
learnedly and acutely considered by Boeckh in his treatise on the sub- 
ject. Cobet, too, in his Prosopogr. Xen. p. 28, thinks that the belief of 
their rivalry rests on no good foundation, and ought to be rejected. 
Kiihner. : : 


CHAP. VI. DISCOURSE WITH GLAUCON. 441 


to govern the state for us?” “I have, Socrates,” replied 
Glaucon. “By Jupiter,” rejoined Socrates, “it is an hon- 
orable office, if any other among men be so; for it is certain 
that, if you attain your object, you will be able yourself to 
secure whatever you may desire, and will be in a condition to 
benefit your friends; you will raise your father’s house, and 
increase the power of your country ; you will be celebrated, 
first of all in your own city, and afterward throughout 
Greece, and perhaps also, like Themistocles, among the Bar- 
barians and, wherever you may be, you will be an object of 
general admiration.” 3. Glaucon, hearing this, was highly 
elated, and cheerfully staid to listen. Socrates next pro- 
ceeded to say, “ But it is plain, Glaucon, that if you wish to be 
honored, you must benefit the state.” “ Ccrtainly,” answered 
Glaucon. “Then, in the name of the gods,” said Socrates, 
“do not hide from us how you intend to act, but inform us 
with what proceeding you will begin to benefit the state” 
4. But as Glaucon was silent, as if just considering how he 
should begin, Socrates said, “ As, if you wished to aggran- 
dize the family of a friend, you would endeavor to make it 
richer, tell me whether you will in like manner also endeay- 
or to make the state richer?” “Assuredly,” said he. 5. 
“Would it then be richer, if its revenues were increased ?” 
“That is at least probable,” said Glaucon. “Tell me then,” 
proceed Socrates, “from what the revenues of the state 
arise, and what is their amount; for you have doubtless 
considered, in order that if any of them fall short, you may 
make up the deficiency, and that if any of them fail, you may 
procure fresh supplies.” “These matters, by Jupiter,” re- 
plied Glaucon, “I have not considered.” 6. “ Well then,” 
said Socrates, “if you have omitted to consider this point, 
tell me at least the annual expenditure of the state; for 
you undoubtedly mean to retrench whatever is superfluous in 
it.” Indeed,” replied Glaucon, “I have not yet had time to 
turn my attention to that subject.” “We will therefore,” 
said Socrates, “put off making our state richer for the pres- 
ent; for how is it possible for him who is ignorant of its 
expenditure and its income to manage those matters?” 7. 
“But, Socrates,” observed Glaucon, “it is possible to enrich 
the state at the expense of our enemies.” “ Extremely possi- 
6. indeed,” replied Socrates, “if we be stronger thav they; 
19* 


442 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK IIL. 


but if we be weaker, we may lose all that we have.” “ What 
you say is true,” said Glaucon. 8. “ Accordingly,” said Soc- 
rates, “he who deliberates with whom he shall go to war, 
ought to know the force both of his own country and of the 
enemy, so that, if that of his own country be superior to that 
of the enemy, he may advise it to enter upon the war, but, if 
inferior, may persuade it to be cautious of doing so.” “ You 
say rightly,” said Glaucon. 9. “In the first. place, then,” 
proceeded Socrates, “tell us the strength of the country by 
land and sea, and next that of the enemy.” “But, by 
Jupiter,” exclaimed Glaucon, “I should not be able to tell 
you on the moment, and at a word.” “ Well, then, if you 
have it written down,” said Socrates, “bring it, for I should 
be extremely glad to hear what it is.” “ But to say the truth,” 
replied Glaucon, “I have not yet written it down.” 10. “We 
will therefore put off considering about war for the present,” 
said Socrates, “for it is very likely that, on account of the 
magnitude of those subjects, and as you are just commencing 
your administration, you have not yet examined into them. But 
to the defense of the country, I am quite sure that you have 
directed your attention, and that you know how many gar- 
risons are in ‘advantageous positions, and how many not so, 
what number of men would be sufficient to maintain them, and 
what number would be insufficient, and. that you will advise 
your countrymen to make the garrisons in advantageous posi- 
tions stronger, and to remove the useless ones.” 11. “By 
Jove,” replied Glaucon, “I shall recommend them to remove 
them all, as they keep guard so negligently, that the property 
is secretly carried off out of the country.” “ Yet, if we re- 
move the garrisons,” said Socrates; “do you not think that 
liberty will be given to any body that pleases to pillage ? 
But,” added he, “have you gone personally, and examined 
as to this fact, or how do you know that the garrisons conduct 
themselves with such negligence?” “I form my conjec- 
tures,” said he, “Well then,” inquired Socrates, “shall we 
settle about these matters also, when we no longer rest upon 
conjecture, but have obtained certain knowledge?” “ Perhaps 
that,” said Glaucon, “ will be the better course.” 12. “To the 
silver mines, however,” continued Socrates, “I know that you 
have not gone, so as'to have the means of telling us why a 
smaller revenue is derived from them than came in some time 


cuap.vi. GLAUCON CONVICTED OF IGNORANCE. 443. 


ago.” “T have not gone thither,” said he. |“ Indeed. the place,” 
said Socrates, “ is said to be unhealthy, so that, when it is neces- 
sary to bring it under consideration, this will be a sufficient 
excuse for you.” “ You jest with me,”’ said Glaucon. 13. “I 
am sure, however,” proceeded Socrates, “that you have not 
neglected to consider, but. have calculated, how long the corn, 
which is produced in the country, will suffice to maintain the 
city, and how much it requires for the year, in order that the 
city may not suffer from, scarcity? unknown to you, but that, 
from your own knowledge, you may be able, by giving your 
advice concerning the necessaries of life, to, support the city, 
and preserve it.” “ You propose a vast field for me,” observed 
Glaucon, “if it will be necessary for me to attend to such 
subjects.” 14. “ Nevertheless,” proceeded Socrates, “a man 
ean not order his house properly, unless he ascertains all that 
it requires, and takes care to supply it with every thing ne- 
cessary ; but since the city consists of more than ten thousand 
houses, and since it is difficult to provide for so many at once, 
how is it that you have not tried to aid one first of all, sup- 
pose that of. your uncle,’ for it stands in need of help? If 
you be able to assist that one, you may proceed to assist more ; 
but if you be unable to benefit one, how will you be able to 
benefit many? Just as it is plain that, if a man can not carry 
the weight of a talent, he need not attempt to carry a greater 
weight.” 15. “ But I would improve my uncle’s house,” said 
Glaucon, “if he would but be persuaded by me.” “ And 
then,” resumed. Socrates, “when you can not persuade your 
uncle, do you expect. to make all the Athenians, together with 
your uncle, yield to your arguments? 16. Take care, Glaucon, 
lest, while you are eager to acquire glory, you meet with the 
reverse of it. Do you not see how dangerous it is for a person 
to speak of, or undertake, what he does not understand ? 
Contemplate, among other men, such as you know to be char- 


acters that plainly talk of, and attempt to do, what they do 


1 Σκώπτομαι. “I am jested with.” This is the reading of five manu- 
scripts; one gives σκέψομαι, which has been adopted by Ernesti, Schnei- 
der, and several other editors. 

2 Ἵνα μὴ τοῦτο ye λάϑῃ σέ ποτε ἡ πόλις. ἐνδεὴς γενομένη. That is - 
κατὰ τοῦτος One manuscript exhibits τουτοῦ, which has been adopted 
by most editors. But Zeune refers to Cyrop. ii. 2.1, and vi, 3. 1, for the 
examples of similar accusatives with ἐνδεής. ᾿ : 

3 Charmides. See iii, 7.1. Kiihner. 


444 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK IIL 


not know, and consider whether they appear to you, by such 
conduct, to obtain more applause or censure, whether they seem 
to be more admired or despised? 17. Contemplate, again, 
those who have some understanding of what they say and do, 
and you will find, I think, in all transactions, that such as are 
praised and admired are of the number of those who have most 
knowledge, and that those who incur censure and neglect are 
among those that have least. 18. If therefore you desire to 
gain esteem and reputation in your country, endeavor to suc- 
ceed in gaining a knowledge of what you wish to do; for if, 
when you excel others in this qualification, you proceed to 
manage the affairs of the state, I shall not wonder if you very 
easily obtain what you desire.” 





CHAPTER VIL 


Socrates exhorts Charmides, a man of ability, and acquainted with public 
affairs, to take part in the government, that he may not be charged with 
indolence, sect. 1-4. As Charmides distrusts his abilities for public 
speaking, Socrates encourages him by various observations, 5-9. 


1. Osservine that Charmides,’ the son of Glaucon,’ a man 
. of worth, and of far more ability than those who then ruled 
the state, hesitated to address the people, or to take part in 
the government of the city, he said to him, “Tell me, Char- 
mides, if any man, who was able to win the crown in the 
public games,’ and, by that means, to gain honor for himself, 
and make his birth-place more celebrated in Greece, should 
nevertheless refuse to become a combatant, what sort of per- 
son would you consider him to be?” “I should certainly 


' On Charmides, the son of Glaucon, a young man of great beauty 
and modesty, see Stallbaum’s Prolegomena to Plato’s Dialogue named 
from him; and Cobet in Prosop. p. 46. Kiihner. The reader may find 
more about him in Xenophon’s Symposium. ‘“ By Plato, in his Theages, 
t. i, p. 128, D., he is called ὁ καλός. He was one of the ten leaders at 
the Pirzeeus in the war with Thrasybulus against the Thirty Tyrants, 
in which he was killed, See Perizon. ad lian. V. H. viii. 1.” 
Sturz. 

2 ηοὺς στεφανίτας ἀγῶνας νικᾶν. “To conquer in the crowned games,” 
the games in which a crown was given as a prize. 


OHAP. σαι. ON SPEAKING IN PUBLIC. 445 


think him indolent and wanting in spirit,” replied Charmides. 
2. “ And if any one were able,” continued Socrates, “by tak- 
ing part in public affairs, to improve the condition of his 
country; and thus to attain honor for himself, but should yet 
shrmk from doing so, might not he be justly regarded as 
wanting in spirit?’ “Perhaps so,” said Charmides; “but 
why do you ask me that question?” “ Because,” replied Soc- 
rates, “T think that you yourself, though possessed of suffi- 
cient ability, yet shrink from engaging even in those affairs 
in which it is your duty as a citizen to take a share.” 3. 
“But in what transaction have you discovered my ability,” 
said Charmides, “that you bring this charge against me ?” 
“In those conferences,” answered Socrates, “in which you 
meet those who are engaged in the government of the state ; 
for when they consult you on any point, I observe that you 
give them excellent advice, and that, when they are in any 
way in the wrong, you offer judicious objections.” 4. “But 
it is not the same thing, Socrates,” said he, “to converse with 
people in private, and to try one’s powers at a public assem- 
bly.” “ Yet,” said Socrates, “he that is able to count, can 
count with no less exactness before a multitude than alone, 
and those who can play the harp best in solitude are also the 
best performers on it in company.” 5. “But do you not 
see,” said Charmides, “that bashfulness and timidity are 
naturally inherent in mankind, and affect us far more before 
® multitude than in private conversations?” “But I am 
prompted to remind you,” answered Socrates, “that while 
you neither feel bashfulness before the most intelligent, nor 
timid before the most powerful, it is in the presence of the 
most foolish and weak that you are ashamed to speak. 6. And 
is it the fullers among them, or the cobblers, or the carpenters, 
or the copper-smiths, or the ship-merchants,’ or those who 
barter in the market, and meditate what they may buy for 
little and sell for more, that you are ashamed to address? 
For it is of all such characters that the assembly is composed. 
7. How then do you think that your conduct differs from that 
of a wrestler, who, being superior to well-practiced opponents, 
should yet fear the unpracticed? © For is not this the case with 


τ 'Furdpovc.] The ἔμποροι were merchants who traded by sea, and aro 
opposed to “those who barter in the forum,” mentioned immediately 
aiterward. See Schneider ad Cyrop. iv. 5,42. Avihner. 


446 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK IIL 


ou, that though you converse at your ease with those who 
oo attained eminence in state affairs, and of whom some un- 
dervalue you, and.though you are far superior to many who 
make it their business to address the people, you yet shrink 
from uttering your sentiments before men who have never 
thought of political affairs, and. who have shown no disrespect 
for your talents, from an apprehension that you may be laughed 
at?” 8, “ And do not the people in the assembly,” asked Char- 
mides, “appear to you often to laugh at those who speak with 
great judgment?” “Yes,” said Socrates, “and so do the other 
sort of people ;’ and ther refore 1 wonder at you, that. you so 
easily silence one class of persons when they do so, and yet 
think that. you shall not be able to deal with another? 9. Be 
not ignorant of yourself,* my friend, and do not. commit the 
error which the, majority of men commit; for most persons, 
though they are eager to look into the affairs of others, give no 
thought to the examination of their own, Do not you, then, 
neglect this duty, but strive more and more to cultivate your 
own powers; and do not be regardless of the affairs of your 
country, if any department of them can be improved by your 
means ;. for, if they are in a good condition, not only the rest 
of your. countrymen, but your own friends and yourself, will 
reap the greatest benefit.” 





CHAPTER ὙΠ]. 


Socrates meets the captious question of ΜΟΥΛΉΡΗΡΕΝΑ about goodness and 
beauty in such ἃ manner as to show that nothing is good or bad in itself, 
but only with reference to some object, sect. ed and that nothing is 
beautiful or otherwise in itself, but that the beautiful must be considered 
we regard to the useful, εἴ. His remarks on buildings, to the same 
effect, 8-10. 


1. Wuen Aristippus. attempted to .confute Soorates, as he 
himself had _ previously* been confuted. by him, Socrates, 


1 Οἱ Erepot.] Meaning those, says inet, with whom he i is mention- 
ed as discoursing in sect. 3. 

2 Ernesti. refers to a passage in Cicero ad Quintum Fratrem, iii, 6, in 
which he seems to have had Xenophon in his mind: Cessator esse noli ; 
εἰ illud γνῶϑι σεαυτὸν nolt_putare ad arrogantiam eynuentons solium esse 
dictum, verim etiam ut bona nostra norimus. 

® Book ii. ο. 1. 


ΘΗΑΡ. VII. ON THE GOOD AND BEAUTIFUL. 447 


wishing to benefit those who were with him, gave his an- 
swers, not like those who are on their guard lest their words 
be perverted,’ but like those who. are persuaded, that they 
ought’ above all things to do what is right... 2. What Aristip- 
pus had asked him, was, ‘whether he knew any thing good, 
in order that if he should say any such thing as food, or drink, 
or money, or health, or strength, or courage, he might prove 
that it was sometimes an evil. But Socrates, reflecting that 
if any thing troubles us, we want something to relieve us 
from it, replied, as it seemed best to do,° “Do you ask me 
whether 1 know any thing good for a fever?” 3. “I do not.” 
“Any thing good for soreness of the eyes?” “No.” “For 
hunger?” “No, nor for hunger either.” “Well then,” con- 
cluded Socrates, “if you ask me whether I know any thing good 
that is good for nothing, I neither know any thing, nor wish to 
know.” 

4. Aristippus again asking him if he knew any thing beau- 
tiful, he replied, “ Many things.” “Are. they then,’ inquired 
Aristippus, “all like each other?” “Some of them,” an- 
swered Socrates, “are as unlike one another as it is possible 
for them to be.” “How then,” said he, “can what is beau- 
tiful be unlike what is beautiful?” _ “ Because, assuredly,” 
replied Socrates, “one man, who is beautifully formed for 
wrestling, is unlike another who is beautifully formed for 
Tunning; and a shield, which is beautifully formed for de- 
fense, is as unlike as possible to a dart, which is beautifully 
formed for being forcibly and swiftly hurled.” . 5. “ You an- 
swer me,” said Aristippus, “in the same manner as when 1 
asked you whether you knew any thing good.” “ And do you 
imagine,” said Socrates, “that the good is one thing, and the 
beautiful another? Do you not know. that with reference to 


1 Not being at-all afraid lest he should give any answer which might, 
from some ambiguity in it, be wrested to mean, apparently, what he did 
not intend, or of which his. adversary might take advantage to entrap 
him. See Aristot. Pol. i 2.17. Schneider and Kihner acquiesce in 
this sense of the word ἐπαλλάττειν. 

2 With the word πράττειν in the text the word δεῖν seems to be 
wanting. 

3 A rexpivato ὥσπερ καὶ ποιεῖν κράτιστον.} It is well known that the 
word ποιεῖν, like the Latin facere, and the German thun, is often made to 
do duty for another verb. See Passow’s Gr. Lex. y. ποιεῖν, and my note 
on Cic. Tuse. Quest. iv. 14,31. Kihmner. 


“ὃ MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK Mt. 


the same objects all things are both beautiful and good?  Vir- 
tue, for instance, is not good with regard to some things and 
beautiful with regard to others; and persons, in the same 
way, are called beautiful and good with reference to the same 
objects ; and human bodies, too, with reference to the same 
objects, appear beautiful and good; and in like manner all 
other things, whatever men use, are considered beautiful and 
good with reference to the objects for which they are service- 
able.” 6. “Can a dung-basket, then,” said Aristippus, “ be 
a beautiful thing?” “Yes, by Jupiter,” returned Socrates, 
“and a golden shield may be an ugly thing, if the one be 
beautifully formed for its particular uses, and the other ill 
formed?” 7. “Do you say then, that the same things may 
be both beautiful and ugly?” “Yes, undoubtedly, and also 
that they may be good and bad; for oftentimes what is good 
for hunger is bad for fever, and what is good for a fever is 
bad for hunger; oftentimes what is beautiful in regard to run- 
ning is the reverse in regard to wrestling, and what is beauti- 
tul in regard to wrestling is the reverse in regard to running; 
for whatever is good is also beautiful, in regard to purposes 
for which it is well adapted, and whatever is bad is the re- 
verse of beautiful, in regard to purposes for which it is ill 
adapted.” 

8. When Socrates said, too, that the same houses that were 
beautiful were also useful, he appeared to me to instruct us 
what sort of houses we ought to build. He reasoned on the 
subject thus, “Should not he, who purposes to have a house 
such as it ought to be, contrive that it may be most pleasant, 
and at the same time most useful, to live in?” 9. This being 
admitted, he said “Is it not then pleasant to have it cool in 
summer, and warm in winter?’ When his hearers had as- 
sented to this, he said, “In houses, then, that look to the 
south, does not the sun, in the winter, shine into the porticoes, 
while, in the summer, it passes over our heads, and above the 
roof, and casts a shade? If it is well, therefore, that houses 
should thus be made,’ ought we not to build the parts toward 
the south higher, that the sun in winter may not be shut out, 
and the parts toward the north lower, that the cold winds may 
not fall violently on them?* 10. To sum up the matter 


1 That is, so as to be cool in summer and warm in winter. 
2 Of this passage no satisfactory explanation has yé€ been given. 


CHAP. VIII. ON BUILDINGS. 449 


briefly, that would be the most pleasant and the most beautiful 
residence, in which the owner, at all seasons, would find the 
most satisfactory retreat, and deposit what belongs to him with 
ihe greatest safety.” 

Paintings, and colored decorations of the walls,! deprive us, 
he thought, of more pleasure than they give. 

The most suitable ground for temples and altars,’ he said, 


Kiihner contents himself with adducing, without any remark, the com- 
ment of Lange: “ As far as the summer is concerned, the position of a 
house (in Greece) need not be considered, whether it looks to the south 
or any other quarter of the heaven; for it must be shady in the hottest 
season of the year, when, indeed, the sun sends down its rays almost 
perpendicularly, and makes a shade in whatever position the house may 
be. (Umbrosa tamen sit fervidissimo anni tempore, sole nimirum radios 
suos rectis lineis deorsum mittente, et in quovis domis situ umbram 
efficiente). In building a house (in Greece), therefore, it is necessary to 
take thought only for the winter, that at that season of the year the 
house may be as warm as possible. To effect this object, let one row 
of buildings (una domorum series) face the south, and the other the 
north, in such a way, that those looking toward the south may be higher 
than those looking in the opposite direction; 105 thus the higher will 
enjoy the sun in winter, and the lower, facing the north, will be defend- 
ed from the winds blowing from that quarter.” (The part near wmbrosa 
tamen sit seems to be defective, or incorrect in some way). But to me 
the text seems capable of explanation only on the supposition that 
Socrates is speaking with reference to the porticoes or colonnades 
merely, as we can easily conceive why he should recommend porticoes 
toward the south to be made high, in order to admit the sun in winter 
(the summer sun, as Lange remarks, being not at all regarded), and 
those toward the north to be made low, in order to exclude, in some 
degree, the keen north winds. Thus Columella, R. R. i. 6. 2, says, 
Ambulationes meridiano equinoctiali subjecte sint, ut hieme plurimum solis 
et estate minimum recipiant; a passage which Schneider says is not to 
be compared with this of Xenophon; but it might not be very difficult — 
to prove the contrary. ᾿ 

1 Ποικελίαι.1 Ralph Rochet, cited by G. Hermann in Opuse. vol. vy. 
p. 221, thinks that by ποικιλίαι are to be understood those colored 
ornaments on walls which are called ποικέίλματο by Xenophon, (con. 
ix. 2, and by Plato, Hipp. Maj. p. 298, A. . Kiithner: who gives tho 
following reason for the disapprobation which Socrates expresses 
of them: “That those ornaments might not be injured by the rays 
of the sun, the parts of the house in which they were, were so 
constructed as not to face the sun; and thus the inmates, in winter, 
were deprived of the heat of the sun (tali modo homines hiberne tem- 
pore solis calore privabantur), and exposed to the cold winds from the 
north.” 

2 Altars and temples, and especially temples, were surrounded with a 
wall, within which was an area, the view across which was intercepted 


450 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK III. 


was such as was most open to view, and least trodden by the 
ublic; for that it was pleasant for people to pray as. they 
ποτα on them, and pleasant to approach them in purity.’ 





CHAPTER IX. 


Various definitions of fortitude, and temperance, madness, envy. 
4 , command, happiness, given by Socrates. Fortitude is not equal 
in all men; it may be increased by exercise, sect. 1-3. Prudence and 

nce not distinct from each other, 4. Justice, as well as other vir- 
tues, is wisdom, 5. The opposite to prudence is madness; ignorance dis~ 
tinct from madness, 6,7. nvy is uneasiness of mind at the contempla- 
tion of the happiness of others, 8.. Jd/eness is forbearance from useful 
occupation, 9. Command is exercised, not by those who bear the name, 
merely, of kings and rulers, but by those who know how to command, 
10-13. The best object of human life is to act well j the difference be- 
tween acting well and acting fortunately, 14, 15. 


1. Berne asked, again, whether Fortitude was a quality 
acquired by education, or bestowed by nature, “I think,” said 
he, “ that as one body is* by nature stronger for enduring toil 
than another body, so one mind may be by nature more 
courageous in meeting dangers than another mind; for I sec 
that men who are brought up under the same laws and insti- 
tutions differ greatly from each other in courage. 2. I am of 
opinion, however, that every natural. disposition may be im- 
proved, as to fortitude, by training and exercise; for it is 
evident that the Scythians and Thracians would not dare to 
take bucklers and spears and fight with the Lacedemonians ; 
and it is certain that the Lacedemonians would not like to 
fight the Thracians with small shields and javelins, or the 
Scythians with bows. 3. In other things, also, I see that 


by a thick grove or some considerable number of trees. Of these ob- 
structions to the view, Socrates disapproves, wishing the site of the 
temple to be ἐμφανεστάτη, fully open to the sight, as if the worshipers 
would then fancy that they saw as it were the deity before them, and 
would suppose that their prayers would thus be better received by him. 
Weiske. Others suppose that Socrates merely wished that temples and 
altars «should be built on high grounds; an opinion which is equally 
defensible. Kithner. 

? That is, as Schutz suggests, that they might not have to go through 
τ crowd, in which they might encounter polluted persons, and be defiled 

ry them. : : 


ΡΟΝ 


CHAP, IX. ON VIRTUES AND VICES. 451 


men differ equally from one another by nature, and make great 
improvements by practice ; from which it is evident that it 
concerns all, as well the naturally ingenious as the naturally 


| dull, to learn and study those arts in which they desire to be- 


renee 


| come worthy of commendation.” 


4. Prudence and Temperance’ he did not distinguish ; for he 
deemed that he who knew what was honorable and good, and 
how to practice it, and who knew what was dishonorable, and 
how to avoid it, was both prudent and temperate. Being also 
asked whether he thought that those who knew what they 
ought to do, but did the contrary, were prudent and temperate, 
he replied, “No more than I think the [openly] imprudent 
and intemperate to be so ;? for I consider that all [prudent and 
temperate] persons choose from what is possible what they 
judge for their interest, and do it; and I therefore deem those 
who do not act [thus] judiciously to be neither prudent nor 
temperate.” 

5. He said, too, that justice, and every other virtue, was [a 
part of] prudence, for that every thing just, and every thing done 
agreeably to virtue, was honorable and good ; that those who 
could discern those things, would never prefer any thing else 


_ to them ; that those who could not discern them, would never 
| be able to do them, but would even go wrong if they at- 


tempted to do them; and that the prudent, accordingly, did 
what was honorable and’ good, but that the imprudent could 
not do it, but went wrong even if they attempted to do it ;.and 
that since, therefore, all just actions, and all actions that are 
honorable and good, are done in agreement with virtue, it is 
manifest that justice, and every other virtue, is [comprehended 
in] prudence. 

6. The opposite to prudence, he said, was Madness ;* he did 


1 Σοφίαν καὶ σωφροσύνην οὐ διώριζεν. Σοφία, wisdom or prudence, is, 
as Kiihner remarks, right judgment about what ought to be done; 
σωφροσύνη is temperance, self-control, or self- ion, in acting. The 
word σοφία is used in another sense in iv. 6. 7.» “ This subject, in con- 
formity with the opinion of Socrates, is discussed in Plato’s Charmides, 
ubi pariter temperantia scientia contineri demonstratur.” See Stallbaum 
on that Dialogue, p. 81, seqq. Kithner. 

2 Ti, qui sciunt quidem bona, sed contraria faciunt, nihilo magis sapi- 
entes et temperantes sunt quam ii qui sunt insipientes et intemperantes. 
Kihner. The words in brackets are supplied as being necessary to the 
translation. 

3 Μανία, madness or insanity, is, according to the definition of Soc 


452 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK IIt. 


not, however, regard ignorance as madness; though for a man 
to be ignorant of himself, and to faney and believe that he 
knew what he did not know, he considered to be something 
closely bordering on madness.. The multitude, he observed, 
do not say that those are mad who make mistakes in matters 
of which most people are ignorant, but call those only mad 
who make mistakes in affairs with which most people are ac- 
quainted ; 7. for if a man should think himself so tall as to 
stoop when going through the gates in the city wall, or so 
strong as to try to lift up houses, or attempt any thing else 
that is plainly impossible to all men, they say that he is mad; 
but those who make mistakes in small matters are not thought 
by the multitude to be mad; but just as they call “strong 
desire” “ love,” so they call “ great disorder of intellect” “ mad- 
ness.” 
8. Considering what Hnvy was, he decided it to be a cer- 
tain uneasiness, not such as arises, however, at the ill success 
of friends, nor such as is felt at the good success of enemies, 
but those only, he said, were envious who were annoyed at the 
good success of their friends. When some expressed sur- 
prise that any one who had a friendly feeling for another 
should feel uneasy at his good fortune, he reminded them that 
many are so disposed toward others as to be incapable of 
neglecting them if they are unfortunate, but would relieve 
them in ill fortune, though they are uneasy at their good. for- 
tune. This feeling, he said, could never arise in the breast of 
a sensible man, but that the foolish were constantly affected 
with it. 

9. Considering what Jdleness was, he said that he found 


rates, the contrary to wisdom or prudence, σοφία. Madness is, there- 
fore, ignorance of the virtues of justice, temperance, and fortitude; for 
prudence is manifested in the knowledge of these virtues. But the 
source and foundation, as it were, of prudence, is the knowledge of 
one’s self. He, therefore, that is destitute of this knowledge of him- 
self is bordering on madness. The multitude, however, do not, like 
Socrates, consider ignorance of virtue to be madness, but apply that 
term only to gross ignorance or misconduct with regard to other matters. 
Kithner. 

“ Aristotle is praised for naming Fortitude first of the cardinal virtues, 
es that without which no other virtue can steadily be practiced; but he 
might, with equal propriety, have placed Prudence and Justice before it, 
since, without Prudence Fortitude is mad; without Justice, it is mis- 
chievous.” Johnson, Life of Pope. 


CHAP. ΙΧ. ON COMMAND AND OBEDIENCE. 453 


most men did something ; for that dice-players and buffoons did 
something ; but he said that all such. persons were idle, for it 
was in their power to go and do something better ; he observed 
that a man was not idle, however, in passing from a better em- 
ployment to a worse, but that, if he did so, he, as he [pre- 
viously | had occupation, acted in that respect viciously. 

_ 10. Kings and Commanders, he said, were not those who 
held scepters merely, or those elected by the multitude, or 
those who gained authority by lot, or those who attained it 
by violence or deceit, but those who knew how to command. 
11. For when some admitted that it was the part of a com- 
mander to enjoin what another should do, and the part of him 
who was commanded, to obey, he showed that in a ship the 
skillful man is the commander, and that the owner and all the 
other people in the ship were obedient to the man of knowl- 
edge ; that, in agriculture, those who had farms, in sickness, 
those who were ill, in bodily exercises, those who practiced 
them, and indeed all other people, who had any business re- 
quiring care, personally took the management of it if they 
thought that they understood it, but if not, that they were not 
only ready to obey men of knowledge who were present, but 
even sent for such as were absent, in order that, by yielding to 
their directions, they might do what was proper. In spinning, 
too, he pointed out that women commanded men, as: the one 
knew how to spin, and the other did not know. 12. But if 
any one remarked in reply to these observations, that a tyrant 
is at liberty not to obey judicious advisers, he would say, “ And 
how is he at liberty not to obey, when a penalty hangs over 
him that does not obey a wise monitor? for in whatever affair 
a person does not obey a prudent adviser, he will doubtless err, 
and, by erring, will incur a penalty.” 13. If any one also 
observed that a tyrant might put to death a wise counselor, 
“And do you think,” he would say, “that he who puts to 
death the best of his allies will go unpunished, or that he will 
be exposed only to casual punishment? Whether do you sup- 
pose that a man who acts thus would live in safety, or would 
be likely, rather, by such conduct, to bring immediate de- 

struction on himself ?” 

14, When some one asked him what object of study he 
_ thought best for a man, he replied, “good conduct.” When 
| he asked him again whether he thought “good fortune” an 


454 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK Ill. 


object of study, he answered, “‘ Fortune’ and ‘ Conduct’ I think 
entirely opposed ; for, for a person to light on any thing that he 
wants without seeking it, | consider to be ‘ good fortune, but 
to achieve any thing successfully by learning and study, I regard 
as ‘good conduct ;’ and those who make this their object of 
study appear to me to do well.” 

15. The best men, and those most beloved by the gods, he 
observed, were those who, in agriculture, performed their agri- 
cultural duties well, those who, in medicine, performed their 
medical duties well, those who, in political offices, performed 
their public duties well; but he who did nothing well, he 
said, was neither useful for any purpose, nor acceptable to the 
gods. 





CHAPTER X. 


Socrates was desirous to benefit artisans by discoursing with them on the 
principles of their several arts. Of painting, sect. 1. ΟΥ̓ representin, 
perfect beauty, 2. Of expressing the affections of the mind, 3-5. 
statuary, 6-8. In what the excellence of a corselet consists, 9-15. 


1. Wuenever he conversed with any of those who were 
engaged in arts or trades, and who wrought at them for gain, 
he proved of service to them. Visiting Parrhasius’ the painter 
one day, and entering into conversation with him, he said, 
“Pray, Parrhasius, is not painting the representation of visi- 
ble objects? At least you represent substances, imitating 
them by means of color, whether they be concave, or convex, 
dark or light, hard or soft, rough or smooth, fresh or old.” 
“What you say is true,” said Parrhasius. 2. “And when 
you would represent beautiful figures, do you, since it is not 
easy to find one person with every part perfect, select, out of 
many, the most beautiful parts of each, and thus represent 
figures beautiful in every part?” “We do so,” said he. 3. 
“And do you also, said Socrates, “give imitations of the 


1 It is to be remembered that this celebrated painter, when Socrates 
held this conversation with him, was then young, and that it was not 
till after the death of Socrates, Olymp. σου. 1, that he acquired a great 
name in his art. Kiihner. 


CHAP. X. ON PAINTING AND STATUARY. 455 


disposition of the mind, as it may be most persuasive, most 
agreeable, most friendly, most full of regret, or most amiable ? 
Or is this inimitable?” “ How can that be imitated, Socrates,” 
said he, “which has neither proportion, nor color, nor any 
of the qualities which you just now mentioned, and is not 
even a visible object ?”? 4. “Is it not often observible in a 
man that he regards others with a friendly or unfriendly 
look?” “TI think so,” said he. “Is this then possible to be 
copied in the eyes?” “ Assuredly.” - And at the good or 
ill fortune of people’s friends, do thoso who are affected at it, 
and those who are not, appear to you to have the same sort of 
look?” “No, indeed; for they look cheerful at their good, 
and sad at their evil, fortune.” “Is it possible, then, to 
imitate these looks?” “Unquestionably.” 5. “Surely, also, 
nobleness and generosity of disposition, meanness and illiber- 
ality, modesty and intelligence, insolence and stupidity, show 
themselves both in the looks, and gesture of men, whether 
they stand or move.” “ What you say is just.” “Can these 
peculiarities be imitated?” “Certainly.” “ Whether, then,” 
said Socrates, do you think that people look with more pleas- 
ure on paintings in which beautiful, and good, and lovely 
characters are exhibited, or those in which the deformed, and 
evil, and detestable are represented ?” “There is a very great 
difference indeed, Socrates,” replied Parrhasius.’ 

6. Going once, too, into the workshop of Cleito,* the statu- 
ary, and beginning to converse with him, he said,“Isee and 
understand, Cleito, that you make figures of various kinds, 
runners and wrestlers, pugilists and pancratiasts, but how do 
you put into your statues that which most wins the minds of 
the beholders through the eye, the life-like appearance?” 7. 
As ‘Cleito hesitated, and did not immediately answer, Soc- 
rates proceeded to’ ask, * Do you make your statues appear 
more: life-like by assimilating your work to the figures of the 
living 2” ““Certainly,” said he. “Do you not then make 
your figures appear more like reality, and more striking, by 


? Oparév.] Not an object which you can represent by its shape, as a 
tree, or a house. 

3 The admonition which Socrates wished to convey to Parrhasius, 
was, as Schneider thinks, that he should exercise his pencil in represent- 
ing rather what was fair and lovely than what was deformed and re-' 
pulsive. ι 

3 He is nowhere else mentioned. Kiihner. 


456 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK IIL 


imitating the paris of the body, that are drawn up or drawn 
down, compressed or spread out, stretched or relaxed, by the 
gesture ?” “ Undoubtedly,” said Cleito. “And the repre- 
sentation of the passions of men engaged in any act, does it 
not excite a certain pleasure in the spectators?” “It is nat- 
ural, at least, that it should be so,” said he. “Must you not, 
then, copy the menacing looks of combatants? And must you 
not imitate the countenance of conquerors, as they look joyful ?” 
“ Assuredly,” said he. “A statuary, therefore,” concluded 
Socrates, “must express the workings of the mind by the 
form.” ; 

9. Entering the shop of Pistias,’ a corselet-maker, and Pis- 
tias having shown him some well-made corselets, Socrates ob- 
served, “ By Juno, Pistias, this is an excellent invention, that 
the corselets should cover* those parts of a man’s body that need 
protection, and yet should not. hinder him from using his 
hands. 10, But tell me, Pistias,” he added, “why do you 
sell your corselets at a higher price than other makers, though 
you neither make them stronger nor of more costly materials ?” 
“ Because, Socrates, ” said he, “I make them better propor- 
tioned.” “And do you make this proportion appear in the 
measure or weight of your corselets, that you set a higher price 
on them? For I suppose that you do not make them all 
equal or similar, if you make them to fit different persons.” 
“ Indeed,” replied he, “I do make them to fit, for there would 
be no use ina corselet without that quality.” 11. “Are not 
then,” said Socrates, “the bodies. of some men _well-propor- 
tioned, and those of others ill proportioned?” “Certainly,” 
said Pistias. “How, then,” asked Socrates, “do you make 
a well proportioned corselet fit an ill proportioned body ?” 
“ As I make it fit,” answered Pistias; “for one that fits is 
well proportioned.” 12. “You seem to me,” said Socrates, 
“to speak of proportion considered not independently, but 
with respect to the wearer, as if you should say of a 
shield, or a cloak, that it is well proportioned to him whom it 
suits; and such appears to be the case with regard to other 


1 He seems to be the same that is called Hicrwy in Athenzeus, iv. 20. 
Sturz. Ξ 


* Τῷ------σκεπάζειν τὸν θώρακα. “ In that the corselet should cover,” 
etc. Many editions have τὸ, with which must be understood did, 


CHAP. ΣΙ. VISIT TO THEODOTA. 457 


things, according to what you say. 13. But, perhaps, there 
may be some other considerable advantage attendant on being 
made to fit.” “Tell. me, Socrates,” said he, “if you know 
any.” “Those corselets which fit,” answered Socrates, “are 
less oppressive by their weight, than those which do not fit, 
though they be both of equal weight; while those which do not 
fit, are, either from hanging wholly on the shoulders, or from 
pressing heavily on some other part of the body, inconvenient 
and uneasy; but those which fit, as they distribute their 
weight partly over the collar-bone’ and shoulder, partly over 
the upper part of the arm, and partly over the breast, back, 
and stomach, appear almost like, not a burden to be borne, 
but a natural appendage.” 14. “ You have hit upon the very 
quality,” said Pistias, “for which I consider my manufacture 
deserving of the very highest price; some, however, prefer 
purchasing ornamented and gilded corselets.” “Yet if on 
this account,” said Socrates, “they purchase such as do 
net. fit, they appear to me to purchase an ornamented and 
gilded annoyance. But,” added he, “since the body does not 
continue always in the same position, but is at one time bent, 
and at another straight, how can a corselet, which is exactly 
fitted to it, suit it?” “It can not by any means,” said Pistias. 
“You mean, therefore,” said Socrates, “that it is not those 
which are exactly fitted to the body that suit, but those that 
do not gall in the wearing.” “You say what is clearly the 
case, Socrates,” replied he, “and exactly comprehend the 
matter.” 





CHAPTER ΧΙ. 


The visit of Socrates to Theodota, and his discourse with her, sect. 1-9. 
He tells her that true friends are not acquired without the manifestation 
of kind and good feelings, 9-12. He reminds her that in gratifying the 
appetite re must guard against satiety, 13,14. His jests on taking leav: 
of her, 15-18. 


1. Tere being at one time a beautiful woman in the city, 
whose name was Theodota,? a woman ready to form a con- 


1 ‘Yo τῶν κλειδῶν, x. τ. 2.] The preposition ὑπὸ is used because the 

idea of being borne must be kept in the mind. Kihmer. ? 
? This passage is cited by Athenzus, v. p. 200, F. Theodota was 
VOL. I. 20 


458 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK III, 


nection with auy one that made advances to her, and somebody 
in company with Socrates making mention of her, and saying 
that her beauty was beyond description, and that painters went 
to her to take her portrait, to whom she showed as much of her 
person as she could with propriety, “We ought then to go and 
see her,” remarked Socrates, “for it is not possible to compre- 
hend by hearing that which surpasses description.” “ You can 
not be too quick in following me, then,” said he who had men- 
tioned her. 

2. Going, accordingly, to the house of Theodota, and find- 
ing her standing to a painter, they contemplated her figure ; 
and when the painter had left off, Socrates said, “ My friends, 
whether ought we to feel obliged to Theodota for having 
shown us her beauty, or she to us for having viewed it with 
admiration? If the exhibition be rather of advantage to her 
ought not she to feel grateful to us, or if the sight has given 
rather more pleasure to us, ought not we to feel grateful to her?” 
3. Somebody saying that he spoke reasonably, he added, “She, 
then, for the present, gains praise from us, and, when we have 
spoken of her to others, will gain profit in addition ; but as 
for us, we now desire to embrace what we have seen, and shall 
go away excited, and long for her after we are away from her ; 
the natural consequence of which is that we shall be her adorers, 
and that she will be worshi as our mistress.” “If this be 
the case, indeed,” said Theodota, “I must feel gratitude to you 
for coming to see me.” 

4. Soon after, Socrates, seeing her most expensively, attired, 
and her mother with her in a dress and adornment above 
the common, with several handsome female attendants, not 
unbecomingly appareled, and her house richly furnished in 
other respects, said to her, “ Tell me, Theodota, have you an 
estate?” “Not I, indeed,” replied she. “But perhaps you 
have a house that brings you an income?” “Nor a house 
either,” said she, “Have you then any slaves that practice 
handicrafts ?”* “No,-nor any slaves.” “How then,” said 
afterward the mistress of Alcibiades, and covered his body with her 
garment when he was killed, and burned it, Athen. xiii. p. 574, F.; 
Corn. Nep. Vit. Alcib. Libanius mentions her among the most remark- 
able courtesans of Greece, tom. i. p. 582. In Aflian, V. H. xiii. 32, 
mention is made of Callisto, a courtesan, with whom Socrates con- 


versed. Sch 
2 Σειροτέχναι.} “These. were slaves trained to mechanical occupa- 


CHAP. ΣΙ. MEANS OF ACQUIRING FRIENDS. 459 


Socrates, “do you procure subsistence?” “If any one be- 
comes my friend,” she replied, “and is willing to benefit me, 
he is my means of subsistence.” 5. “By Juno, Theodota,” 
rejoined Socrates, “and he is an excellent acquisition to you; 
and it is much better to have a flock of friends than of sheep, 
oxen, and goats. But,” added he, “do you leave it to chance 
whether a friend, like a fly, shall wing his way to you, or do 
you use any contrivance to attract them?” 6. “And how,” 
said she, “can I find a contrivance for such a purpose?” 
“Much more readily,” said he, “than spiders can; for you 
know how they try to get subsistence; they weave fine nets, 
and feed upon whatever falls into them.” 7. “And do you ad- 
vise me, too,” said she, “to weave a net?’ “ Yes,” said he, 
“for you ought not to think that you will catch friends, 
the most valuable prey that can be taken, without art. Do 
you not see how many arts hunters use to catch hares,’ an 
animal of but litde worth? 8, As the hares feed in the night, 
they procure dogs for hunting by night, with which they 
chase them ; as they conceal themselves in the day, they pro- 
vide other dogs, which, perceiving by the smell the way that 
they have gone from their feeding place to their forms, trace 
them out; and as they are swift of foot, so as soon to 
escape from view by running, they procure also other dogs, of 
great speed, that they may be caught by pursuit ; and because 
some of them escape even from these dogs, they stretch nets 
across the paths by which. they flee, that they may fall into 
them and be entangled.” 9. “By what art of this kind, then,” 
said she, “can I catch friends?” “ If,” said he, “instead of 
a dog, you got somebody to track and discover the lovers of 
beauty, and the wealthy, and who, when he has found them, 
will contrive to drive them into your nets.” “And what nets 
have I?” said she. 10. “You have one at least,” he replied, 
“and one that closely embraces its prey, your person; and in 
it you have a mind, by which you understand how you may 
gratify a person by looking at him, and what you may say to 
cheer him, and learn that you ought to receive with transport 
him who shows concern for you, and to shut out him who is 
insolent, to attend carefully on a friend when he is ill, to re- 


tions, the owners of whom derived considerable income from their 
labors. : 
_4 Cyrop. i. 6. 40. Bip eS ΟἿ 


460 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. - BOOK III. 


joice greatly with him when he has succeeded in any thing hon- 
orable, and to cherish affection in your whole soul for the man 
who sincerely cares for you. To love I am sure that you know, 
not only tenderly, but with true kindness of heart; and your 
friends try to please you, I know, because you conciliate them, 
not with words merely, but by your behavior toward them.” 
“ Indeed,” replied Theodota, “I use none of these schemes.” 11. 
“Yet,” said Socrates, “it is of great importance to deal with a 
man according to his disposition, and with judgment; for by 
force you can neither gain nor keep a friend, but by serving 
and pleasing him the animal’ is easily taken and attached to 
ou.” “ What you say is true,” said she. 

12. “It becomes you, therefore,” proceeded Socrates, “in 
the first place, to request of your lovers only such favors as 
they will perform with least cost to themselves ; and you must 
then make a return by obliging them in a similar way ;? for 
thus they will become most sincerely attached to you, and will 
love you longest, and benefit you most. 13. But you will 
please them most if you grant them favors only when they 
solicit them; for you see that even the most savory meats, 
if a person offer them to another before he has an appetite for 
them, appear to him distasteful; and in the satisfied they ex- 
cite even loathing; but if one offers food to another after 
having raised an appetite in him, it seems, though it be of a 
very ordinary kind, extremely agreeable.” 14. “How then 
can I,” said she, “excite such an appetite in any one of those 
that visit me?” “If, when they are satiated,” said he, “you, 
in the first place, neither offer yourself to them, nor remind 
them of you, until, coming to an end of their satiety, they 
again feel a desire for you; and, when they do feel such de- 
sire, remind them of your fondness by the most modest ad- 
dress, and by showing yourself willing to gratify them, hold- 
ing back at the same time, until they are filled with impatient 
longing ; for it is far better to grant the same favors at such 
a time, than before they had an appetite for them.” 15. 
“Why do not you, then, Socrates,” said she, “become my 
helper in securing friends?” “I will indeed,” said he, “if 
you can persuade me.” “And how then,” said she, “can I 
- 2? πὸ Oypiov.] A word suitable to the illustrations which Socrates had 


previously given. 
* That is, as freely as they oblige you; not at the least possible cost. 


CHAP. XI. SOCRATES ATTACHED MEN TO HIM. 461i 


persuade you?” “You yourself will seek and find means te 
do so, if you should at all need me.” “Come often to see me, 
then,” said she. 16. Then Socrates, joking upon his own easy 
life, said, “But, Theodota, it is not easy for me to find leisure ; 
for my Own numerous occupations, private and public,’ allow 
me no rest; and I have friends’ also, who will not suffer me 
to leave them day or night, learning from me love-charms and 
incantations.” 17. “Do you then know such arts, too, Soc- 
rates ?” said Theodota. “Through what other influence do 
you suppose that Apollodorus* here, and Antisthenes,* never 
leave me? and through what other influence do you suppose 
that Cebes* and Simmias® came to me from Thebes?. Be 
assured, that such effects were not produced without many 
love-charms, incantations, and magic wheels.”® 18. “ Lend 
me, then, your magic wheel,” said she, “that I may set it a 
going,’ first of all, against yourself.” “But, by Jupiter,” ex- 
claimed Socrates, “I do not wish that I should be drawn to 
you, but that you should come to me.” “TI will come then,” 

said she, “ only take care to let me in.” “T will let you in,” 

replied | he, “if another more acceptable than you be not 
within.” 

* This mention of public employments is to be taken as a joke, as 
Weiske observes; for Socrates took no part in ie employments, as is 
stated in 1. 6. 15. 

? diAa.] He uses the feminine gender in jest, as if he had his φέλαι 
as Theodota had her φίλοι. 

3 He was a great admirer of Socrates, and constant attendant on him. 
Apol. Soe. 6. 28. Cobet, Prosopogr. Xen. p. 63. 

* Founder of the Cynics; he passed much of his time with Socrates: 
Sympos. iv. 44; Mem. ii. 5.1. Both these men appear to have attended 
him in his visit to Theodota. 

° Mentioned i. 2, 48. 

5 *Ivyywv.] The ἐδξ is a small bird that builds i in hollow trees, and 
feeds on insects; it is called in Latin torgquilla, in French torcou, in Ger- 
man wendehals, and in English wry-neck, from the incessant motion of 
its head. From this peculiarity the ancients believed that it had some 
magic power, and used it in incantations. They used to tie the bird te 
a wheel with four spokes, which they whirled round rapidly, chanting, 
at the same time, certain charms. Hence the wheel itself came to be 
ον ἰύγξ: See Pind. Pyth. iv. 380; 2350}. Pers. 993; Theocr. ii. 11. 


ne 

ς ὅς τ ἀκ] The expression new | idyya ἐπὶ τίνα was @ common one, 
says Schneider. ‘‘*EAxevy is used for torquere, in speaking of the magi¢ 
wheel. So dortus rhombus, Ov. Amor. i. 8. 7; and retro solvere turbinem, 
Hor. Ep. xvii. 7.” Sturz. 

δ Apily and wittily said; for the excuse of the ἑταῖραι ir shutting 


482 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK IL 


CHAPTER ΧΗ. 


Socrates shows the benefit of gymnastic exercises, as well on the health of 
the mind as on that of the body, sect.1—4. The advantages of health and 


vigor, 5-8. 

1. Noticixe that Epigenes, one of his followers, was both 
very young and weak in body, he said to him, “ How very 
unlike an athlete’ you are in frame, Epigenes!” “1 am not an 
athlete, Socrates,” replied he. “You are not Jess of an ath- 
lete,” rejoined Socrates, “than those who are going to con- 
tend at the Olympic games. Does the struggle for life with 
the enemy, which the Athenians will demand of you when 
circumstances require, seem to you to be a trifling contest? 
2. Yet, in the dangers of war, not a few, through weakness of 
body, either lose their lives, or save them with dishonor ; 
many, from the same. cause, are taken alive, and, as prisoners 
of war, endure for the rest of their lives, if such should be 
their fate, the bitterest slavery; or, falling into the most 
grievous hardships, and paying for their ransom sometimes 
more than they possess, pass the remainder of their existence 
in want of necessaries, and in the endurance of affliction; and 
many, too, incur infamy, being thought to be cowards merely 
from the imbecility of their bodily frame. 3. Do you think 
lightly of such penalties attached to weakness of body, or do 
you expect. that you will endure such calamities with ease? I 
believe that what he must bear who attends to the health of 
his body, is far lighter and more pleasant than such afflic- 
tions. Or do you suppose that an ill condition of body is 
more salutary and advantageous than a good condition? Or 
do you despise the benefits secured by a good state of the 
body? 4. Yet the lot which falls to those who have their 
bodies in good condition is exactly the reverse of that which 
falls to those who have them in ill condition; for those whe 
have their bodies in a good state are healthy and strong; and 


out their gallants was ἔνδον ἕτερος. _ Lucian, Dialog. Meretr. xii. p. 310; 
viii. p. 300. Ruhnken. 

δ Ὡς ἐδιωτικῶς---τὸ σῶμα ἔχεις. Quam non athletic? corpore constitutus 
es! ᾿Ιδιώτης, one untrained in gymnastic exercises, was opposed ta 
ἀσκητὴς, one trained in them. See iii. 7. 7. 


ΘΈΑΡ. XIL ADVANTAGES OF EXERCISE. 463 - 


mary, from being possessed of this advantage, save themselves 
with honor amid the struggles of war, and escape every 
peril; many, also, asisst their friends and benefit their coun- 
try, and, for such services, are thought worthy of favor, ac- 
quire great glory, and attain the highest dignities; and, on 
these accounts, pass the rest of their lives with greater pleas- 
ure and honor, and bequeath finer fortunes’ to their chil- 
dren. 5. Nor, because the city does not require warlike 
exercises publicly,* ought we, on that account, to neglect 
them privately, but rather to practice them the more ;* for be 
well assured that neither in any other contest, nor in any 
affair whatever, will you at all come off the worse because 
your body is better trained than that of other men; since the 
body must bear its part in whatever men do; and in all the 
services required from the body, it is of the utmost import- 
ance to have it in the best possible condition; 6. for even in 
that in which you think that there is least exercise for the 
body, namely, thinking, who does not know that many fail 
greatly from ill-health? and loss of memory, despondency, 
irritability, and madness, often, from ill-health of body, at- 
tack the mind with such force as to drive out all previous 
knowledge. 7. But to those who have their bodies in good 
condition, there is the utmost freedom from anxiety, and ne 
danger of suffering any such calamity from weakness of con- 
stitution; while it is likely, rather, that a healthy state of 
body will avail to produce consequences the reverse of those 
which result. from an unhealthy state of it; and, indeed, te 
secure consequences the reverse of what we have stated, what 
would a man in his senses not undergo? 8. It is disgraceful, 
too, for a person to grow old in self-neglect, before he knows 
what he would become by rendering himself well-formed and 
vigorous in body; but this a man who neglects himself can 
not know; for such advantages are not wont to come spon- 
taneously. 


1 ᾿Αφορμὰς εἰς τὸν Biov.] Supplies or incomes for living; means cf 


@. 

2 Xenophon, in recording this censure on the Athenians, intends 
tacitly to praise the Lacedeemonians. See 11]. 5.15. Weiske. There were 
at Athens, says Schneider, as in other states of Greece, ὀπλομάχοι, men 
who trained others in the exercise of arms; but no such exercise was 
publicly required by Jow as at Lacedzemon , 

3 Μηδὲν ἦττον.] “ Net less.” 


-4θ4 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK ul. 


CHAPTER XIII. 


Several brief sayings of Socrates. We should not be offended at rudeness of 
manner more than at personal defects, sect. 1. Fasting the best remedy 
for loathing of food, 2. We should not be too nice as to food or drink, 3. 
He that punishes his slave, should consider whether he himself deserves 
like punishment, 4. Admonitions to travelers, 5. It is disgraceful to him 
who has been trained in the gymnasium tc be outdone by a slave in endur-~ 


ing toil, 6. 

1. A person being angry, because, on saluting another, he was 
not saluted in return, “ It is an odd thing,” said Socrates to him, 
“that if you had met a man ill-conditioned in body you would 
not have been angry, but to have met a man rudely disposed in 
mind provokes you.” 

2. Another person saying that he ate without pleasure, 
“ Acumenus,”’ said Socrates, “ prescribes an excellent remedy. 
for that disease.” The other asking, “ What sort of remedy ?” 
“To abstain from eating,” said Socrates; “for he says that, 
after abstaining, you will live with more pleasure, less expense, 
and better health.” 

8. Another saying that the water which he had to drink at 
his house was warm, “ When you wish to bathe in warm 
water, then,” said Socrates, “it will be ready for you.” “ But 
it is too cold to bathe in,” said the other. “Are your 
slaves, then,” asked Socrates, “inconvenienced by drinking 
or bathing in it?’ “No, by Jupiter,” replied he ; “for I have 
often wondered how cheerfully they use it for both those 
purposes.” “And is the water in your house,” said Socrates, 
“or that in the temple of Atsculapius,* the warmer for drink- 
ing?” “That at the temple of Asculapius,” replied he. 
“ And which is the colder for bathing in, that at your house, 
or that in the temple of Amphiaraus?”* “That in the temple 
of Amphiaraus,” said he. “Consider, then,” said Socrates, 


1 A physician of the time of Socrates, and one of his friends. See 
Plato, Pheedr. p. 227, A., p. 268, A. B.; Symp. p. 176; Cobet, Proso« 
pogr. Xen. p. 50. 

2 At Athens, Pausanias, Attic. c. 21, mentions that it was situate in 
the way from the theater to the Acropolis, and that there was a fount- 
ain belonging to it; but says nothing of the nature of the water. 
Schneider. 


τ Between Potniz and Thebes 


CHAP. XIII, SAYINGS CF SOCRATES. - 465 


“that you seem to be harder to please than your slaves or the 
sick.” 

4. Another person beating his attendant severely, Socrates 
asked him why he was so angry at the slave. “ Because,” said 
he, “he is very gluttonous and very stupid, very covetous and 
very idle.” “And have you ever reflected,” rejoined Socrates, 
“which of the two deserves the greater number of stripes, you 
or your slave ?” 

5. A person being afraid of the journey to Olympia, “ Why,” 
said Socrates to him, “do you fear the journey? Do you not 
walk about at home almost all day? And, if you set out thither, 
you will walk and dine, walk and sup, and go to rest. Do you 
not know that if you were to extend in a straight line the walks 
which you take in five or six days, you would easily go from 
Athens to Olympia? But it will be better for you to starta 
day too soon than a day too late; for to be obliged to extend 
your days’ journeys beyond a moderate length-is disagreeable ; 
but to spend one day more on the road gives great ease; 
and it is better, therefore, to hasten to start than to hurry on 
the way.” 

6. Another saying that he was utterly wearied with a long 
journey, Socrates asked him whether he carried any burden. 
“No, by Jupiter,” said he, “I did not, except my cloak.” 
“ And did you travel alone,” said Socrates, “ or did an attendant 
accompany you?” “ An attendant was with me.” “ Was he 
empty-handed, or did he carry any thing?” “ He carried, cer- 
tainly, the bedding’ and other utensils.” “ And how did he get 
over the journey? “He appeared to me to come off better 
than myself?’ “If you, then, had been obliged to carry his 
burden, how do you imagine that you would have fared ?” 
“Very ill, by Jupiter; or rather, I should not have been able 
to carry it at all.” “And how can you think that it becomes 
a man trained to exercise to be so much less able to bear fatigue 
than a slave ?” 


? Which slaves used to carry in a bag. See note on Anab, y. 4 13. 
20* 


466 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK IIL 


CHAPTER XIV. 


Table-talk of Socrates in praise of frugality. In contributions to feasts, one 
guest should not. strive to surpass another in the quality or quantity of 
what he contributes, sect. 1. He may be called ὀψοφαγος, flesh-eater, 
who eats flesh alone, or with very little bread, 2-4. He that eats of many 
dishes at once acts foolishly in various ways, 5, 6. He may be truly said 
εὐωχεῖσθαι, to banquet, who lives on plain and wholesome food, 7. 


1. Wuen, among a number of persons who had met together 
to sup, some brought little meat, and others a great quantity, 
Socrates desifed the attendant either to set the smallest dish on 
the table for common participation, or to distribute a portion 
of it to each. They, accordingly, who had brought a great 
deal, were ashamed not to partake of what was put on table 
for the company in biota, and not, at the same time, to put 
their own on table in return. They therefore offered their own 
dishes for the participation of the company; and when they 
had no greater share than those who brought but little, they 
ceased to buy meat at great cost. 

2. Observing one of those at table with him taking no 
bread, but eating meat by itself, and a discussion having 
arisen at the same time about names, for what cause any par- 
ticular name was given, “Can we tell,” said Socrates, “for 
what cause a man should be called ὀψοφάγος ?* For every body 
eats flesh with his bread when he has it; but I do not sup- 

that people are called ὀψοφάγοι on that account.” “I 
should think not,” said one of the company. 3. “ But,” said 
Socrates, “if a person should eat meat by_ itself without 
bread, not for the purpose of training,’ but of gratifying his 
appetite, whether would he seem to be an ὀψοφάγος or not?” 
“Scarcely any other would more justly seem so,” said he. 
“And he that eats a great deal of meat with very little 
bread,” said another, of the company, “what should he be 
called?” “To.me,”. replied Socrates, “it appears that he 
would justly be called éyopéyos, and when other men pray to 


1 Flesh-eater. From ὄψον, whatever was eaten with bread, and φαγεῖ:, 
to eat. 

? *Acxyjcewc.] A word used to denote the training of the athlete. 
who ate a great deal of flesh to strengthen them. See i. 2. 4; iii, 7. 7. 
Kihner. 


CHAP. XIV. TABLH-TALK. 46! 


the gods for abundance of corn, he may pray for abundance of 
flesh.” 4, When Socrates said this, the young man, thinking 
that the words were directed at him, did not indeed leave off 
eating meat, but took some bread with it. Socrates, observ- 
ing him do so, said, “ Notice. this. young man, you that sit 
near him, whether he takes bread to his meat, or meat to his 
bread.” 

5. Seeing another of the company taste of several dishes 
with the same piece of bread, “Can any cookery be more ex- 
travagant,” said he, “ or more adapted to spoil dishes, than that 
which he practices who eats of several at the same time, putting 
all manner of sauces into his mouth at once? For as he mixes 
together more ingredients than the cooks, he makes what he 
eats more expensive; and as he mixes what they forbear to mix 
as being incongruous, he, if they do right, is in the wrong, and 
renders their art ineffectual, 6. And how can it be otherwise 
than ridiculous,” he added, “ for a man to provide himself with 
cooks of the greatest skill, and then, though he pretends to no 
knowledge of their art, to undo what has -been done by them? 
But there is another evil attendant on him who is accustomed 
to eat of several dishes at once; for, if he has not several sorts 
of meat before him, he thinks himself stinted, missing the vari- 
ety to which he has been used. But he who is accustomed to 
make one piece of bread, and one piece οὗ meat, go together, 
will be able to partake contentedly of one dish when several are 
just at hand.” 

7. He observed also that εὐωχεῖσϑαι, “to fare well,” * was in 
the language of the Athenians called ἐσϑίεεν, “to eat;” and 
that the εὖ, “ well,” was added to denote that we should eat 
such food as would disorder neither mind nor body, and such 
as would not be difficult to be procured; so that he applied 
εὐωχεῖσϑαι, “to fare well,” to those who fared temperately. 


1 Ἑὐῤωχέω, quasi εὐοχέω, from ed and 6x7), support, nourishment, from 
ἔχω: a derivation for which Kiihner refers to Eustath. ad IL ii. p, 212. 
37: ᾽Αχαιοὶ τὴν τροφὴν ὀχὴν λέγουσι. 


BOOK IV. 


CHAPTER I. 


Socrates liked the society of young men; how he judged of them; his de~ 
sire that they should be well educated, sect. 1,2. The more powerful the 
mind in youth, the more likely it is, if ill trained, to run into vice, 3, 4. 
Happiness does not depend on riches, but on knowledge, and on being 
useful to our fellow-creatures, and gaining their esteem, 5. 


1. Sq serviceable was Socrates to others, in every kind of 
transaction, and by every possible means, that to any one who 
reflects on his usefulness (even though he possess but moderate 
discernment), it is manifest that nothing was of greater bene- 
fit than to associate with Socrates, and to converse with him, 
on any occasion, or on any subject whatever; since even 
the remembrance of him, when he is no longer with us, bene- 
fits in no small degree those who are accustomed to enjoy 
his society, and heard him with approbation; for he sought 
to improve his associates not less in his humorous than in his 
serious conversation. 2. He would often say that he loved 
some particular person; but he was evidently enamored, not 
of those formed by nature to be beautiful, but of those 
naturally inclined to virtue. He judged of the goodness 
of people’s abilities from their quickness in learning the 
things to which they gave their attention, from their re- 
membrance of what they learned, and from their desire for 
all those branches of knowledge by means of which it is possi- 
ble to manage a family or an estate well, and to govern men 
and their affairs with success; for he thought that such charac- 
ters, when instructed, would not only be happy themselves, and 
regulate their own families judiciously, but would be able to 
render other men, and other communities beside their own, 
happy. 8. He did not however make advances to all in the 
same manner. Those who thought that they had good natural 
abilities, but despised instruction, he endeavored to cor- 
vince that minds which show most natural power have most 
need of education, pointing out to them that horses of the best 


CHAP. I. - . MORAL OBSERVATIONS. . 469 


breed, which are high-spirited and obstinate, become, if they 
are broken in when young, most useful and valuable, but if 
they are left unbroken, remain quite unmanageable and 
worthless; and that hounds of the best blood, able to endure 
toil, and eager to attack beasts, prove, if they are well trained, 
most serviceable for the chase, and every way excellent, but, 
if untrained, are useless, rabid, and disobedient. 4. In like 
manner, he showed that men of the best natural endowments, 
possessed of the greatest strength of mind, and most energetic 
in executing what they undertake, became, if well disciplined 
and instructed in what they ought to do, most estimable char- 
acters, and most beneficent to society (as they then per- 
formed most numerous and important services), but that, if 
uninstructed, and left in ignorance, they proved utterly worth- 
Jess and mischievous; for that, not knowing what line of 
conduct they ought to pursue, they often entered upon evil 
courses, and, being haughty and impetuous, were difficult to ba 
restrained or turned from their purpose, and thus occasioned 
very many and great evils. 

5. But those who prided themselves on their wealth, and 
thought that they required no education, but imagined that 
their riches would suffice to effect whatever they desired, and 
to gain them honor from mankind, he tried to reduce to 
' reason by saying that the man was a fool who thought that 
he could distinguish the good and the evil in life- without in- 
struction ; and that he also was a fool who, though he could 
not distinguish them, thought that he would procure whatever 
' he wished, and effect whatever was for his interest, by means 
of his wealth. He also said that the man was void of sense 
who, not being qualified to pursue what was for his F 
fancied that he would be prosperous in the world, and that 
every thing necessary for his comfort was fully, or at least 
sufficiently, provided for him; and that he was equally void 
of sense who, though he knew nothing, thought that he would 
seem good for something because of his riches, and, though 
evidently despicable, would gain esteem through their in- 
fluence 


170 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK Iv. 


CHAPTER I. 


No dependence to fe placed on natural abilities without education. Socrates 
proceeds to show Euthydemns, ἃ self-conceited young man, that in every 
art it is proper to have recourse to instructors, sect. 1, 3. He shows the 
folly of a man who should pretend to have learned every thing of himself, 
8-5. The necessity of instruction in the art of government, 6, 7. κε 8 
long series of interrogations Socrates reduces Euthydemus to acknowledge 
his ignorance and incompetence, 8-23. The value of self-knowledge, 
24-30. Further instructions given to Euthydemus, 80-40. 


1. *I will now show how Socrates addressed himself to 
such as thought that they had attained the highest degree of 
knowledge, and prided themselves on their ability. Hearing 
that Euthydemus,* surnamed the Handsome, had collected 
11any writings of the most celebrated poets and sophists, and 
imagined that by that means he was outstripping his co- 
temporaries in accomplishments, and had great hopes that he 
would excel them all in talent for speaking and acting, and 
finding, by his first inquiries about him, that he had not yet 
engaged in public affairs on account of his youth,* but that, 
when he wished to do any business,° he usually sat in a bridle- 
maker’s shop near the Forum, he went himself to it, accom- 
panied by some of his ‘hearers; 2. and as somebody asked, 
first of all’ whether it was from his intercourse with some 
of the wise men, or from his own natural talents, that The- 
mistocles attained such a pre-eminence above his fellow- 
citizens, that the republic looked to him whenever it wanted 
the service of a man of ability,” Socrates, wishing to excite 
the attention of Euthydemus, said that “it was absurd to 
believe that men could not become skilled in the lowest 


1 Schneider observes that this second chapter is but a continuation of 
the first, and ought not to. be separated from it. 

2 The same that is mentioned i. 2. 29. 

3 Tpdupara.| They seem to be the same as συγγράμματα, or ovyye- 
γραμμένα, moral precepts, reflections, and examples, extracted from dif- 
ferent writers. See Bekker, Anecd. i. p. 31; and Bornemann ad Cyrop. 
viii. 4.16. Kiihner. 

4 Being under twenty years of age. See iii. 6. 1. 

5 Ti—deanpdtacdan} He seems to have appointed the bridle-maker’s 
shop as a place for meeting his friends, and for waiting for them, if they 
went away to do any business for him. 


OHAP. Il, EUTHYDEMUS. 471 


mechanical arts without competent instructors, and to imagine Ὁ 
that ability to govern a state, the most important of all arts, 
might spring up in men by the unassisted efforts of nature.” 

3. On another occasion, when Euthydemus was one of the 
company, and Socrates saw him leaving it, from apprehension 
lest he should seem to admire him for his wisdom, he observed, 
“Tt is evident, my friends, from the studies that he pursues, 
that Eathydemus here, when he comes of age, and the govern- 
ment give liberty of discussion’ on any point, will not refrain 
from offering his counsel; and I imagine that he has already 
framed an exordium for his public oration, taking precau- 
_ tion that he may not be thought to have learned any thing 
᾿ from any body; and it is pretty certain, therefore, that when 
he begins to speak, he will make his opening thus: 4. ‘I, O 
men of Athens, have never learned any thing from any per- 
son, nor, though I heard of some that were skilled in speaking 
and acting, have I sought to converse with them; nor have I 
been anxious that any one of the learned should become my mas- 
ter; but I have done the exact contrary; for I have constantly 
avoided not only learning any thing from any one, but even 
the appearance of learning any thing; nevertheless I will offer 
you such advice as may occur to me without premeditation, 
5. So it might be proper for a person to commence a speech 
who desired to obtain a medical appointment* from the goy- 
ernment: ‘I, O, men of Athens, have never learned the 
medical art from any one, nor have been desirous that any 
physician should be my instructor ; for I have constantly been 
on my guard, not only against learning any thing of thé art 
from any one, but even against appearing to have learned any 
thing ; nevertheless confer on me this medical appointment ; 
for 1 will endeavor to learn by making experiments’ upon 


1 When the public crier called the people to an assembly, he gavo 
notice that liberty would be granted to those who wished to speak on 
the subject of discussion: as in Demosth. de Cor. c. 53: τίς ἀγορεύειν 
βούλεται; and Aristoph. Acharn. 45. Schneider. Schoemann de 
Comitiis, 11, p. 104. ; 

? ατρικὸν épyov.] Weiske supposes that there were two classes or 
medical men; some freemen, and others slaves; and that the better 
sort were appointed by the people at their assemblies, receiving a salary 
from the public treasury. 

* To learn by making experiments on their patients medical men do 
not profess, yet it is what they secretly practice. Discunt periculis 


472 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK τῇ. 


you.” At this mode of opening a speech all who were pres- 
ent burst out into laughter. 

6. As Euthydemus had now evidently begun to attend to 
what Socrates was saying, but was cautious of speaking him- 
self, as thinking by his silence to clothe himself with reputa- 
tion for modesty, Socrates, wishing to cure him of that fancy, 
said, “It is indeed strange that those who desire to play on 
the lyre, or on the flute, or to ride, or to become expert in any 
such accomplishment, should eadeavor to practice, as constantly 
as possible, that in which they desire to excel, and not by 
themselves merely, but with the aid of such as are considered 
eminent in those attainments, attempting and undergoing every 
thing, so as to do nothing without their sanction, as supposing 
that they can by no other means attain reputation ; but that of 
those who wish to become able to speak and act in affairs of 
government, some think that they will be suddenly qualified to 
achieve their object without preparation or study, and by 
their own unassisted efforts. 7. Yet these pursuits are mani- 
festly more difficult of attainment than those, inasmuch as of 
the very many who attempt them a much smaller number 
succeed in them; and it is evident, therefore, that those who 
pursue the one are required to submit to longer and more dili- 
gent study than those who pursue the other.” 

8. Socrates used at first to make such remarks, while Eu- 
thydemus merely listened; but when he observed that he 
staid, while he conversed, with more willingness, and 
hearkened to him with more attention, he at last came to the 
bridle-maker’s shop unattended. As Euthydemus sat down 
beside him, he said, “Tell me, Euthydemus, have you really, 
as I hear, collected many of the writings’ of men who are said 
to have been wise.” “I have indeed, Socrates,” replied he, 
“ and I am still collecting, intending to persevere till I get as 
many as I possibly can.” 9. “By Juno,” rejoined Socrates, 
“T feel admiration for you, because you have not preferred ac- 
quiring treasures of silver and gold rather than of wisdom ; for 
it is plain you consider that silver and gold are unable to make 
men better, but that the thoughts of wise men enrich their 
possessors with virtue.” Euthydemus was delighted io hear 


nostris, et experimenta per mortes agunt, as Pliny says, H. N. xxix. 1. 
Schneider. 
ὁ Togufara.] See note on sect. 1, 





CHAP, IL CONVERSATION WITH EUTHYDEMUS. 418 


this commendation, believing that he was thought by Socrates 
to have sought wisdom in the right course. 10. Socrates, ob- 
serving that he was gratified with the praise, said, “ And in 
what particular art do you wish to become skillful, that you 
collect these writings?” As Euthydemus continued silent, 
considering what reply he should make, Socrates again asked, 
“Do you wish to become a physician ? for there are many 
writings of physicians.” “Not I, by Jupiter,” replied Eu- 
thydemus. “Do you wish to become an architect, then? for 
aman of knowledge is needed for that art also.”* “No, in- 
deed,” answered he. “Do you wish to become a good geome- 
trician, like Theodorus?”* “Nor a geometrician either,” 
said he. “Do you wish then to become an astronomer?” 
said Socrates. As Euthydemus said, “No,” to this, “ Do you 
wish then,” added Socrates “to become a rhapsodist,* for they 
say that you are in possession of all the poems of Homer ?” 
“ No, indeed,” said he, “for I know that the rhapsodists, 
though eminently knowing in the poems of Homer, are, as 
men, extremely foolish.” 11. “ You are perhaps desirous, then,” 
proceeded Socrates, “ of attaining that talent by which men 
become skilled in governing states, in managing households, 
able to command, and qualified to benefit other men as well 
as themselves.” “I indeed greatly desire,” said he, “ Socra- 
tes, to acquire that talent.” “By Jupiter,” returned Socrates, 
“ you aspire to a most honorable accomplishment, and a most 
exalted art, for it is the art of kings, and is called the royal 
art. But,” added he, “have you ever considered whether it 
is possible for a man who is not just to be eminent in that 


1 Τνωμονικοῦ γὰρ ἀνδρὸς καὶ τοῦτο δεῖ. “There is need of a man of 
knowledge also for this art.” Τοῦτο for κατὰ τοῦτο, for it can not, as 
Kuhner observes, be a nominative. 

2 Theodorus of Cyrene, the preceptor of Socrates in geometry, men- 
tioned in the Thesetetus ms Plato. Comp. iv. 7.3. Schneider. See 
Cobet, Prosopogr. Xen. p 

3 The rhapsodists, poset ey were men who publicly recited epic verses, 
especially those of Homer. ‘ The judgment here passed on the rhapso- 
dists has reference to the period of Socrates only, not to preceding 
times, in which they were held in great honor. See Bornemann ad 
Symp. iii. 6. There is an elegant discussion on the rhapsodists by G. H. 
Bodius, in a work of much learning, entitled Gesch. der Hellen. Dicht- 
kunst. vol. i. p. 351, seqq. See Stallbaum ad Plato, Ion, p. 285, F. A ; 
Wolf, Prolegom. in Hom. p- 99, seqq.; and Gr. Guil, Nitzsch in Queest 
Hom. P. iv. p. 13.” Kithner 


474 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK IV. 


art?” “T have certainly,” replied he: “and it is not possible 
for a man to be even a good citizen without justice.” 12. 
“Have you yourself, then, made yourself master of that 
virtue?” “J think,” said he, “Socrates, that I shall be 
found not less just than any other man.” “Are there then 
works of just men, as there. are works of artisans?” “There 
are, doubtless,” replied he. “Then,” said Socrates, “as arti- 
sans are able to show their works, would not just men be able 
also to tell their works?” “And why should not. I,” asked 
Euthydemus, “be able to tell the works of justice ; as also 
indeed those of injustice ; for we may see and hear of no small 
number of them every day ?” 

13. “ Are you willing then,” said Socrates, “that we should 
make a delta on this side, and an alpha’ on that, and then that 
we should put whatever seems to us to be a work of justice 
under the delta, and whatever seems to be a work of injustice 
under the alpha?” -“If you think that we need those 
letters,” said Euthydemus, “make them.” 14. Socrates, 
having made the letters as he proposed, asked, “ Does false- 
hood then exist among mankind?” “It does, assuredly,” 
replied he. “Under which head shall we place it?” “Under 
injustice, certainly.” “Does deceit also exist?” “ Unques- 
tionably.” “ Under which head shall we place that?” “ Evi- 
dently under injustice.” “Does mischievousness exist ?” 
“Undoubtedly.” “And the enslaving of men?” “That, 
too, prevails.” “ And shall neither of these things be placed 
by us, under justice, Euthydemus?” “It would be strange if 
they should be,” said he. 15. But,” said Socrates, “if a 
man, being chosen to lead an army, should reduce to slavery 
an unjust and hostile people, should we say that he committed 
injustice?” “No, certainly,” replied he. “Should we not 
rather say that he acted justly?” “Indisputably.” “And 
if, in the course of the war with them, he should practice de 
ceit?? “That also would be just,” said he. “And if he 
should steal and carry off their property, would he not do 
what was just?” “Certainly,” said Euthydemus; “but I 
thought at first that you asked these questions only with 
reference to our friends.” “Then,” said Socrates, “all that 
we have placed under the head of injustice, we must also place 


* Delia for δίκαιος, “just :” alpha for ἀδικὸς, “ unjust.” 


CHAP. I. ON JUSTICE AND INJUSTICE. 475 


under that of justice?” “It seems so,” replied Euthydemus. 
16. “ Do you agree, then,” continued Socrates, “that, having 
so placed them, we should make a new distinction, that it is 
just to do such things with regard to enemies, but unjust to do 
them with regard to friends, and that toward his friends our 
general should be as guileless as possible?” “By all means,” 
replied Euthydemus. 17. “ Well, then,’ said Socrates, “if a 
general, seeing his army dispirited, should tell them, invent- 
ing a falsehood, that auxiliaries were coming, and should, by 
that invention, check the despondency of his troops, under 
which head should we place such an act of deceit?” “It ap- 
pears to me,” said Euthydemus, “ that we must place it under 
justice.” “ And if a father, when his son requires medicine, 
and refuses to take it, should deceive him, and give him the 
medicine as ordinary food, and, by adopting such deception, 
should restore him to health, under which head must we place 
such an act of deceit?” “It appears to me that we must put 
it under the same head.” “And if a person, when his friend 
was in despondency, should, through fear that he might kill 
himself, steal or take away his sword, or any other weapon, 
under which head must we place that act?” “That, as- 
suredly, we must place under justice.” 18. “ You say, then,” 
said Socrates, “that not even toward our friends must we 
act on all occasions without deceit?” “ We must not indeed,” 
said he, “for I retract what I said before, if 1 may be per- 
mitted to do so.” “It is indeed much better that you should 
be permitted,” said Socrates, “than that you should not place 
actions on the right side.” 19. But of those who deceive their 
friends in order to injure them (that we may not leave even 
this point unconsidered), which of the two is the more unjust, he 
who does so intentionally or he who does so involuntarily ?” 
“Tndeed, Socrates,” said Euthydemus, “I no longer put con- 
fidence in the answers which I give; for all that I said be- 
fore appears to me now to be quite different from what I then 
thought ; however, let me venture to say* that he who de- 
ceives intentionally is more unjust than he who deceives in- 
voluntarily ?” 

20. “Does it appear to you, then, that there is a way of 
earning and knowing what is just, as there is of learning and 


Εἰρήσϑω μοι “Let it have been said by me,” or “Let me say.” 


476 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK IV, 


knowing how to read and write?” “I think there is.” “ And 
which should you consider the better scholar, him who should 
purposely write or read incorrectly, or him who should do so 
unawares ?” “Him who should do so purposely, for, when- 
ever he pleased, he would be able to do both correctly.” 
“He, therefore, that purposely writes incorrectly may be a 
good scholar, but he who does so inyoluntarily is destitute of 
scholarship ? ” “How can it be otherwise?” “And whether 
does he who lies and deceives intentionally know what is 
just, or he who does so unawares?” “ Doubtless he who does 
so intentionally.” “You therefore say that he who knows 
how to write and read is a better scholar than he who does 
not know?” “Yes.” “And that he who knows what is 
just is more just than he who does not know?” “I seem to 
say so; but I appear to myself to say this I know not how.” 
ai. “But what would you think of the man, who, wishing to 
tell the truth, should never give the same account ‘of the same 
thing, but, in speaking of the same road, should say at one 
time that it led toward the east, and at ‘another toward the 
west, and, in stating the result of the same calculation, should 
sometimes assert it to be greater and sometimes less, what, I 
say, would you think of such a man?” “It would be quite 
clear that he knew nothing of what he thought he knew.” * 

22. “Do you know any persons called slave-like ?”* “Ido.” 
“Whether for their knowledge or their ignorance?” “For 
their ignorance, certainly.” “Is it then for their ignorance of 
working in brass that they receive this appellation?” “ Not 
at all.” “Is it for their igttorance of the art of building?” 
“Nor for that.” “Or for their ignorance of shoemaking ἢ 
“ Not on any one of these accounts ; for the contrary is the 
case, as most of those who know such trades are servile.” 
“Ts this, then, an ‘appellation of those who are ignorant of 
what is honorable; and good, and just?” “It appears so to 
me.” 23. “It therefore becomes us to exert ourselves in 
every way to avoid being like slaves.” “But, by the gods, 

1 This is the conclusion to which Socrates wished to bring Euthyde~ 
mus with regard to his own knowledge of justice; and to exhort him, 
at the same time, to gain a knowledge of it, ‘‘as he who knows what is 
just is more just than he who does not know,” sect. 20. 

* ᾿Ανδραποδώδεις.] Slave-like, ignorant, low-minded, not possessed of 


any qualities to raise them above the levelof slaves. Compare i. 1. 16; 
and sect. 39 of this chapter. 


CHAP. IL ON SELF-KNOWLEDGE. ᾿ 477 


Socrates,” rejoined Euthydemus, “I firmly believed that I 
was pursuing that course of study, by which I should, as I 
expected, be made fully acquainted with all that was proper - 
to be known by a man ‘striving after honor and virtue; but 
now, how dispirited must you think I feel; when I see that, with 
all my previous labor, I am not even able to answer a question 
about what I ought most of all to know, and am acquainted 
with no other course which I may pursue to become. better !” 

24. Socrates then said, “Tell me, Euthydemus, have you 
ever gone to Delphi?’ “ Yes, twice,” replied he. “And did 


» you observe what is written somewhere on the temple wall, 


Kyow tuyserrF?” “I did” “And did you take no 
thought of that inscription, or did you attend to it, and try 
to examine yourself, to ascertain what sort of character you 
are?” “I did not indeed try, for I thought that I knew 
very well already, since I should hardly know any thing else 
if I did not know myself.” 25. “ But whether does he seem 
to you to know himself, who knows his own name merely, or 


| he who (like people buying horses, who do not-think that they 


_ know the horse that they want to know, until they have 


ascertained whether he is tractable or unruly, whether he is 
strong or weak, swift or slow, and how he is as to other points 
which are serviceable or disadvantageous in the use of a 
horse, so he,) having ascertained with regard to himself how 


' he is adapted for the service of mankind, knows his own 


abilities ?” “It appears to me, I must confess, that he who 
does not know his own abilities, does not know himself.” 26. 
“ But is it not evident,” said Socrates, “ that men enjoy a great 
number of blessings in consequence of knowing themselves, and 
incur a great number of evils, through being deceived in them- 
selves? For they who know themselves know what is suitable 
for them, and distinguish between what they can do and what 
they can not; and, by doing what they know how to do, pro- 
cure for themselves what they need, and are prosperous, and 
by abstaining from what they do not know, live blamelessly,: 
and avoid being unfortunate. By this knowledge of them- 
selves, too, they can form an opinion of other men, and, by 
their experience of the rest of mankind,’ obtain for them- 


1 Διὰ τῆς τῶν ἄλλων ypeiac.| Xpeia is here “ dealing with,” “ inter- 
course,” by which knowledge and experience may be obtained. Com- 
pare οἷς χρῶνται in the following section. 


478 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK Iv. 


selves what is good, and guard against what is evil. 27. But 
they who do not know themselves, but are deceived in their 
own powers, are in similar case with regard to other men,’ 
and other human affairs, and neither understand what they 
require, nor what they are doing, nor the characters of those 
with whom they connect themselves, but, being in error 85. to 
all these particulars, they fail to obtain what is good, and fall 
into evil. 28. They, on the other hand, who understand 
what they take in hand, sueceed in what they attempt, and 
become esteemed and honored; those who resemble them in 
character willingly form connections with them; those who 
are unsuccessful in life desire to be assisted with their ad- 
vice,’ and to prefer them to themselves; they place in them 
their hopes of good, and love them, cn all these accounts, be- 
yond all other men. 29. But those, again, who do not know 
what they are doing, who make an unhappy choice in life, 
and are unsuccessful in what they attempt, not omy incur 
losses and sufferings in their own aflairs, but become, in con- 
sequence, disreputable and ridiculous, and drag out their lives 
in contempt and dishonor. Among states, too, you see that 
such as, from ignorance of their own strength, go to war with 
others that are more powerful, are, some of them, utterly 
overthrown, and others reduced from freedom to slavery.” 

30. “ Be assured, therefore,” replied Euthydemus, “that I 
feel convinced we must consider. self-knowledge of the highest 
value; but as to the way in which we must begin*® to seek 
self-knowledge, I look to you for information, if you will 
kindly impart it to me.” 31. “ Well, then,” said Socrates, 
“you doubtless fully understand what sort of things are good, 
and what sort are evil.” “Yes, by Jupiter,” replied Euthy- 
demus, “for if I did not understand such things, I should be 
in a worse condition than slaves are.” “Come then,” said 
Socrates, “tell me what they are.” “That is not difficult,’ 
said he, “for, in the first place, health I consider to be a good, 
-and sickness an 601], and, in the next, looking to the causes 
_ 1 As they have no right knowledge of themselves, they have no right 
knowledge of other men, or of human affairs. ’ 
~ 2 "Ἐπιϑυμοῦσι τούτους ὑπὲρ αὑτῶν βουλεύεσϑαι.] “ Desire that 
_ ., Dersons should deliberate (or consider about matters) for 

em. 


Fe pg χρὴ ἄρξασϑαι “ Whence (from what point) we must 
un. : : 


CHAP. IL. ON GOOD AND EVIL. 479 


each of them, as drink, food, and employments, I esteem such 
as conduce to health to be good, and such as lead to sick- 
ness to be evil.” 32. “ Consequently,” said Socrates, “ health 
and sickness themselves, when they are the causes of any 
good, will be good, and when they are the causes of any 
evil, will be evil.” “But when,” exclaimed Euthydemus, 
“can health be the cause of evil, and sickness of good ?” 
“ When, for example,” said Socrates, “some portion of a com- 
munity, from being in good health, take part in a disgraceful 
expedition by land, or a ruinous voyage by sea, or in any 
other such matters, which are sufficiently common, and lose 
their lives, while others, who are left behind from ill-health, 
are saved.” “ What you say is true,” said Euthydemus, “ but 
you see that some men share in successful enterprises from 
being in health, while others from being in sickness, are left 
out of them.” “ Whether then,” said Socrates, “are those 
things which are sometimes beneficial, and sometimes injuri-~ 
ous, goods, rather, or evils?’ “Nothing, by Jupiter, is to be 
settled with regard to them’ by considering thus. 33. But as 
to wisdom, Socrates, it is indisputably a good thing; for what 
business will not one who is wise conduct better than one who 
is untaught?” “ Have you not heard, then, of Deedalus,” said 
Socrates, “how he was made prisoner by Minos and compelled 
to serve him as a slave; how he was cut off, at once, from 
his country and from liberty, and how, when he endeavored 
to escape with his son, he lost’ the child, and was unable to 
save himself, but was carried away among barbarians, and 
made a second time a slave?” “Such a story is told, in- 
deed,” said Euthydemus. “Have you not heard, too, of the 
sufferings of Palamedes? for every body says that it was for 
his wisdom he was envied and put to death by Ulysses.” 
“ That, too, is said,” replied Euthydemus. “And how many 
other men do you think have been carried off to the king® on 
account of their wisdom, and made slaves there ?” 

34. “But as to happiness, Socrates,” said Euthydemus, 
“that at least appears to be an indisputable good.” “ Yes, 
Euthydemus,” replied Socrates, “if we make it consist in 

} Oidév——¢aivera.] “Nothing appears” or is shown; nothing 
can be settled with regard to them; they can not be called positively 
good things, or positive evils, as they seem sometimes one and some- 


times the other: but as to ‘wisdom, that is indisputably a good, ete. 
2 The king of Persia; iii. ὅ, 26. 


480 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK Lv. 


things that are themselves indisputably good.”* “ But what,” 
said he, “among things constituting happiness can be a 
doubtful good?” “ Nothing,” answered Socrates, “ unless we 
join with it beauty, or strength, or wealth, or glory, or any 
other such thing.” 35. “ But we must assuredly join them 
with it,’ said Euthydemus; “for how can a person be happy 
without them?” ‘“ We shall then join with it, by Jupiter,” 
said. Socrates, “things from which many grievous calamities 
happen to mankind; for many, on account of their beauty, 
are ruined by those who are maddened with passion’ for their 
youthful attractions; many, through confidence in their 
strength, have entered upon undertakings too great for it, and 
involved themselves in no small disasters ; many, in consequence 
of their wealth, have become enervated, been plotted against, 
and destroyed ; and many, from the glory and power that they 
have acquired in their country, have suffered the greatest 
calamities.” 36. “ Well, then,” said Euthydemus, “if I do not 
say what is right when I praise happiness, I confess that I do 
not know what we ought to pray for to the gods.” 

_ “These points, however,” proceeded Socrates, “you have 
perhaps not sufficiently considered, from too confident a belief 
that you were already well acquainted with them; but since 
you intend to be at the head of a democratic government, you 
doubtless know what a democracy 18.) “ Assuredly,” said he. 
37. “Do you think it possible fora person to know what a 
democracy is, without knowing what the Demos is?’ “No, 
indeed.” “And what do you conceive the Demos to be?” 
“T conceive it to be the poorer class of citizens.” “Do you 
know, then, which are the poor?” “How can I help know- 
ing?” “You know then which are the rich?” “Just as 
well as I know which are the poor.” “ Which sort of persons 
then do you call poor, and which sort rich?” “Those who 
have not sufficient means to pay for the necessaries of life,* I 
regard as poor; those who have more than sufficient, I con- 


1 Ei ye μή τις αὐτό---ξ ἀμφιλόγων ἀγαϑῶν συντὶϑείη.] “If one does 
not make it up of things doubtfully (or disputably) good.” 

2 Παρακεκινηκότων. Παρακινεῖν put intransitively signifies mente 
excuti, to be disturbed in mind, to be distracted or mad. See Plato Rep. 
vii. p. 517, D., Pheedr. p. 249, and Stallbaum’s note. <Kiihner. 

3 Μὴ ἱκανὰ ἔχοντας εἰς ἅ dei τελεὶν.] I take τελεῖν in the sense of 
paying, as in ii. 9.1, ii. 10.6, and εἰς ὦ δεῖ is ad vite necessitatibus sat. 
tsfaciendum. Kiihner. : 


CHAP. II. DOCILITY OF EUTHYDEMUS. 481 


sider rich.” “Have you ever observed, then, that to some 
who have very small means, those means are not only suffi- 
cient, but that they even save from them, while, to many, very 
large fortunes are not sufficent?” “I have indeed,” said 
Euthydemus, “(for you very properly put me in mind of it), 
since I have known some princes, who, from poverty, have 
been driven to commit injustice like the very poorest people.” 
39. “Then,” said Socrates, “if such be the case, we must rank 
such princes among the Demos, and those that have but little, 
we must rank, if they be good managers, among the rich ?” 
“My own want of knowledge,’ indeed,” said Euthydemus, 
“ obliges me to admit even this; and I am considering whether 
it would not be best for me to be silent; for I seem to know 
absolutely nothing.” 

He went away, accordingly, in great dejection, holding him- 
self in contempt, and thinking that he was in reality no better 
than a slave. 

40. Of those who were thus addressed by Socrates, many 
came to him no more; and these he regarded as too dull to 
be improved. But Euthydemus, on the contrary, conceived 
that he could by no other means become an estimable charac- 
ter than by associating with Socrates as much as _ possible ; 
and he in consequence never quitted him, unless some neces- 
sary business obliged him to do so. He also imitated many 
of his habits. 

When Socrates saw that he was thus disposed, he no longer 
puzzled him with questions, but explained to him, in the sim- 

lest and clearest manner, what he thought that he ought to 
cnow, and what it would be best for him to study. 


1 Φαυλύτης.] Inscitia. Stura, 
VOL. I. 21 


482 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK Iv. 


CHAPTER II. 


Te necessity of temperance or self-control, and of right notions concerning 
the gods, sect. 1,2. ‘The gods have a providential care for mankind, 
8-9. Other animals are formed by the gods for the use of man, 10. In 
addition to the senses common to man with the inferior animals, the gods 
have given him reason and speech, 11, 12. Though we do not see the 
gods, we are convinced of their existence from their works, 18, 14. We 
ought, therefore, to pay them honor according to our means, 15-18. 


1. Socrates was never in haste that his followers should 
become skillful in speaking, in action, or in invention,’ but, 
previous to such accomplishments, he thought it proper that a 
love of self-control should be instilled into them; for he con- 
sidered that those who had acquired those qualifications were, 
if devoid of self-control, only better fitted to commit injustice 
and to do mischief. 2. In the first place, therefore, he endeay- 
ored to impress his associates with right feelings toward 
the gods. Some, who were present with him when he con- 
versed with others on this subject, have given an account of 
his discourses; but I myself was with him when he held a 
conversation with Euthydemus to the following effect. 

3. “Tell me,” said he, “ Euthydemus, has it ever occurred 
to you to consider how carefully the gods have provided for 
men every thing that they require?” “It has indeed never 
occurred to me,” replied he. “ You know at least,” proceeded 
Socrates, “ that we stand in need, first of all, of hght, with 
which the gods supply us.” “ Yes, by Jupiter,” answered Eu- 
thydemus, “ for if we had no light, we should be, as to the use 
of our eyes, like the blind.” “But, as we, require rest, they 
afford us night, the most suitable season for repose.” “ That is 
assuredly,” said Euthydemus, “a subject for thankfulness.” 4. 
“Then because the sun, being luminous, shows us the hours of 
the day, and every thing else, while the night, being dark, 
prevents us from making such distinctions in it,? have they 


1 Λεκτικοὺς καὶ πρακτικοὺς καὶ μηχανικοὺς. How Socrates rendered 
his hearers λεκτικοὺς, is shown in c. 5; how διαλεκτικοὺς, in c. 6; 
how μηχανικοὺς, inc. 7. Μηχανικοὶ may be Englished “fertile in ex- 
pedients.” 

2 ᾿Ασαφεστέρα ἐστίν. Schneider interprets, ‘nihil patitur oculis dis- 
tinguere.” Kiihner observes that the adjective will not bear this active 


CHAP. III. BENEVOLENCE OF THE GODS. 483 


not caused the stars to shine in the night, which show us the 
night-watches, and under the direction of which we perform 
many things that we require?” “So it is,” said he. “The 
moon, too, makes plain to us not only the divisions of the 

night, but also of the month.” “ Assuredly,” said he. 5. 
“But, that, since we require food, they should raise it for us 
from the earth, and appoint suitable seasons for the purpose, 
which prepare for us, in abundance and every variety, not 
only things which we need, but also things from which we 
derive pleasure, what do you think of such gifts?” “They 
certainly indicate love for man.” 6. “ And that they should 
supply us with water, an element of such value to us, that it 
causes to spring up, and unites with the earth and the seasons 
in bringing to maturity, every thing useful for us, and assists 
also to nourish ourselves, and, being mixed with all our food, 
renders it easier of digestion, more serviceable, and more pleas- 
ant; and that, as we require water in great quantities, they 
should supply us with it in such profusion, what do you think 
of such a gift?” “That also,” said he, “shows thought for 
us.” 7. “That they should also give us fire, a protection 
against cold and darkness, an auxiliary in every art and 
in every thing that men prepare for their use (for, in a 
word, men produce nothing, among the various things neces- 
sary to life, without the aid. of fire), what do you think of 
such a itt 2 Y” .“ That ay said he, “gives eminent 
proof of regard for man.” 8. [“ That they should diffuse 
the air also around us every where in such abundance, as not 
only to preserve and support life, but to enable us to cross the 
seas by means of it, and to get provisions by sailing hither 
and thither among foreign lands, is not this a boon inexpressi- 
bly valuable?” “It is indeed inexpressibly so,” replied he.] 
“That the sun, too, when it turns toward us in the winter, 
should approach to mature some things, and to dry up others? 
whose season for ripening has passed away; and that, having 
effected these objects, he should not come nearer to us, but 


sense, and interprets, ‘‘ Nox propter tenebras obscurior est, quam ut ejus 
singulas partes discerni possint.” 

! The passage in brackets is found only in one manuscript. Weiske 
and Schneider admitted it into their texts. . Kiihner condemns it as 
spurious, justly observing that the language of it “slossatoris manum 
aperté prodit.” 

2 As hay, and standing corn. 


454 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. -BOOK Iv. 


turn back, as if taking care lest he should hurt us by giving 
us more heat than is necessary ; and that when again, in his de- 
parture, he arrives at the point at which it becomes evident 
that, if he were to go beyond it, we should be frozen by the 
cold, he should again turn toward us, and approach us, and 
revolve in that precise part of the heaven in which he may be 
οὗ most advantage to us, what do you think of things so regu- 
jated 7?” “By Jupiter,” replied Euthydemus, “they appear 
to be appointed solely for the sake of man.” 9. “ Again, that 
the sun, because it is certain that we could not endure such 
heat or cold if it should come upon us suddenly, should ap- 
proach us so gradually, and retire from us so gradually, that 
we are brought imperceptibly to the greatest extremes of both, 
what do you think of that appointment?” “I am reflecting, 
indeed,” said Euthydemus, “whether the gods can have any 
other business than to take care of man; only this thought 
embarasses me, that other animals partake in these benefits.” 
10. “But is not this also evident,” said Socrates, “that 
these animals are produced and nourished for the sake οἱ 
man?” For what other animal derives so many benefits from 
goats, sheep, horses, oxen, asses, and other such creatures, as 
man? ΤῸ me it appears that he gains more advantages from 
them than from the fruits of the earth; at least he is fed and 
enriched not less from the one than from the other; and a 
great portion of mankind do not use the productions of the 
earth for food, but live by herds of cattle, supported by their 
milk, and cheese, and flesh; and all men tame and train the 
useful sort of animals, and use their services for war and other 
0565. “I agree with what you say on that point,” said 
Euthydemus, “for. I see some animals, much stronger than 
we, rendered so subservient to men that they use them for 
whatever they please.” 11. “But that, since there are num- 
berless beautiful and useful objects in the world, greatly dif 
fering from one another, the gods should have bestowed on 
men senses adapted to each of them, by means of which we 
enjoy every advantage from them; that they should have im- 
planted understanding in us, by means of which we reason 
about what we perceive by the senses, and, assisted by the 
memory, learn how far. every thing is beneficial, and contrive 
many plans by which we enjoy good and avoid evil; 12. and 
that they should have given us the faculty of speech, by means 


CHAP. III. CARE OF THE GODS FOR MAN. 485 


of which we convey information to one another, and mutually 
impart whatever is good, and participate in it, enact laws, and 
enjoy constitutional government, what think you of such 
blessings?? “The gods certainly appear, Socrates, to exer- 
cise the greatest care for man in every way.” “ And that, 
since we are unable to foresee what is for our advantage with 
regard to the future, they should assist us in that respect, 
communicating what will happen to those who inquire of them 
by divination, and instructing them how their actions may be 
most for their benefit, what thoughts does that produce in 
you?” “The gods seem to show you, Socrates,” rejoined he, 
“more favor than other men, since they indicate to you, 
without being asked, what you ought to do, and what not 
to do.” 

13. “ And that I speak the truth,’ you yourself also well 
know, if you do not expect to see the bodily forms of the 
gods, but will be content, as you behold their works, to wor- 
ship ani honor them. Reflect, too, that the gods themselves 
give us this intimation ;? for the other deities’ that give us 
blessings, do not bestow any of them by coming manifestly 
before our sight ; and he that orders and holds together the 
whole universe, in which are all things beautiful and good, 
and who preserves it always unimpaired, undisordered, and 
undecaying, obeying his will swifter than thought and with- 
out irregularity, is himself manifested only in the perform- 
ance of his mighty works, but is invisible to us while he 
regulates them. 14. Consider also that the sun, which ap- 
pears manifest to all, does not allow men to contemplate him 
too curiously, but, if any one tries to gaze on him steadfastly, 
deprives him of his sight. The instruments of the deities you 
will likewise find imperceptible; for the thunder-bolt, for in- 
stance, though it is plain that it is sent from above, and works 


' In saying that the gods assist and admonish us. 

2 That we must not expect, when we consult the gods, to see their 
shapes. Kiihner. 

3 Socrates, and those who followed him, Plato, the Stoics, and Cicero, 
were advocates of the opinion that, besides the one supreme God, there 
were others, far inferior to him, but immortal, and of great power and 
endowments, whom the supreme God employed, as his ministers, in 
the government of the world; a subject which I have discussed at soma 
jength in a treatise de IL T Ciceronis in philosophiam meritis, Hamb. 
1825. Kiihner. 


486 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. ‘BOOK IV. 


its will with every thing with which it comes in contact, is yet 
never seen either approaching, or striking, or retreating; the 
winds, too, are themselves invisible, though their effects are 
evident to us, and we perceive their course. The soul of 
man, moreover, which partakes of the divine nature if any 
thing else in man does, rules, it is evident, within us, but is 
itself unseen. Meditating on these facts, therefore, it be~ 
hooves you not to despise the unseen gods, but, estimating 
their power from what is done by them, to reverence what is 
divine.” 

15. “I feel clearly persuaded, Socrates, said Euthydemus, 
“that I shall never fail, in the slightest degree, in respect for 
the divine power, but I am dejected at the thought that no 
one among mankind, as it seems to me, can ever requite the 
favors of the gods with due gratitude.” 16. “But be not 
dejected at that reflection, Euthydemus,” said Socrates, “for 
you know that the deity at Delphi, whenever any one con- 
sults him how he may propitiate the gods, answers, AccorD- 
ING TO THE LAW OF YOUR counTRY;’. and it is the law, 
indeed, every where, that every man should propitiate the 
gods with offerings according to his ability; and how, there- 
fore, can any man honor the gods better or more piously, 
than by acting as they themselves direct? 17. It behooves us, 
however, not to do less than we are able, for, when any one 
acts thus, he plainly shows that he does not honor the gods. 
But it becomes him who fails, in no respect, to honor the 
gods according to his means, to be of good courage, and to 
hope for the greatest blessings; for no one can reasonably 
hope for greater blessings from others than from those who are 
able to benefit him most; nor on any other grounds than by 
propitiating them; and how can he propitiate them better 
than by obeying them to the utmost of his power ?” 

18. By uttering such sentiments, and by acting according 
to them himself, he rendered those who conversed with him 
more pious and prudent. 


3 See i, 3. 3. 


CHAP, IV. SOCRATES OBSERVED JUSTICE. 487 


CHAPTER IV. 


arates inculeated a love of justice into his followers. He gave them an 
example of adherence to justice in his own life, sect. 1-4. He commences 
a conversation with Hippias, a sophist, 4-9. Itis better to be just than 
merely to talk of justice, 10,11; it is a part of justice to obey the laws; 
what a law is, 12-14; who are the best magistrates in states, 15; a gene- 
ral observance of the laws maintains concord, 16-18 ; there are certain 
unwritten laws, which it is not possible to transgress without incurring 
punishment, 19-24; to observe the divine laws is to be just, 25. 


1. Concrrnine justice, too, he did not conceal what senti- 
ments he entertained, but made them manifest even by his 
actions, for he conducted himself, in his private capacity, 
justly and beneficently toward all men, and, as a citizen, he 
obeyed the magistrates in all that the laws enjoined, both in 
, the city and on military expeditions, so that he was distin- 
guished above other men for his observance of order. 2. 
When he was president in the public assembly, he would not 

rmit the people to give a vote contrary to law, but opposed 
1imself, in defense of the laws, to such a storm of rage on 
the part of the populace as I think that no other man could 
have withstood. 3. When the Thirty Tyrants commanded 
him to do any thing contrary to the laws, he refused to obey 
them; for both when they forbade him to converse with the 
young, and when they ordered him, and some others of the 
citizens, to lead a certain person’ away to death, he alone did 
not obey, because the order was: given contrary to the laws. 
4. When he was accused by Meletus,* and others were ac- 
customed, before the tribunal, to speak so as to gain the 
favor of the judges, and to flatter them, and supplicate them, 
in violation of the laws,‘ and many persons, by such practices, 
had often been acquitted by the judges, he refused, on his 
trial, to comply with any practices opposed to the laws, and 


? See i. 1. 18, 

3 Leon, a native of Salamis, but an enrolled citizen of Athens, who 
had gone of his own accord into exile at Salamis, that he might not be 
put to death by the Tyrants, in their greediness for wealth. Stallbaum 
ad Plat. Apol. p. 32, C. See Xen. Hell. ii. 3.39; Andocid. de Myster. 
p. 46; Diop. Laert. ii. 24. Kithner. 

3. See note on i. 1. 1. He is generally called Melitus, 

* Tt was forbidden at Athens to attempt to move the feelings of the 
judges. Quintil. vi. 1. Pollux de Areopagit. viii. 117 


“τον... 


488 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK IV 


though he might easily have been acquitted by his judges, if he 
had but in a slight degree adopted any of those customs, he 
chose rather to die abiding by the laws than to save his life by 
transgressing them. 

5. He held conversations t> this effect with others on 
several occasions, and I know that he once had a dialogue of 
the following kind, concerning justice, with Hippias of Elis ;' 
for Hippias, on his return to Athens after an absence of somo 


_ time, happened to come in the way of Socrates as he was ob- 


serving to some people how surprising it was that, if a man 
wished to have another taught to be a shoemaker, or a car- 
penter, or a worker in brass, or a rider, he was at no loss 
whither he should send him to effect his object ; [nay, that 
every place, as some say, was full of persons who would make 
a horse or an ox observant of right for any one that desired ;] 
while as to justice, if any one wished either to learn it him- 
self, or to-have his son or his slave taught it, he did not know 
whither he should go to obtain his desire. 6. Hippias, hear- 
ing this remark, said, as if jesting with him, “ What! are 
you still saying the same things, Socrates, that I heard from 
you so long ago?” “Yes,” said Socrates, “and what is more 
wonderful, Γ am not only still saying the same things, but am 
saying them on the same subjects; but you, perhaps, from 
being possessed of such variety of knowledge, never say the 
same things on the same subjects.” “Certainly,” replied 
Hippias, “1 do always try to say something new.” 7. “ About 
matters of which you have certain knowledge, then,” said 
Socrates, “as, for instance, about the letters of the alphabet, 
if any one were to ask you how many and what letters are in 
the word ‘ Socrates,’ would you try to say sometimes one thing, 
and sometimes another? or to people who might ask you 
about numbers, as whether twice five are ten, would you not 


1 A famous sophist of that time, well known from the Dialogues of 
Plato; see Cobet, Prosopogr. Xen. p. 36; Quintil. xii. 11. 21; Borne- 
mann ad Sympos. iv. 62. Of the vanity and arrogance of the man, 500 
Stallbaum ad Plat. Hipp. Maj. p. 148. 

2 The works in brackets are condemned by Ruhnken and Valekenaer 
as spurious. Bornemann and Kiihner attempt to defend them. They 
certainly disturb the course of the argument so much and are so useless, 
that I can not think them Xenophon’s. ‘ Observant of right,” in tho 
translation answers to δικαίους, “just,” a word on which the write 
plays. 


eee 


CHAP, IV. CONVERSATION WITH HIPPIAS. 489 


give the same answer at one time as at another?” “ About 
such matters, Socrates,” replied Hippias, “I, like you, always 
say the same thing; but concerning justice I think that 1. 
have certainly something to say now which neither you nor 
any other person can refute.” 8.“ By Juno,” returned Soc- 
rates, “it is a great good that you say you have discovered, 
since the judges will now cease from giving contradictory sen- 
tences, the citizens will cease from disputing about what is 
just, from going to law, and from quarreling, and communi- 
ties will cease from contending about their rights and going 
to war; and I know not how I can part with you till I have 
learned so important a benefit from its discoverer.” 9. “You 
shall not hear it, by Jupiter,” rejoined Hippias, “ until you 
yourself declare what you think justice to be; for it is enough 
that you laugh at others,’ questioning and confuting every 
body, while you yourself are unwilling to give a reason to 
any body, or to declare your opinion on any subject.” 10. 
“What then, Hippias,” said Socrates, “have you not per- 
ceived that I never cease declaring my opinion as to what I 


, conceive to be just?” “And what is this opinion of yours ?” 


said Hippias. “If I make it known to you, not by words 
merely, but by actions, do not deeds seem to you to be a 
stronger evidence than words?” “Much stronger, by Jupi- 
ter,” said Hippias, “for many who say what is just do what 
is unjust, but a man who does what is just can not be himself. 
unjust.” 11. “Have you ever then found me bearing false 
witness, or giving malicious information, or plunging my. 
friends or the state into quarrels, or doing any thing else that 
is unjust?” “I have not.” “And do you not think it just- 
ice to refrain from injustice?” “You are plainly, now,” 
said Ilippias, “ endeavoring to avoid expressing an opinion 
as to what you think just; for what you say is, not what the 
just do, but what they do not do.” 12. “But I thought.” 
rejoined Socrates, “that to be unwilling to do injustice was a 
sufficient proof of justice. If this, however, does not satisfy 
you, consider whether what I next say will please you better; 
for I assert that what is in conformity with the laws is just.” 
“Do you say, Socrates, that to be conformable to the laws, 
and to be just, is the same thing?” “I do, indeed.” 13. “I 


2 «Satis est quod ceteros omnes rides;—me verd non ridebis,.” 
Kithner. ; ᾿ 
"ΝᾺ ἧς 


ry 


490 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK Iv. 


am puzzled; for Ido not understand what you call conforma- 
ble to law, or what you call just.” “Do you know the laws of 
the state ?” said Socrates. “I do,” said the other. “ And what 
do you consider them to be?” “ What the citizens in concert 
have enacted as to what we ought to do, and what we ought 
to avoid doing.” “ Would not he, therefore,” asked Socrates, 
“be an observer of the laws who should conduct himself in the 
community agreeably to those enactments, and he be a violater 
of the laws who transgresses them?” “Undoubtedly,” said 
Hippias. “ Would not he, then, do what is just who obeys the 
laws, and he do what is unjust who disobeys them?” | “ Cer- 
tainly.” “Is not. he, then, just who does what is just, and he 
unjust who does what is unjust ?” “How can it be otherwise ?” 
“He, therefore, that conforms to the laws is just,” added Soc- 
rates, “and he who violates the laws, unjust.” 

14. “ But,” objected Hippias, “how can any one imagine 
the laws, or obedience to them, to be a matter of absolute im- 
portance, when the very persons who make them often reject 
and alter them?” “That objection is of no consequence,” 
said Socrates, “for states, which have commenced war, often 
make peace again.” “Undoubtedly they do,” said Hippias. 
“What difference will there be in your conduct, then, think 
you,’ if you throw contempt on those who obey the laws, be- 
cause the laws may be changed, and if you blame those who 
act properly in war, because peace may be made? Do you 
condemn those. who vigorously support their country in war ?” 
“I do not, indeed,” replied Hippias. 15. “Have you ever 
heard it said of Lycurgus the Lacedzemonian, then,” said Soc- 
rates, “ that he would not have made Sparta at all different 
from other states, if he had not established in it, beyond 
others, a spirit of obedience to the laws? Do you not know, 
too, that of magistrates in states, those are thought the best 
who are most efficient in producing obedience to the laws, and 
that that state in which the citizens pay most respect to the 
laws, is in the best condition in peace, and invincible in war? 
16. The greatest blessing to states, moreover, is concord ; and 
the senates and principal men in them often exhort the citizens 
to unanimity; and every where throughout Greece it is a law 
that the citizens shall take an oath to observe concord, an oath 

* Atdgopov οὖν τι οἴει ποιεῖν----ῆ----.} ‘‘Do you think, therefore, thut 
you do any thing different—than—.” 


ΦΉΛΡ. IV. THE JUST MAN IS ESTEEMED. 491 


which they every where do take; but I conceive that. this 15 
done, not that the citizens may approve of the same choruses, 
or that they may praise the same flute-players, or that they 
may prefer the same poets,’ or that they may take delight 
in the same spectacles, but that they may obey the laws; for 
while the citizens adhere to these, states will be eminently pow- 
erful and happy; but without such unanimity, no state can be 
well governed, nor any family well regulated. 17. As an indi- 
vidual citizen, too, how could any person render: himself less 
liable to penalties from the government, or more likely to have 
honors bestowed upon him, than by being obedient to the laws? 
How else would he incur fewer defeats in the courts of justice, 
or how more certainly obtain sentence in his favor? To whom 
would any one believe that he could more safely confide his 
money, or his sons or daughters? Whom would the whole 
community deem more trustworthy than him who respects the 
laws?, From whom would parents, or relatives, or domestics, 
or friends, or citizens, or strangers, more certainly obtain their 
rights? To whom would the enemy sooner trust in cessations 
of arms, or in making a truce, or articles of peace? To whom 
would people more willingly become allies than to the observer 
of the laws, and to whom would the allies more willingly trust 
the leadership, or command of a fortress, or of a city? . From 
whom would any one expect to meet with gratitude, on doing 
him a kindness, sooner than from the observer of the laws ἢ 
Or whom would any one rather serve than him from whom 
he expects to receive a return? To whom would any one 
more desire to be a. friend, or less desire to be an enemy, than 
such a man? With whom would any one be less inclined 
to go to war, than with him to whom he would most wish to 
be a friend, and least of all an enemy, and to whom the great- 
est part of mankind would wish to be friends and _ allies, and 
but a small number to be antagonists and enemies? 18. I, 
therefore, Hippias, pronounce that to obey the laws and to be 
just is the same; if you hold an opinion to the contrary, tell 
me.” “Indeed, Socrates,” rejoined Hippias, “I do not know 
that I entertain any sentiments opposed to what you have said 
of justice.” 

19. “But. are you aware, Hippias,” continued Socrates, 
“that there are unwritten laws?” “You mean those,” said 


1 The same scenic poets. 


492 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK Iv. 


Hippias, “that are in force about the same points, every 
where.” “Can you affirm, then, that men made those laws ?” 
“How could they,” said Hippias, “when they could not all 
meet together, and do not all speak the same language ?” 
“Whom, then, do you suppose to have made these laws?” “I 
believe,” said he, “that it was the gods who made these laws 
for men, for among all men the first law is to venerate the 
gods.” 20. “15. it not also a law every where to honor 

arents?” “Tt is so?” “Is it not a law, too, that parents 
shall not intermarry with their children, nor children with 
their parents?’ “This does not, as yet, Socrates, appear to 
me to be a law of the gods?” “Why?” “Because I find 
that some nations transgress it.” 21. “ Many others, too, they 
transgress,” said Socrates; “but those who violate the laws 
made by the gods incur punishment which it is by no means 
possible for man to escape, as many transgressors of the laws 
made by men escape punishment, some by concealment, others 
by open violence.” 22. “And what sort of punishment, 
Socrates,” said he, “can not parents escape who intermarry 
with their children, and children who intermarry with their 
parents?” “The greatest of all punishments, by Jupiter,” 
replied Socrates, “for what greater penalty can those who 
beget children incur, than to have bad children?” 28. “ How 
then,” said Hippias, “do they necessarily have bad children 
when nothing hinders but that they may be good themselves, 
and have children by good partners?” “ Because,” returned 
Socrates, “it is not only necessary that those who have chil- 
dren by each other should be good, but that they should be in 
full bodily vigor." Or do you suppose that the seed of those 
who are at the height of maturity is similar to that of those 
who have not yet reached maturity, or to that of those who 
are far past it?” “By Jupiter,” replied Hippias, “it is not 
at all likely that it should be similar.” “Which of the two 


Ὁ Mirari libet Socratis commentum, qui in conjugiis talibus nihil eul- 
pandum invenit preeter ztatis disparitatem. Ilud potius disquirendum, 
annon in hominibus nulla prava educatione corruptis sit in ipsis affecti- 
bus insita fuga quedam commixtionis cum parentibus et ex se natis, 
quippe cum ab ed etiam quedam animantia naturaliter abhorreant. 
Hugo Grotius de J. B. et P. ii. 5, 12, 4—5, et 2, 3, cum annott. ape 
dorf. et Osiand. Herbst. Parentum et liberorum officia mutua plus ai 
Weiskius valere ad sp. 3 <p connubia talia quam annorum ono 
fatom. Kithner. 


Στ ἢ, 


CHAP, IY. VICE ITS OWN PUNISHMENT. 493. 


then is the better?” “ Doubtless that of those at full maturity.” 
“That of those who are not at full maturity, then, is not suffi- 
ciently energetic.” “Probably not.” “ Accordingly they ought 
not to have children?” “No.” “Do not those, therefore, 
who have children under such circumstances, have them as 
they ought not?” “So it appears to me.” “ What other 
persons, therefore, will have bad children, if not these ?’ 
“ Well,” said Hippias, “I agree with you on this point also.” 

24. “Is it not every where a law, also,” said Socrates, “ that 
men should do good to those who do good to them?” “It isa 
law,” answered Hippias, “ but it is transgressed.” “Do not 
those therefore who transgress it incur punishment,” continued 
Socrates, by being deprived of good friends, and being ecm- 
pelled to have recourse to those who hate them? Are not 
such as do service to those who seek it of them good friends to 
themselves, and are not those who make no return to such as 
serve them hated by them for their ingratitude ; and yet, be- 
cause it is for their advantage to have their support, do they 
not pay the greatest court to them?” “Indeed, Socrates,” 
replied Hippias, “all these things seem to suit the character of 
the gods; for that the laws themselves should carry with © 
them punishments for those who transgress them, eppears to 
me to be the appointment of a lawgiver superior to man.” 

25. “ Whether, therefore, Hippias,” added Socrates, “ do 
you consider that the gods appoint as laws, what is agreeable 
to justice, or what is at variance with justice?” “ Not what is 
at variance with justice, certainly,” said Hippias, “ for scarcely 
would any other make laws in conformity with justice, if a god 
were not to do so.” “It is the pleasure of the gods, therefore, 
Hippias,” concluced Socrates, “ that what is in conformity with 
justice should also be in conformity with the laws.” Ὁ 

By uttering such sentiments, and acting in agreement with 
them, he rendered those who conversed with him more ob- 
servant of justice. 

1 Lange has given a judicious summary of these arguments. The 
gods give just laws; what is in conformity with these laws, is νόμεμον : 
therefore every thing νόμιμον in the divine laws is just. Thus the gods — 
in this definition (τὸ νόμιμον δίκαιον εἶναι, sect. 12), agree with men, or 
with me, says Socrates. A sound argument, if human laws be what 
ei τος τὰ to be, that is, in conformity with the divine laws, or the laws 
of nature. 


494 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK Iv. 


CHAPTER. V. 


Socrates rendered his followers better qualified for public life. The neces~ 
sity of temperance, sect. 1, 2; the evils of intemperance, 3-7 ; the benefits 
arising from temperance, 8-10; the conduct of the temperance man, 
11, 12. 


1. I wm now relate how he rendered his followers better 
qualified for the management of public“business. Thinking it 
expedient that temperance should be observed by him who 
would succeed in any thing honorable, he first made it evi- 
dent to those who conversed with him, that he practiced this 
virtue beyond all other men, and then, by his discourse, he 
exhorted his followers, above every thing, to the observance of 
temperance. He continued always, therefore, to make allu- 
sions to whatever was conducive to virtue; and I know that 
he once held a conversation on temperance with Euthydemus 
to the following effect: 2. “Tell me,” said he, “ Euthydemus, 
do you regard liberty as an excellent and honorable posses- 
sion for an individual or a community?” “The most excel- 
lent and honorable that can be,” replied he. 3. “Do you 
consider him, then, who is held under control by the pleasures 
of the body, and is rendered unable, by their influence, to do 
what is best for him, to be free?” “By no means,” replied 
Euthydemus. “Perhaps, then, to have the power ot doing 
what is best seems to you to be freedom, but to be under in- 
fluences which will hinder you from doing it, you consider to 
be want of freedom?’ “ Assuredly,” said he. 4. “Do not 
the intemperate appear to you, then, to be absolutely without 
freedom?” “Yes, by Jupiter, and naturally so.” “And 
whether do the intemperate appear to you to be merely pre- 
vented from doing what is best, or to be forced, also, to do what 
is most dishonorable?” “They appear to me,” replied Eu- 
thydemus, “to be not less forced to do the one than they are 
hindered from doing the other.” 5. “And what sort of mas- 
ters do you consider those to be, who hinder men from doing 
what is best, and force them to do what is worst? “The 
very worst possible, by Jupiter,’ replied he. “And what 
sort of slavery do you consider to be the worst?” “ That,’ 
said he, “under the worst masters?” “Do not then the in- 


CHAP. Υ. ADVANTAGES OF TEMPERANCE. 495 


temperate,” said Socrates, “ endure the very worst of slavery?” 
“Tt appears so to me,” answered Euthydemus. 6. “And 
does not intemperance seem to you, by banishing from men 
prudence, the greatest good, to drive them into the very oppo- 
site evil? Does it not appear to you to hinder them from 
attending to useful things, and learning them, by drawing 
them away to pleasure, and frequently, by captivating those 
who have a perception of good and evil, to make them choose 
the worse instead of the better?” “Such is the case,” said he. 

7. “And whom can we suppose, Euthydemus, to have less 
participation in self-control than the intemperate man? for 
assuredly the acts of self-control and of intemperance are the 
very opposite to each other.” “J assent to this also,” said he. 
“And do you think that any thing is a greater hinderance to 
attention to what is becoming, than intemperance?” “Ido 
not.” “And do you imagine that there is any greater evil to 
man, than that which makes him. prefer the noxious to the 
beneficial, which prompts him to pursue the one and to neg- 
lect the other, and which forces him to pursue a contrary 
course of conduct to that of the wise?” “There is none,” 
said Euthydemns. ; 

8. “Is it not natural, then,” said Socrates, “that temperance 
should be the cause of producing in men effects contrary to 
those which intemperance produces?” “ Undoubtedly,” said 
Euthydemus. “Is it not natural, therefore, also, that what 
produces those contrary effects should be best for man?” “It 
is natural,” said he. “Is it not consequently natural, then, 
Euthydemus, that temperance should be best for man?” “It 
is so, Socrates,” said he. 9. “And have you ever reflected 
upon this, Euthydemus?’ “What?” “That even to those 
pleasures, to which alone intemperance seems to lead men, it 
can not lead them, but that.temperance produces greater pleas- 
ure than any thing else?” “How?” said he. “ Because 
intemperance, by not allowing men to. withstand hunger, thirst, 
or the desire of sensual gratification, or. want of sleep (through 
which privations alone is it possible for them to eat, and 
drink, and gratify other natural appetites, and go to rest and 
sleep with pleasure, waiting and restraining themselves until 
the inclinations may be most happily indulged), hinders them 
from having any due enjoyment in acts most necessary and 
most habitual; but temperance, which alone enables men to 


498 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. - BOOK Iv. 


endure the privations which I have mentioned, alone enables 
them to find delight in the gratifications to which I have 
alluded.” “ What you say,” observed Euthydemus, “ is indis- 
putably true.” 10. “From learning what is honorable and 
good, moreover, and from the study of those acccmpliskments 
by which a man may ably govern himself, judiciously regulate 
his household, become useful to his friends and the state, and 
gain the mastery over his enemies (from which studies arise 
not only the greatest advantages, but also the greatest pleas- 
ures), the temperate have enjoyment while they practice 
them, but the intemperate have no share in any of them ; for 
to whom can we say that it less belongs to participate in such 
advantages, than to him who has. the least power to pursue 
them, being wholly occupied in attention to present pleasures /” 
11. “ You seem to me, Socrates,” said Euthydemus, “to say 
that the man whois under the influence of bodily pleasures, 
jas no participation in any one virtue.” “For what differ- 
ence is there, Euthydemus,” said he, “between an intemperate 
man and the most ignorant brute? How will he, who has 
no regard to what is best, but seeks only to enjoy what is most 
seductive by any means in his power, differ from the most 
senseless cattle? To the temperate alone it belongs to con- 
sider what is best in human pursuits, to distinguish those pur- 
suits, according to experience and reason, into their several 
classes, and then to chocse the good and refrain from the 
evil.” 

12. Thus it was, he said, that men became most virtuous 
and happy, and most skillful in reasoning; and he observed 
that the expression διαλέγεσθαι, “to reason,” had its origin in 
people’s practice of meeting together to reason on matters, and 
distinguishing them, διαλέγοντας, according to their severai 
kinds. It was the duty of every one, therefore, he thought, 
to make himself ready in this art, and to study it with the 
greatest diligence; for that men, by the aid of it, became 
most accomplished, most able to guide others, and most acute 
in discussion. eH 


cHaP.vi. DEFINITIONS GIVEN BY SOCRATES. 497 


CHAPTER VI. 


The value of skill in argument and definition, sect. 1. Definition of prery, 
24; of sustice, 5, 6; of wispom, 7; of GoopNEss and BEAuTY, 8, 9; of 
CouRAGE, 10, 11. Some other definitions, 12. Remarks on the Socratic 
method of argument, 12-15. 


1. I wii now endeavor to show that Socrates rendered 
hos2 who associated with him more skillful in argument. For 
Le thought that those who knew the nature of things sever- 
ally, would be able to explain them to others; but as to 
those who did not know, he said that it was not surprising 
that they fell into error themselves, and led others into it. 
He therefore never ceased to reason with his associates about 
the nature of things." To go through all the terms that he 
defined, and to show how he definited them, would be a long 
task; but I will give as many instances as I think will suffice 
to show the nature of his reasoning. 

2. In the first place, then, he reasoned of prety, in some 
such way as this. “Tell me,” said he, “Euthydemus, what 
sort of feeling do you consider piety to bo?” “The most 
noble of all feelings,” replied he. “Can you tell me, then, 
who is a pious man?” “The man, I think, who honors the 
gods.” “Is it allowable to pay honor to the gods in any 
way that one pleases?’ “No; there are certain laws in con- 
formity with which we must pay our honors to them.” 3. 
“He, then, who knows these laws, will know how he must 
honor the gods?” “I think so.” “He therefore who knows 
how to pay honor to the gods, will not think that he ought to 
pay it otherwise than as he knows?” Doubtless not.” “ But 
does any one pay honors to the gods otherwise than as he 
thinks that he ought to pay them?” “I think not.” 4. “He 
therefore who knows what is agreeable to the laws with re- 
gard to the gods, will honor the gods in agreement with the 
laws?” “Certainly.” “Does not he, then, who honors the 
gods agreeably to the laws honor them as he ought?” “How 
can he do otherwise?” “And he who honors them as he 
ought, is pious?’ “Certainly.” “He therefore who knows 
what is agreeable to the laws with regard to the gods, may 

1 Tf ἕκαστον εἴη τῶν ὄντων. Quid ree qaalibet esset; “what eaeh 
thing was ;” what was the nature of each thing. 


498 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK IV, 


te justly defined by us as a pious man?” “So it appears to 
me,” said Euthydemus. 

5. “But is it allowable for a person to conduct himself 
toward other men in whatever way he pleases?” “No; but 
with respect to men also, he who knows what is in conformity 
with the laws, and how men ought, according to them, to 
conduct themselves toward each other, will be an observer of 
the laws.” “Do not those, then, who conduct themselves 
toward each other according to what is in conformity with 
the laws, conduct themselves toward each other as_ they 
ought?” “ How can it be otherwise?” “ Do not those, there- 
fore, who conduct themselves toward each other as they 
ought, conduct themselves well?” “Certainly.” “ Do not those, 
then, that conduct themselves well toward each other, act prop- 
erly in transactions between man and man?” “Surely.” “Do 
not those, then, who obey the laws, do what is just?” “Un- 
doubtedly.” 6. “ And do you know what sort of actions are 
called just?” “Those which the laws sanction.” “Those, 
therefore, who do what the laws sanction, do what is just, and 
what they ought?” “ How can it be otherwise?” “Those who 
do just. things, therefore, are just?” “I think so.” “Do you 
think that any persons yield obedience to the laws who do not 
know what the laws sanction?” “Ido not.” “ And do you 
think that any who know what they ought to do, think that 
they ought not to do it?” “Ido not think so.” “And do you 
know any persons that do other things than those which they 
think they ought to do?” “Ido not.” “ Those, therefore, who 
know what is agreeable to the laws in regard to men, do what 
is just?” “Certainly.” “And are not those who do what is 
just, just men?” “Who else can be so?” “Shall we not 
define rightly, therefore,” concluded Socrates, “if we define 
those to be just who know what is agreeable to the laws in 
regard to men?” “It appears so to me,” said Euthydemus. 

7. “And what shall. we say that wispom is? Tell me, 
whether do men. seem, to you to be wise, in things which they 
know, or in things which they do not know?” “In what 
they know, certainly ; for how can a man be wise in things of 
which he knows nothing ?”. “Those, then, who are wise, are 
wise by their knowledge?’ “By what else can a man be 
wise, if not by his knowledge?’ “Do you think wisdom, 
then, to be any thing else than that by which men are wise %” 


SHAP. VI. GOODNESS: BEAUTY: COURAGE. 499 


“IT do not.” “Is knowledge, then, wisdom?” “It ap- 
pears so to me.” “Does it appear to you, however, that it is 
possible for a man to know all things that are?” “ No, by 
Jupiter; not even as I think, a comparatively small portion 
of them.” “It is not therefore possible for a man to be wise 
in all things?” “No, indeed.” ‘Every man is wise, therefore, 
in that only of which he has a knowledge?’ “So it seems 
to me.” 

8. “Shall we thus, too, Euthydemus,” said he, “inquire what 
is goon?” “ How 2?” said Euthydemus.. “ Does the same thing 
appear to you to be beneficial to every body?” “No.” “And 
does not that which is beneficial to one person appear to you 
to be sometimes hurtful to another?” “ Assuredly.” “ Would 
you say, then, that any thing is good that is not bene- 
ficial ἢ “I would not.” “What is beneficial, therefore, is 
good, to whomsoever it is beneficial?” “Τὸ appears so to me,” 
said Euthydemus. 

9. “And can we define the BEauTIFUL in any other way 
than if you term whatever is beautiful, whether a person, or 
a vase, or any thing else whatsoever, beautiful for whatever 
purpose you know that it is beautiful?”’ “ No, indeed,” said 
Euthydemus. ‘ For whatever purpose, then, any thing may 
be useful, for that purpose it is beautiful to use it?’ “ Cer- 
tainly.” “And is any thing beautiful for any other purpose 
than that for which it is beautiful to use it?” “For no other 
purpose,” replied he. ‘ What is useful is beautiful, therefore, 
for that purpose for which it is beautiful?” “So I think,” 
said he. 

10. “As to courage, Euthydemus,” said Socrates, “do 
you think it is to be numbered among excellent things ?” 
“T think it one of the most excellent,” replied Euthydemus, 
“But you do not think courage a thing of use for small occa- 
sions.” “No, by Jupiter, but. for the very greatest.” ‘“ Does 
it appear to you to be useful, with regard to formidable and 
dangerous things, to be ignorant of their character?” “ By 


ΕἼ have translated this apparently corrupt passage according to the 
interpretation of it proposed by Lange, a friend of Kiihner’s: Num pos- 
sumus pulchrum aliter [intellige ac bonwm, iii. 8, ubi demonstratum est 
καλὸν, αγαϑὸν, et χρήσιμον idem esse,] definire, an pulchrum vocas, si 
quid pulchrum est [εἰ ἔστιν} vel corpus, vel vas, vel aliud quid, quod ad 
quameunque rem (πρὸς πάντα) pulchrum est ἢ 


500 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES BOOK Iv. 


no means.” “They, therefore, who do not fear such things, 
because they do not know what they are, are not courage- 
ous?” “Certainly not; for, in that case, many madmen and 
even cowards would be courageous.” “ And what do you say 
of those who fear things that are not formidable?” “Still 
less, by Jupiter, should they be called courageous.” “Those, 
then, that are good, with reference to formidable and danger- 
ous things, you consider to be courageous, and those that are 
bad, cowardly?” “Certainly.” 11. “But do you think that 
any other persons are good, with reference to terrible and 
dangerous circumstances, except those who are able to conduct 
themselves well under them?” “No, those only,” said he. 
“ And you think those bad with regard to them, who are of 
such a character to conduct themselves badly under them ?” 
“ Whom else can I think so?” “Do not each, then, conduct 
themselves under them as they think they ought?” “How 
can it be otherwise?” “Do those, therefore, who do not 
conduct themselves properly under them, know how they 
ought to conduct themselves under them?” “ Doubtless not.” 
“Those then who know how they ought to conduct them- 
selves under them, can do so?’ “And they alone.” “Do 
those, therefore, who do not fail under such circumstances, 
conduct themselves badly under them?” “I think not.” 
“ Those then who do conduet themselves badly under them, do 
fail?’ “It seems so.” “Those, therefore, who know how to 
conduct themselves well in terrible and dangerous circum- 
stances are courageous, and those who fail to do so are cow- 
ards?” “They at least appear so to me,” said Euthydemus. 

12. Monarchy and tyranny he considered to be both forms 
of government, but conceived that they differed greatly from 
one another; for a government over men with their own con- 
sent, and in conformity with the laws of free states, he regarded 
as a monarchy; but a government over men against their will, 
and not according to the law of free states, but just as the ruler 
pleased, a tyranny; and wherever magistrates were appointed 
from among those who complied with the injunctions of the laws, 
he considered the government to be an aristocracy; wherever 
they were appointed according to their wealth, a plutoeracy ; 
and wherever they were appointed from among the whole 
people, a democracy. 

13. Whenever any person contradicted him on any point, 


* 


CHAP. VII. JUST REASONING OF SOCRATES, 501 


who had nothing definite to say, and who perhaps asserted, 
without proof, that some person, whom he mentioned, was 
wiser, or better skilled in political affairs, or possessed of 
greater courage, or worthier in some such respect, [than some 
other whom Socrates had mentioned], he would recall the 
whole argument, in some such way as the following, to the pri- 
mary proposition: 14. “Do you say that he whom you com- 
mend, is a better citizen than he whom I commend?” “TI do 
say so.” “Why should we then not consider, in the first place, 
what is the duty of a good citizen?” “Let us do so.” “ Would 
not he then be superior in the management of the public money 
who should make the state richer?” “ Undoubtedly.” “ And 
he in war who should make it victorious over its enemies ?” 
“ Assuredly.” “And in an embassy he who should make friends. 
of foes?” “Doubtless.” “And he in addressing the people 
who should check dissension and inspire them with unanimity ?? 
“T think so.” - When the discussion was thus brought back to 
fundamental principles, the truth was made evident to thos: 
who had opposad him. 

15. When he himself went through any subject in argu- ~ 
ment, he proceeded upon propositions of which the truth was 
generally acknowledged, thinking that a sure foundation was 
thus formed for his reasoning. Accordingly, whenever he spoke, 
he, of all men that I have known, most readily prevailed on his 
hearers to assent to his arguments; and he used to say that 
Homer’ had attributed to Ulysses the character of a sure orator, 
as being able to form his reasoning on points acknowledged by 
all mankind. 





CHAPTER VIL. 


How Socrates rendered his followers μηχανικοὺς, ingenious and adapted for 
business ; his frankness and sincerity, 1. How far he ought that Geom- 
etry should be studied, 2,3. How far he recommended that Astronomy 
should be pursued, 4-7. Vain investigations to be avoided, 8. Regard 
to be paid to health, 9. Counsel to be asked of the gods, 10. 


1. Tar Socrates expressed his sentiments with sincerity to 
those who conversed with him, is, I think, manifest from what 
I have said. I will now proceed to show how much it was his 


1 Odyss. viii. 171: Ὁ δὲ ἀσφαλέως ἀγορεύει: a passage noticed bz 
Dionys. Hal. de Arte Rhet. xi. 8. 


502 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK IV. 


care that his followers should be competently qualified for em- 
, ployments suited to their powers. Of all men that I have 
known, he was the most anxious to discover in what occupa- 
tion each of those who attended him was likely to prove skill- 
ful; and of all that it becomes a man of honor and virtue to 
know, he taught them himself, whatever he knew, with the 
utmost cheerfuluess ; and what he had not sufficient knowledge 
to teach, he took them to those who knew, to learn. 

2. He taught them also how far it was proper that a well- 
educated man should be versed in any department of knowl- 
edge.’ Geometry, for instance, he said that a man should 
study until he should be capable, if occasion required, to take 
or give land correctly by meausurement ; or to divide it or por- 
tion it out for cultivation ;* and this, he observed, it was so easy 
to learn, that he who gave any attention at all to mensuration, 
might find how large the whole earth was, and perfectly under- 
stand how it was measured. 3. But of pursuing the study of 
geometry to diagrams hard to understand, he disapproved ; for 
he said that he could not see of what profit they were,* though 
he himself was by no means unskilled in them; but he re- 
marked that they were enough to consume a man’s whole life, 
and hinder him from attaining many other valuable branches 
of knowledge. 

4. He recommended his followers to learn astronomy also, 
but only so far as to be able to know the hour of the night, 
the month, and the season of the year, with a view to travel- 
ing by land or sea, or distinguishing the night-watches; and 

1 Πράγματος.} ‘ Negotii ex doctrina et scientia pendentis.” Schneider. 

3 Ἔργον ἀποδείξασϑαι.} “ Ad-opus faciendum agri portionem assig- 
nare.” Ernesti. 

3 Socrates did not altogether condemn the study of geometry and 
astronomy, but disapproved of the general practice of the philosophers 
of his own age, who devoted themselves wholly to difficult questions 
concerning the figure of the earth, etc., to the entire neglect of moral 
philosophy. Plato, Pheed. c. 46; agrees with Xenophon; and, indeed, 
an immoderate pursuit of such studies was altogether alien from the 
affairs of common life and morality, to which alone Socrates gave his 
serious attention. Zeune. In the infancy of the mechanic arts, and 
amid the foolish practices of the philosophers, who endeavored to apply 
geometry and astronomy to subjects too high for the human intellect, 
we can not wonder at the determination of Socrates, who preferred im- 
proving the morals of men. Those who are ignorant of those sciences 
in the present day repeat the objections of Socrates as to their inutility. 


CHAP. VII. CONCERNING STUDIES. 503 


to be competent, by knowing the divisions of the above-men- 
tioned times, to profit by the signs for whatever other things 
are done at a certain period of the night, or month, or year. 
These particulars, he said, were easily learned from men who 
hunted by night, from pilots, and from many others whose 
business it was to know them. 5. But to continue the study of 
astronomy so far as to distinguish the bodies which do not move 
in the same circle with the heavens’ the planets, and the irreg- 
ular stars,? and to weary ourselyes in inquiring into their 
distances from the earth, the periods of their revolutions, and 
the causes of all these things, was what he greatly discount- 
enanced; for he saw, he said, no profit in these studies 
cither,® though he had himself given attention to them; since 
they also, he remarked, were enough to wear out the life of a 
man, and prevent him from attending to many profitable 
pursuits. 

6. Concerning celestial matters in general, he dissuaded 
every man from becoming a speculator how the divine power 
contrives to manage them; for he did not think that such 
points were discoverable by man, nor did he believe that those 
acted dutifully toward the gods who inquired into things 
which they did not wish to make known. He observed, too, 
that a man who was anxious about such investigations, was 
in danger of losing his senses, not less than Anaxagoras, who 
prided himself highly on explaining the plans of the gods, lost 
his. 7. For Anaxagoras, when he said that fire and the sun 
were of the same nature, did not reflect that people can easily 
look upon fire, but can not turn their gaze to the sun, and that 
men, if exposed to the rays of the sun, have complexions of a 
darker shade, but not if exposed to fire; he omitted to con- 
sider, too, that of the productions of the earth, none can come 
fairly to maturity without the rays of the sun, while, if warmed 
by the heat of fire, they all perish; and when he said that the 
sun was a heated stone, he forgot that a stone placed in the 


1 Τὰ μὴ ἐν τῇ αὐτῇ περιφορᾷ ὄντα. Edwards refers to Diog. Laert. 
vii. 144, where it is said that some of the heavenly bodies are carried 
round with the heaven, without changing their place, while others have 
motions peculiar to themselves. ; 

2 ᾿Ασταθμῆτους ἀστέρας.} Schneider, Bornemann, and Kiihner, agree 
in understanding comets. 


3 Any more than in difficult geometrical investigations. 


504 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES BOOK IV. 


fire docs net shine, or last long, but that the suzy continues 
perpetually the most luminous of all bodies. 

8. Ie advised his followers also to learn computations,’ but 
in these, as in other things, he exhorted them to avoid useless 
labor ; as far as it was of any profit, he investigated every thing 
himself, and went through it with his associates. 

9. He carnestly recommended those who conversed with 
him to take care of their health, both by learning whatever 
they could respecting it from men of experience, and by at- 
tending to it, each for himself, throughout his whole life, 
studying what food or drink, or what exercise, was most 
suitable for him, and how he might act in regard to them so 
as to enjoy the best health; for he said it would be difficult 
for a person who thus attended to himself to find a physician 
that would tell better than himself what was conducive to his 
health. 

10. But if any one desired to attain to what was beyond hu- 
man wisdom, he advised him to study divination; for he -said 
that he who knew by what signs the gods give indications to 
men respecting human affairs, would never fail of obtaining 
counsel from the gods. 





CHAPTER VII. 


Socrates, though condemned to death, was not convicted of falsehood with 
regard to his Damon. His resolution to die. His innocence inspires him 
with courage. He thinks it good to die, and escape the evils of old age. 
Summary of the arguments of the Memorabilia. 


1. Bur if any one thinks that he was convicted of falsehood 
with regard to his Damon, because sentence of death was 
pronounced on him by the judges although he said that the 
demon admonished him what he ought and what he ought 
not to do, let him consider, ir the first place, that he was 
already so advanced in years,’ that he must have ended _ his 
life, if not then, at least not long after; and, in the next, 

1 Aoyicpovc.| Computations or calculations. . “ Artem calculatoriam.” 
Schneider. How Δλογιστικὴ differed from ἐρεθμητικὴ is shown by Plato, 
Gorg. c. 13. 

2 He was seventy years old, according to Diog. Laert. ii. 44, and 
Maxim, Tyr. ix. 8, 


CHAP. VIII. DEATH OF SOCRATES. 505 


that he relinquished only the most burdensome part of life, in 
which all feel their powers of intellect diminished, while, instead 
of enduring this, he acquired great glory by proving the firm- 
ness of his mind, pleading his cause above all men, with the 
greatest regard to truth, ingenuousness, and justice, and bearing 
his sentence at once with the utmost resignation and the utmost 
fortitude. 

2. It is indeed acknowledged that no man, of all that are 
remembered, ever endured death with greater glory; for he 
was obliged to live thirty days after his sentence, because the 
Delian festival’ happened in that month, and the law allowed 
no one to be publicly put to death until the sacred deputation 
should return from Delos; and during that time he was seer 
by all his friends living in no other way than at any preceding 
period ; and, let it be observed, throughout all the former part of 
his life he had been admired beyond all men for the cheerful- 
ness and tranquillity with which he lived. 3.7 How could any 
one have died more nobly than thus? Or what death could be 
more honorable than that which any man might most honor- 
ably undergo? Or what death could be happier than the most 
honorable? Or what death more acceptable to the gods than 
the most happy ? 

4. I will also relate what I heard* respecting him from 
Hermogenes,* the son of Hipponicus, who said that after 
Meletus had laid the accusation against him, he heard him 
speaking on any subject rather than that of his trial, and re 
marked to him that he ought to consider what defense he 
should make, but that he said at first, “Do I not appear to 
you to have passed my whole life meditating on that subject ?”* 
and then, when he asked him “How so? he said that “he 


1 Δήλια.] A procession, instituted by Theseus, which the Arthenians 
made annually to Delos, and which is to be distinguished from the 
greater Delia, or panegyris, in that island. See Smith’s Dict. of G. and 
R. Ant., art. Delia. 

2 Bornemann thinks that portion of this chapter between the begin- 
ning of sect. 3, and ἐμοὶ μὲν δὴ in sect. 11, spurious, and made up from 
the Apology. Weiske is of a contrary opinion. 

3 Xenophon himself was then with Cyrus in Asia. Schneider. 

4 The same that is mentioned in ii. 10. See Cobet, Prosopogr. Xen. 
p. 64. 

° Τοῦτο μελετῶν διαδεθιωκέναι. ] “In hac re (defensione mei) meditand4 
totam vitam transegisse.” Kuhner. 

VOL If. 22 


506 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK Iv. 


had gone through life doing nothing but considering what was 
just and what unjust, doing what was just and abstaining 
from what was unjust, which he conceived to be the best 
meditation for his defense.” 5. Hermogenes said again, 
“Do you not see, Socrates, that the judges at Athens have 
already put to death many innocent persons, from being 
offended at their language, and have allowed many that were 
guilty to escape?” “But, by Jupiter, Hermogenes,” replied 
he, “ when I was proceeding, a while ago, to study my address 
to the judges, the demon testified disapprobation.” “ You 
say what is strange,” rejoined Hermogenes. “And do you 
think it strange,” inquired Socrates, “that it should seem bet- 
ter to the divinity that I should now close my life? Do you 
not know, that, down to the present time, I would not admit to 
any man that he has lived either better or with more pleasure 
than myself? for I consider that those live best who stud 

best to become as good as possible; and that those live with 
most pleasure who feel the most assurance that they are daily 
growing better and better. : 7. This assurance I have felt, to 
the present day, to be the case with respect to myself; and 
associating with other men, and comparing myself with others, 
I have always retained this opinion respecting myself; and, 
not only I, but my friends also, maintain a similar feeling 
with regard to me, not because they love me (for those who 
love others may be thus affected toward the objects of 
their love), but because they think that while they associated 
with me they became greatly advanced in virtue. 8. If I shall 
live a longer period, perhaps I shall be destined to sustain the 
evils of old age, to find my sight and hearing weakened, to 
feel my intellect impaired, to become less apt to learn, and 
more forgetful, and, in fine, to grow inferior to others in all 
those qualities in which I was once superior to them. If I 
should be insensible to this deterioration, life would not be 
worth retaining; and, if I should feel it, how could 1 live 
otherwise than with less profit, and with less comfort? 9. If 
I am to die unjustly, my death will be a disgrace to those who 
unjustly kill me; for if injustice is a disgrace, must it not be 
a disgrace to do any thing unjustly? But what disgrace will 
it be to me, that others could not decide or act justly with re- 
gard to me? 10. Of the men who have lived before me, I 
zee that the estimation left among posterity with regard to 


CHAP. VILL CONCLUSION. 507 


such as have done wrong, and such as have suffered wrong, is 
by no means similar ; and I know that I also, if I now die, shall 
obtain from mankind far different consideration from that which 
they will pay to those who take my life; for I know that they 
will always bear witness to me that I have never wronged any 
man, or rendered any man less virtuous, but that I have 
‘always endeavored to make those better who conversed with 
me.” Such discourse he held with Hermogenes, and with 
others. . 

11. Of those who knew what sort of man Socrates was, such 
as were lovers of virtue, continue to regret him above all 
other men, even to the present day, as having contributed in 
the highest degree to their advancement in goodness. To 
me, being snch as I have described him, so pious that he 
did nothing without the sanction of the gods; so just, that he 
wronged no man even in the most trifling affair, but was of 
service, in the most important matters, to those who enjoyed 
his society ; so temperate, that he never preferred pleasure to 
virtue ; so wise, that he never erred in distinguishing better 
from worse, needing no council from others, but being sufficient 
in himself to discriminate between them; so able to explain 
and settle such questions by argument; and so capable of dis- 
cerning the character of others, of confuting those who were in 
error, and of exhorting them to virtue and honor, he seemed to 
be such as the best and happiest of men would be. But 
if any one disapproves of my opinion, let him compare the 
conduct of others with that of Socrates, and determine ac- 
cordingly. 





INDEX 


TO THE ANABASIS AND MEMORABILIA. 


The figures to which no letter is prefixed refer to the Anabasis; those to which 


M. is prefixed, to the Memorabilia. 


The names inserted in the “ Geographical Index” to the Anabasis, are here 


omitted. 





Abrocomas, an enemy of Cyrus on 
the Euphrates, i. 3. 20; some 
Greek mercenaries revolt from 
him to Cyrus, i. 4.3; makes no 
defense, i. 4. 5; burns ships, to 
prevent Cyrus crossing the Eu- 
phrates, i. 4. 18; arrives at Cu- 
naxa after the battle, i. 7. 12. 

Abrozelmes, a Thracian, vii. 6. 43. 

Acheans, numerous in the army, 
vi. 2. 10. 

Acumenus, a physician, M. iii. 
13, 2. 

Aictes, his grandson, v. 6. 37. 

Aigypt, M. i. 4. 17. 

Aigyptians, enemies to tho Per- 
sians, ii. 5. 13. 

féneas of Stymphalus killed, iv. 7. 

/®nianes among the troops of Me- 
non, i. 2.6. Their dancing, vi. 
1 ἢ 

Miolia, v. 6. 24. 

4éschines, an Arcarnanian, iy. 3. 
22; 8, 18, 

Ζεβουϊαρίαϑ, temple of, warm spring 
in M. iii. 13. 3. 

Agasias, one of the captains, iv. 1. 
27; iii. 1. 31; his bravery, iv. 7. 
11; v. 2. 15; ridicules the eager- 
ness of the Lacedzmonians for 
power, vi. 1. 30; goes as em- 
bassador to Heraclea, vi. 2. 7; 





disapproves of a division of the 
army, vi. 4. 10; rescues a sol- 
dier from Dexippus, vi. 6. 7, 
17; is wounded, vii. 8. 19. 

Agesilaus returns from Asia to op- 
pose the Beeotians, v. 3. 6. 

Agias, an Arcadian, one of tho 
generals made prisoner by Tis- 
saphernes, ii. 5. 31; is put to 
death, ii. 6.15; is praised, ii. 6. 
30. 

Alcibiades, his conduct, M. i. 2. 
12; why he sought instruction 
from Socrates, 16 how corrupt- 
ed, 24; his discussion with Pe- 
ricles on laws, 40, segq. 

Amazonian hatchet, iv. 4. 16. 

Amphicrates, an Athenian, iv. 2. 
15: 12, 

Anaxagoras, his erroneous opin- 
ions, M. iv. 7. 6. 

Anaxibius, admiral of the Lacedz- 
monian fleet at Byzantium, is 
bribed by Pharnabazus to allure 
the Greeks out of Asia to By- 
zantium, v. 1.4; vi. 1. 16; vii. 
1. 3; breaks faith with him, and 
sends the Greeks from Byzan- 
tium, vii. 1, 11; flees in terror 
to the citadel, vii. 1. 20; leaves 
Byzantium, vii. 2. 5; sends Xen- 
ophon to the army, vii. 2. 8. 

Antileon, v. 1. 2. 


: INDEX. 


Antipho, the sophist, M. i. 6. 1. 

Antisthenes, his discussion with 
Socrates on friendship, M. iii. 5. 
1; his fondness for Socrates, M. 
iii. 11. 17. 

Apollo flays Marsyas, i. 2.8; the 
tenth of the spoil dedicated to 
him, v. 3.4; Xenophon sacrifices 
to him, vi. 8.3. His response 
on the worship of the gods, M. 


iv. 3. 16. 

Apollodorus, follower of Socrates, 
M. iii. 11. 17. 

Apollonides expelled from the army, 
iii. 1.26, 31. 

Arbaces, an officer under Arta- 
xerxes, i. 7.12; satrap of Media, 
viii. 8. 25, 

Arcadians, numerous in the Greek 
army, vi. 2. 10; their dancing, 
vi. 1. 11; separate with the 
Achzans, from the rest of the 
Greeks, vi. 2. 12; suffer for their 
folly, vi. 3..1-9; an Arcadian 

- accuses Xenophon, vii. 6. 8. 

Archagoras, iv. 2. 13, 17. 

Archedemus, his services to Crito, 
Μ. i897: 

Areopagus, praise of the, M. iii. 5. 

0. 


Arexio, an augur, vi. 4. 13; 5. 
2. 8. 


Argo, vi. 2.1. 

Arizus, the friend of Cyrus, com- 
mands his left wing, i. 8.5; 9 
31, flees when Cyrus is killed, 
i. 9. 31; declines the command, 
ii. 2. 1; proposes a route to the 
Greeks, ii. 2. 11; is pardoned 
by the king, and neglects the 
Greeks, ii. 4. 2. 

Aristarchus, the Spartan harmost 
at Byzantium, sells four hun- 
dred of the Greeks as slaves, 
vii. 2. 5, 6; bribed by Pharna- 
bazus to prevent the Greeks from 
crossing into Asia, vii. 2. 12; 6. 
13, 24; plots against Xenophon, 
vii. 2. 14. 

Aristarchus assisted by the advice 
of Socrates, M. ii. 7. 





509 


Aristeas of Chios, iv. 1. 28; 6. 20. 

Aristippus the Thessalian receives 
money and troops from Cyrus, i. 
1. 10; he appoints Menon over 
lis troops, ii. 6. 28. 

Aristippus the philosopher, his dis- 
cussions with Socrates, M. ijk: 
iii, 8. 

Aristo deputed to Sinope, v. 6. 14. 

Aristodemus admonished by Soc- 
rates, M. i. 4. 

Aristonymus, a captain of tho 
heavy-armed, iv. 1. 27; 6. 20; 
his activity, iv. 7.9; his name 
occurs in some copies instead of 
that of Cheirisophus, iv. 6. 21. 

Artacamas, satrap of Phrygia, vii. 
8. 25. 

Artagerses, a captain in the army 
of Artaxerxes, i. 7. 11; is killed 
by Cyrus, 1. 8. 24. : 

Artaozus, a friend of Cyrus, i 4. 
16; ‘v.35. € 

Artapates, a eunuch, i. 6.11; dies 
on the body of Cyrus, i. 8. 28. ~ 

Artaxerxes, the elder brother of 
Cyrus, i. 1. 1; succeeds his father: 
Darius, i. 1. 3; spares Cyrus, ἐδ. ; 
his illegitimate brother, ii. 4. 25; 
wounded in the battle by Cyrus, 
i. 8. 26; plunders the camp of 
Cyrus, i. 10. 1; fears the Greeks, 
E10) 6; ΤΠ τῶ, 18-:.85.1 -Βὸ- 
mands their arms, ii. 1. 18; 
makes a truce with them, ii. 3. 
25; puts to death the Grecian 
generals, ii. 6. 1. 

Artimas, satrap of Lydia, vii. 8. 25., 

Artuchas, his mercenaries, iv. 3. 4. 

Arystas, his voracity, vii. 3. 23. 

Asidates, attacked by πε ρον 
unsuccessfully, vii, 8, 9, 15: 
made prisoner, vii. 8. 22, 

Aspasia, @ Phoczean woman, mis- 
tress of Cyrus, i. 10. 2. 

Aspasia, the mistress of Pericles, 

- M. ii. 6. 36. 


Aspendians, i. 2. 12. 
Assyrians, vii. 8. 15. 


Athenians embezzle public money, 


iv. 6. 16; humbled by the La- 


510 


~ eedeemonians, vii. i. 1. 27; their 
honor commended by Seuthes, 
who calls them his kinsm«y, vii. 
2. 31. Athenians, praised and 
blamed, M. iii. 5; defeated by 
the Heetians, M. iii. 5. 4; never 
changed their abode, 12; pay 
too little respect to old age, and 
to the magistrates, 15. 

Attica, defended by mountains, M. 
iil, 5. 25. 


B 


Basias killed by the Carduchians, 
iv. 1. 18. 

Basias, an augur of Elis, viii. 8. 
10. 

Belesys, satrap of Syria and As- 
syria, i. 4. 10; vii. 8. 25. 

Bito brings money to the army, vii. 
8. 6 


Beeotia ravaged by the Athenians, 
M. πὶ. 5 
Beeotians eaebe with the Athe- 


Callimachus, an Arcadian, captain 
of the heavy-armed, iv. 1. 27; 7. 
8; his bravery, 7. 10; deputed 
to Sinope, vy. 6. 14; to Heraclea, 
vi. 2.7; claims authority over 
the Arcadians and Achzans, vi. 
2. 9, 10. 

Carthaginians, masters of Africa, 
M. ii. 1. 10. 

Cebes, M. iii. 11. 17; i. 2. 48. 

Cecrops settles a dispute between 
the gods, M. iii. 5. 10. 

ΕΝ an Officer, iy. 2. 18 ; 
killed, 1 

Ceramon, ᾿Ξ fi, 18: 

Cerberus, vi. 2. 22. 

disciples of Socra- 
Cheerecrates, | tes, M. i. 2. 48; 
Chzerephon, their disagreement, 
M. ii. 


Chariclos, M. i. 2. 31. 





INDEX. 


Charmides- M. ii’. 6. 7. “ἢ, ἢ. 1. 

Cheirisophus the Lacedeemonian, 
joins Cyrus with seven hundred 
men, i. 4. 3; is sent to Arizeus, 
ii. 1.5; praises Xenophon, iii. 1. 
45; exhorts the Greek generals, 
iii. 2. 2; disagreement, on one 
occasion, between him and Xen- 
ophon, iv. 6. 3; satirical on the 
Athenians, 16; goes from Trebi- 
sond to get vessels, v. 1.4; un- 
successful, vi. 1. 26; has the com- 
mand of the whole army, vi. 1. 
32; is deprived of it, vi. 2. 12; 
dies of a medicine that he takes, 
vi. 4. 11. 

Circe transforms the companions of 
Ulysses, M. i. 3. 7. 

Clesenetus, v. 1. 17. 

Cleagoras, vii. 8. 1. 

Cleander, harmost at Byzantium, 
vi. 4. 18; comes to Calpe, vi. 6. 
5; forms a friendship with Xen- 

_ ophon, vi. 6. 35; vii. 1. 8; de- 
clines the command of the Greeks, 
and why. vi. 6. 36. 

Cleanor, the Arcadian, the oldest 
general next to Clearchus, ii. 1. 
10; appointed in the place of 
Agias, iii. 1. 47; request made 
to him by Xenophon, vi. 4. 22. 
Cleanor, the Orchomenian, in- 
veighs against Arizeus, ii. 5. 39; 
exhorts the generals to take ven- 
geance on the Persians for their 
perfidy, iii. 2.4; commands the 

iv. 8. 18. - Cleanor, 
without any epithet, wishes to 
serve under Seuthes, vii. 2. 2; 
has a good opinion of Xenophon, 
vii. 5. 10. 

Clearchus, an exile from Sparta, 
supplied with money to raise 
ee ἐτο. τὐδίρς 1. 9; 3.3; 

. ii. 6.4; joins Cyrus with a large 
force, i 2. 9; commands the left 
. wing, i. 2. "15; his + ceed 
unpopularity, i. 3, 1, seqq.; 
sailed by the troops of Mensa, i ᾿: 
5. 12; commands the right wing 
in the battle, i. 8.4; his reply to 


INDEX. 


Cyrus, i. 8. 13; Cyrus had great 
esteem for him, i 1.9; 6. 5; 
and told him of his intention to 
go against the king, iii. 1. 10; is 
praised, ii. :3..11; 6. 8; his con- 
ference with -Tissaphernes, ii. 5. 
3-15; is treacherously made 
prisoner, ii. 5. 31; is killed, ii. 
6. 1; his character, 7. 

Cieareatus, v. 7. 14-16. 

Cleonymus, iv. 1. 18. 

Clinias, brother of Alcibiades, M. 


i, 8,18: 

Clito, a statuary, discourse of So- 
erates with, M. iii. 10. 6. - 

Coeratades, a vain boaster, vii. 1. 33. 

Corylas, a satrap of Paphlagonia, vii. 
8. 25; v. 5. 12, 22; 6511; makes 
a treaty with the Greeks, vi. 1. 2. 

Cretan bows, iii. 3. 7, 15; of great 
service, iv. 2. .29. . 

Critias, his conduct, M. i. 2. 12; 
why he sought instruction from 
Socrates, 16; corrupted, 24; a 
lover of Euthydemus, 29; his 
law, 31. 

Crito, a follower of Sacestale Μ. 1. 
2. 48: i. 3.8; secured against 
informers, i ii. 9. 1. 

Critobulus, M. i. 3. 8; his discourse 
with Socrates on friendship, M 
ii. 6. 

Ctesias, the physician, attends Ar- 
taxerxes when he was wounded, 
i. 8. 26, 27. 

Cyniscus, vii. 1. 13. 

Cyrebus, M. ii. 7. 6. 

Cyrus the younger, brother of Ar- 
taxerxes, made a satrap by his 
father Darius, i. 1. 2; thrown 
into prison on the accusation of 
Tissaphernes, i. 1. 3; how liber- 
ated, ἐδ. ; secretly prepares war 
against his brother, i. 1. 6; his 
clemency to Xenias and Pasion, 
i. 4. 8; his liberality to Silanus, 
i, 7. 18; .comes to battle with 
his brother, i. 8. 6; kills Artag- 
erses,: 24; wounds Artaxerxes, 
26; is killed, 27; his eulogy, i. 9. 

Cyrus the elder, i. 9. 1. 





511 


D 


Deedalus enslaved by Minos, M. iv. 
2. 33. , 

Damaratus the Lacedeemonian, ii. 
1. 3; vii. 8. 17. J 

Daphnagoras, vii. 8. 9. 

Darius, i. 1. 1. 

Delian’ festival, M, iv. 8. 2. 

Delium, M. iii, δ. 4. 

Delos, M. iii. 3.12; iv. 8. 2. 

Delphi, treasury of the Athenians 
at, v. 3. 5; inscription at, M. iv. 
2. 24. ‘ 

Demeas, M. ii. 7. 6. 

Democrates, his trustworthiness, 
iv. 4. 15. . 

Dercyllidas, opposed in the field 
to Pharnabazus, v. 6. 24. 

Dernes, satrap of Phoenicia and 
Arabia, vii. 8. 25. 

Dexippus deserts with a ship from 
Trebisond, v. 1..15; vi. 6. 5; 
gives a false character of Xeno- 
phon to Anaxibius, vi. 1. 32; his 
false representations to Cleander, 
vi. 6. 9; he is accused by Aga- 
sias, 22; killed by Nicander, y. 

15 


1..15. 

Diana, tenth of the spoil consecrat- 
ed to her, v. 3, 4; temple built 
to her by Xenophon, v. 3. 9. 

Diodorus persuaded to relieve Her- 
mogenes, M. ii. 10. 1. 

Dionysodorus, M. iii. 1. 1. 

Dracontius directs the games, iv. 
8. 25; deputed to Cleander, vi. 

6. 30. 


L 


Epicharmus cited, M. ii. 1. 20. 

Epigenes, M. iii. 12. 1. 

Episthenes of Amphipolis com-. 

mands the peltasts, i. 10.7; a 

- boy given in charge to him by 
» Xenophon, iv. 6. 1, 3.. 

Episthenes of Elynthus, vi. 4. 7. 

Epyaxa, wife of Syennesis, i. 2. 12- 

Erasinides, an Athenian com- 


512 INDEX. 


mander, put to death, M. i. 1. 
18. 

Erectheus, king of Athens, ML. iti. 
5. 10. 

Eteonicus, vii. 1.12; 20. . 

Euclides, an augur, son of Clea- 
goras, vii. 8 1. 

———_——, another, vii. 8. 6. 

Eurylochus protects . Xenophon 
with his shield, iv. 2. 21; his 
valour, iv. 14, 12; deputed to 
Anaxibius, vii. 1. 32; agrees 
with Xenophon as to getting 
pay from Seuthes, vii. 6. 40. 

Eurymachus, a Dardanian, v. 6. 21. 

Eutherus, M. ii. 8. 1. 

Euthydemus, improved by Socrates, 
M. iv. 2. 1-40; exhorted to 
worship the gods, iv. 3. 2, segq. ; 
Socrates discourses with him on 
intemperance, iv. 5. 2; beloved 
by Critias, i. 2. 29. 


ἋΣ 


Gaulites, i. 7. 5. 

Glaucon, too eager to engage in 
political affairs, M. iii. 6 1. 

Glaucon, father of Charmides, 7d. 

Glus, the son of Tamus, ii. 1..3; 
promises rewards to the Greeks 
from Cyrus, i. 4. 16; extricates 
the wagons at the direction of 
Cyrus, i. 5. 7: reports the death 
of Cyrus to the Greeks, ii. 1. 3; 
watches the Greeks, ii. 4. 24. 

Gnesippus, his humorous request 
- to Seuthes, vii. 28. 

Gobryas, a general of Artaxerxes, 

Eek. 12; 

οὔ of Eretria, vii. 8. 8, 17. 

Gorgias the Leontine, ii. 6. 16. 

et brother of Gongylus, Vil. 


Grud that went up with Cyrus, 
their number, i. steigs ; 7.10; are 
unwilling to - 
xerxes, i. 3. 1; εν 12; victorious 

- at Cunaxa, i. 8. 21; 10.11; return 
to their camp, i. 10.11 ; concern- 
ed at the death of Cyrus, ii. 1.4; 





eae a ii, 2. 8 ; will not 
encamp with <Arizus, iio 4. a; 
arrive at the Zabatus, where their 
leaders are treacherously seized 
by Tissaphernes, and put to 
death, ii. 5. 31; are encouraged 
᾿ by Xenophon, iii. 1. 15; pursue 
their march fighting, iii. 3. 7; 
repulse .the Persians, iii. 4..15, 
25, 44; their troublesome march 
through the mountains of the 
Carduchians, iv. 3, 2; proceed 
through Armenia, iv. 4. 1; ha- 
rassed with snow and frost, iv. 
5. 3; -.overcome the Chalybes, 
Taochians, and Phasians, iv. 6. 
24; advance through the Scythi- 
ni, iv. 7.18; make a treaty with 
the Macrones, iv. 8. 7; overcome 
the Colchians, iv. 8. 19; arrive 
at Trebisond, iv. 8. 22; attack 
the Drile, vy. 2. 1; attack the 
Mossyneeci, v. 4. 26; sail from 
Cotyora to Sinope, vi. 1. 14; 
thence to Heraclea, vi. 2. 2; 
division of their army, vi. 2. 16; 
re-union, vi. 4. 1; defeat the 
Bithynians, vi. 5. 31; arrive at 
Chrysonolis, vi. 6. 38 ; cross over 
to Byzantium, vii. 1. 7; serve 
with Seuthes, and defeat the 
Thracians, vii. 3. 14; join tho 
army of Thibron, vii. 8. 24 


i 


Hecatonymus, deputy from Sinope, 
vi. 5: 1, 243°6. 3. 

Hegesander, vi. 3. 5. 

Hellas, wife of Gongylus, vii. 8. 8. 

Heracleidz assisted by the Atheni- 

~-ans, My iii. 5. 10. 

Heraclides recommends the guests 
of Seuthes to make him presents, 
vii. 3.15; is sent to sell spoil, 
vii. 4.2; δ. 5; speaks ill.of Xen- 
ophon, vii. 5. δ; 6. 5. 

Hercules, sacrifices . to, iv. 8. 24; 
vi. 2. 15; where he went down 
to fetch’ up Cerberus, vi. 2. 2. 
The choice. of, M. ii. 1. 21. 


INDEX. 


Hermocrates, a follower of Socra- 
tes, M. i. 2. 48. 

Hermogenes, M. ii. 10. 3; iv. 8.4. 

Hesiod, cited, M. i. 2. 56; i. 3.3; 
ii. 1. 20. 

Hieronymus of Elis, a captain un- 
der Proxenus, iii. 1. 34; vi. 4. 
10; deputed to Anaxibius, vii. 
1, 32. 

Ifieronymus, another, wounded, vii. 


Tippias disputes with Socrates on 
justice, M. iv. 

er ae eae at Delium, 
M. iii. 5. 4 

Homer, the greatest of ἫΝ nas 
M. i. 4. 3; cited, M. 1. . 58; 
6355 


I 
Tonia, cities of, revolt _ Tissa- 


- phernes to Cyrus, i. 
Itabelius assists ihatntoa vii.- 8. 15. 


J 
Jupiter Hospitalis, iii. 2. 24; the 
Preserver, iii. 2. 9; iv. 8. 44; 


Xenophon sacrifices to him, vi. 
1. 22; Milichius, vii. 8. 4. 


L 


Lacedzemonians taught to steal, iv. 
6. 15; ‘contend with the Atheni- 
ans, vi. 1. 27; are successful, vi. 
6. 12; places subject to them, 
vii. 1. 28. Their respect for old 
age, and for their magistrates, 
M. iii. 5. 15; their exercises, 70. ; 
their concord, M. iii. 5.16; their 
arms, Μ. iii. 9. 2. ‘See’also M. 
iv. 4.15. 

Lamprocles, son of Socrates, ad- 

~ monished, Μ. 11. 2. 1. 

Lebadea, Μ΄ iii. 5. 4. 

Libyans subject to Carthage, M. ii. 
1.10: 


Lichas of Sparta, M. i. 2. 61. 
Lyczan games, i. 2.10. 
23° 





O13 


Lycius, an Athenian, captain of 
cavalry, iii. 3. 20; iv. 3. 22, 25; 
7.24, 

Lycius, a Syracusan, i. 10. 14. 

Lycon, an Achzean, opposes Xeno- 
phon, v. 6.27; brings an answer 
from Heraclea, vi. 2. 4; deputed 
to Heraclea, 7; is the author of 
a disturbance, 9. 

Lycurgus inculeated obedience to 
the laws, M. iv. 4. 15. 

Lydians subject to the Persians, 
M. ii. 1. 10. : 


M 


Meotians subject to the — 
M. ii. 1. 10. 

Meesades, father of Seuthes, vii. 2. 
32; 

Magnesians, their dance, vi. 1. 7. 

Mantineans, their dance, vi. 1. 11. 

Medea, wife of the king of the 
Medes, iii. 4. 11. 

Medocus, king of the Odryse, vii. 
2.32.5 Si, 160}. fey Be Wiens: 

Medosades sent by Seuthes to Xen- 
ophon, vii. 1. 5; 2. 10, 24; 7. 
1.3.1 


Megabyzus, v. 3. 6. 

Megaphernes, a Persian nobleman, 
put to death by Cyrus, i. 2. 20. 
Megarians, their manufacturers, M. 

ii. 7.6. 

Melanippides, dithyrambic poet, M. 
i. 4, 8. 

Meletus, accuser of Socrates, M. 
iv. 4.4; 8: 4. 

Menon,’ the forces with which he 
joins Cyrus, i. 2. 6; dispatched 
by Cyrus into Cilicia, 20; first 
to cross the Euphrates, i. 4, 13; 
quarrel between his men and 
those of Clearchus, i. 5.11; com- 
mands on the left wing of the — 
Greeks, i. 7. 1; 8. 4; friend of 
Arieeus, ii. 1.5; with whom he 
remains, ii. 2. 1; suspected of 
treachery, ii. 5. 28; made pris- 
oner. by Tissaphernes, 31; his 
miserable end, ii. 6. 29; his ill- 


δ14 

ΟΠ ΔΥΔΟύΟΥ, ii. 6. 21. A maker of 
cloaks, M. ii. 7. 6. 

Midas takes the Satyr, i. 2. 13. 

Milesian woman, mistress of Cyrus, 
flees to the Greeks, i. 10. 3. 

Miltocythes, a Thracian, deserts to 
Artaxerxes, ii. 2. 7. 

Minerva, vow of the Athenians to 
her, before the battle of Mara- 
thon, iii. 2. 12. 

Mithridates, a friend of Cyrus, ii. 
5. 85; ili, 3. 2, 4; attacks the 
Greeks as they are marching 
homeward, iii. 3.6; 4.2; called 


satrap of Lycaonia and Cappa- 


docia, vii. 8. 25. 
Mysian dance, vi. 1. 9; another, v. 
9. 


Ν᾿ 


Nausicydes, M. ii. 7. 6. 

Neon of Asina, takes the place of 
Cheirisophus in his absence, v. 6. 

. 86; speaks ill of Xenophon, v. 7. 
1; gives him’ bad advice, vi. 2. 
13; succeeds Cheirisophus at his 
death, vi. 4. 11; his rashness in 
going out to plunder, vi. 4. 23; 
aspires to the command of the 
whole army, vii. 2. 2; dissents 
from the other leaders, 1 vit. 9. 11: 
293 35 Ὁ 

Nicander kills Dexippus, v. 1. 15. 

Nicarchus wounded, ii. 5. 33; 

deserts to the Persians, iii. 3. 5. 

Nicias, son of Niceratus, what price 
he paid for a slave, M. ii. δ. 2 

Nicomachides, M. iii. 4.1. - 

Nicomachus, a captain of the pel- 
tasts, iv. 6. 20, 

rz 0 

Olympia, M. iii. 13. 5. 

Orontes, a Parisian nobleman, plots 
against Cyrus, i. 6. 1; condemn- 
ed to death, 10. 

Orontes, son-in-law to the king, ii. 

8; iii. 4. 13; attends the 
Greeks when returning, ii, 4.9; 

iv. 40; oe of —— iii, 5. 

TA Gives: A 





_ INDEX. 


P 


Palamedes, his death caused by 
Ulysses, M. iv. 2. 33. 

Parrhasius the painter, discourse 
of Socrates with, M. iii. 10. 1. 

Parthenius, y. 6. 9.; vi. 2.1. 

Parysatis, wife of Darius, mother 

_ of Artaxerxes and Cyrus, ila: 
her preference for Cyrus, i. τ 

: 4; her lands in Syria, i. 4. 9; in 
Media, Li 4 BT. 

Passion of Megara commands seven 
hundred men, i. 2.3; is deserted 
by his troops, and flees, i. 4. 7. - 

Pategyas, a friend of . Cyrus, i. 
8.1 


Peloponnesians, their war with the 
Athenians, M. iii. 5. 4, 10, 11. 
Pericles, M.i. 2. 40; ii. 6.13; iii. 5.1. 

, the younger, his con- 
versation ‘with Socrates, M. iii. 


16.4, 
Persians, their power, M. ii. 1.10; 
ἯΙ, ὅ. 11. 
Pheedondes, M.i. 2.48. , 
Phalinus, a friend of Tissaphernes, 
- ii. 1.7; professes military tactics, 
_ b.; says that the Greeks would 
be unable to return without 
the consent of the king, ii. 1. 18. 
Pharnabazus, satrap of Bithynia, 
vii. 8. 25; of Phrygia, vi. 4. 24; 
his cavalry attack the Grecian 
stragglers, 7).; bribes .Anaxi- 
_ bius to draw the Greeks out of 
Asia, vii. 1. 2;. also Aristarchus, 
plat pe Penna See 
Phasiani, iv. 6. 5; v. 6. 36; under 
- the satrapy of Tiribazus, vii. 8. 
25. 


Philesius, an Acheean, succeeds 
Menon, iii. 1. 47; he and §So- 
. pheenetus the eldest of the gen-" 
erals, v. 3. 1; opposes Xeno- 
phon, y. 6. 27; is condemned for- 
extortion, vy. 8. 1; deputed to 
Anaxibius, vii, 1. 32. See Phry- 
niscus. : 


Philoxenus, Vor 2615. 


- INDEX. 


Phocean mistress of Cyrus. See 
Aspasia. 
Pirasiae vi. 5. 11. 


re subject to Persia, M. ii. 


oe) es an Heo: one of the 
Greek generals, vii. 2, Τ᾽ 99. ὅ, 
4 (where some copies read Phile- 
sius); says that he will not serve 
without Xenophon, vii. 5. 10. 

Pigres, interpreter of Cyrus, i. 2. 
1 Be 12. 

Pistias, a maker of coats of mail, 
M. iii. 10. 9. 

Ae beloved by Socrates, M. iii. 


Pols "succeeds ama we as ad- 
miral, vii. 2. 5. 

Polybotes, an Athenian, iv. 5. 24. 

Polycletus the statuary, M. i. 4. 3. 

Polycrates, an Athenian, takes a 
village, iv. 5. 24; is sent to get 
ships, v. 1. 16; goes to Seuthes 
with Xenophon, vii. 2 17, 29; i 
induced by Xenophon to oppose 
Heraclides, vii. 6. 41. 

Polynicus, lieutenant-general to 
Thibron, vii. 6. 1, 39, 43; vii. 7. 
13, 56. 

Procles, governor of Teuthrania, ii. 
1.3; 2.1; vii. 8. 17. 

Procrustes, M. ii. 1. 14. 

Prodicus, his Choice of Hercules, 
M. ii. 1. 21. 

Proxenus, a Theban, raises troops 
for Cyrus, i. 1. 11; joins him 
with his force, i. 2. 3; tries to 
reconcile Clearchus and Menon, 
1. 5. 14; invites Zenophon to 
join him, and recommends him 
to Cyrus, iii. 1. 4, 8; gives an 
answer to the deputies from the 
king, ii. 1. 10; made prisoner by 
Tissaphernes, ii. 5.31; is put to 
death, ii. 6. 1; his character, ii. 
6. 16; v. 4 5. 

Pyrrhias, vi.5. 11. 

Pythagoras, a 5 Eacbdseanotinis com- 
mands the vessels sent to aid 
Cyrus, i. 4. 2. 

Pythian priestess, M. i. 3. 1. 





515 


R 


Rhathines sent against the Greeks 
by Pharnabazus, vi. 5. 7. 

Rhodians, good slingers, iii. 3. 16; 
4. 15; a Rhodian offers to make 
a bridge, iii. 5. 8. 

Rhoparas, satrap of Babylonia, vii. 
8. 25. 


5 


Samolas deputed to the Sinopians 
about ships, v. 6. 14; his force, 
vi. 5. 11. 

Satyr taken by Midas, i. 2. 13. 

Sciro, robber, M. ii. 1. 14. 

Scylla, M. ii. 6. 31. 

Scythians excel in the use of the 
bow, M. iii. 9. 2. 

Seuthes of Thrace, invites the 
Greeks to take service under 

᾿ς him, vii. 1. 5; 2. 10; relates 
the fortunes of his father, vii. 2 
32; calls the Athenians his kins- 
men, 31; invites the Greeks to a 
banquet, vii. 3. 15; burns the 
villages of his enemies, vii. 4. 1; 
kills his prisoners, 6; makes pres- 
ents to the Greek generals, vii. 
5. 2. 9; alienated from Xeno- 
phon, vii. 5. 7, 16; treats with 
deputies from the Lacedeemoni- 
ans about sending back the 
Greeks, vii. 6. 3; can accuse 
Xenophon of nothing but ex-. 
treme care for the soldiers, vii. 6. 
4, 39; induced by Xenophon to 
pay the Greeks, vii. 7. 55; does 
not perform his promises to 
Xenophon, vii. 5. 8; 6. 18; 7. 
39; endeavors to retain Xeno- 
phon, vii. 6. 43; 7. 50. 

Silanus, an augur, receives ten 
talents from Cyrus, i. 7. 18; v. 6. 
18; reveals a secret of Xeno- 

’ phon, v. 6. 17, 29; the soldiers 

τ forbid him,’ with. threats, to go 
home alone, 34; but he escapes 
from them at Heraclea, vi. 4. 13. 


516 


Silanus gives a signal, vii. 4. 16. 

Sinnis, robber, Μ- ii. 1. 14. 

Sirens, M. ii. 6. 11, 31. 

Sitalces, vi. 1. 6. 

Smicres, vi. 3. 4, 5. 

Socrates, an Achzean, raises troops 
for Cyrus, i. 1. 11; joins Cyrus 
with his force, i. 2.3; made pris- 
oner by Tissaphernes, ii. 5. 31; 
is put to death, ii. 5. 1; com- 
mended, ii. 6. 30. 

Socrates, the Athenian philosopher, 
consulted by Xenophon about 
his wish to join Cyrus, iii. 1. 5: 
Was a senator, M. 1.1. 18; some 
of his followers named, M. i. 2. 
48; his conversation before his 
death, M. iv. 8; his other dis- 

courses, M. passim. 

Sophzenetus, an Arcadian, joins 
Cyrus, i. 2. 9. 

- of Stymphalus, a friend 
of Cyrus, i. 1. 11; joins Cyrus 
with a thousand foot, i 2:3; 
goes to Arizts, ii. 5. 37; left to 
defend the camp, iv.4. 19; oldest 
of the generals, v. 3. 1; vi. 5. 
13; found guilty of having ne- 
giected his duty, v. 8. 1. 

Sosis of Syracuse joins Cyrus with 
troops; i. 2. 9. 

Soterides, his foolish behavior to 
Xenophon, iii. 4. 47. 

Spithridates, sent by Pharnabazus 
to attack the Greeks, vi. 5. 7. 

Stratocles commands the Cretan 
archers, iv. 2. 29. 

Syennesis, king of Cilicia, i. 2. 12; 
he guards the entrance into his 
country, i. 4.4; 2. 21; submits 
to Cyrus at the solicitation of his 
wife, i. 2. 26; assists Cyrus with 
money, i: 2. 27. 





T 


Tamos, admiral of the Lacedzmo- 
nian fleet, i. 2. 21; besieges Mi- 
letus with the aid of Cyrus’s 
fleet, i. 4. 2. 





INDEX. 


Teres, son of Odryses, an ancestor 
of Seuthes, vii. 2. 22; 5.1. 

Tharypas, ii. 6. 28. ᾿ 

Thebans, unjust to the other Βωο- 
tians, M. iii. 5. 2. 

Themistocles, his merits, M. ii. 6. 
13; iv. 2. 2; celebrated among 
the barbarians, M. iv. 2. 2. 

sii geometrician, M. iv. 2. 


thee, conversation of Socrates 
with, M. iii. 11.1. 

Theogenes, vii. 4. 18. 

Theognis, cited, M. i. 2. 20. 

Theopompus, ii. 1.12. 

Thibron, engages the Greeks to 
assist him against Tissaphernes, 
vii. 6. 1, 7; viii. 8. 24. 

Thorax, speaks against Xenophon, 

v. 6. 19, 21, 25. 

Thracians, their arms, M. iii. 9. 2. 

Thrasyllus, es Boneals put 
to death, M. i. 1. 

Timasio, 8 Dardanian, succeeds 
Clearchus, ii. Aw Als ty.-A, 32; 
an exile from Troas, v. 6. 23: 
had served with Clearchus and 
Dercyllidas in Asia, 24; he and 
Xenophon are the youngest of 
thegenerals, iii. 2.37; is adverse 
to Xenophon’s notion of found- 
ing a city in Pontus, v. 6. 19; 
has the command of the cavalry, 
vi. 3.12; 5. 28; vii. 3. 46; his 
vases and Persian carpets, ii. 3. 
18; says that he will not serve 
spats from Xenophon, vii. 5, 


Paes Ao v. 4. 2, 4, 

Tiribazus, satrap of western An 
menia, iv. 4.4; of the Phasians 
and Hesperitz, vii. 8, 25; liked 
by Artaxerxes, iv. 4. 4; makes 
a truce with the Greeks, 70. ; 
wishes to attack them, iv. 4. 18; 
his tent taken, iv. 4. 21. 

Tissaphernes, goes up with Cyrus 
to, Darius, i. 1. 2; ill of 

to his brother, 3; puts to 
death some of the Milesians, and 
banishes others, 7; gives notice 


UNDEX. 517 


to the king of the intentions of 
Cyrus, i. 2. 4; ii. 3. 19; one of 
the four generals of Artaxerxes, i. 
7.12; the cities revolt from him 
to Cyrus, i. 9. 9; an impious and 
crafty character, li. 5. 89; boasts 
of his good-will to the Greeks, i ii. 
3. 18; makes a treaty with them, 
ii, 3. 26; desires to free himself 
from the suspicion of treachery, 
ii. 5. 16; makes ‘pelooness of the 
Greek generals, ii. 5. 32; attacks 
the Greeks, iii. 4. 13; the Lace- 
demonians declare war against 
him, vii. 6. 1, 7; 8. 24. 
folmidas, an Athenian general, de- 
feated at Lebadea, M. iii. 5. 4. 
Tolmides, of Elis, a crier, ii. 2. 20. 


U 


Ulysses returns to his country 
asleep, v. 1. 2. Proof against 
the charms of Circe, M. i. 3.7; 
his merits as an orator, M. iv. 
6. 15. 


x 


Xanthicles, an Achzean, elected in 
the room of Socrates, iii. -1. 47; 
found guilty of dishonesty, v. 8. 1. 

Xenias the Parrhasian, went up 
with Cyrus to his father, i. 1. 2; 
joins Cyrus with four thousand 
men, i. 2. 3; celebrates games, 
10; is deserted by his men, and 
secretly returns home, i. 4. 7. 

Xenophon, the Athenian, invited by 
Proxenus to join Cyrus; is di- 
rected by Socrates to eal 
Apollo, iii. 1.4; meets Cyrus at 
Sardes, 8; makes a reply to 
Arizeus, ii. 5. 21; has a dream, 
iii. 1. 11; assembles the officers, 
15; is made general in place of 
Proxenus, 26, 47; causes the 
expulsion of Apollonides, 30; ad- 
vises the generals how to act, iii. 
1. 85; exhorts the soldiers, iii. 2. 
7; proposes a line of march, 34; 





commands the rear, 37; pursues 
the enemy unsuccessfully, iii, 3. 
8; forms a body of slingers, and 
another of cavalry, 20; takes pos- 
session of a mountain, 111, 4. 44; 
merciful to an offending soldier, 
47; deceives the enemy by a 
stratagem, iv. 2. 2; conducts the 
army through the Carduchian 
hills, iv. 2. 9, seg/; is deserted 
by his armor-bearer, 21; is en- 
couraged by another dream, iv. 
3. 8; his stratagem, iv. 3. 20; 
passes the night in the open air, 
without food or fire, iv. 5. 21; 
treats the chief of an Armenian 
village with kindness, 28; his 
only dissension with Cheiriso- 
phus, iv. 6. 3; his plan for at- 
tacking the enemy, 70; and for 
attacking a fort of the Taochians, 
iv. 7.4; his judicious change in 
the order of the army, iv. 8. 10; 
his plan for me the army 
at Trebisoud, v. 1. 5; attacks 
a fort of the Drilse, v. 2. 8; re- 
turns from Asia with A 

y. 3. 6; lives in exile at Scillus, 
7; builds a temple to Diana 
there, 9; is inclined to found a 
city in Pontus, v. 6. 15; de- 
fends himself against a charge of 
misconduct, v. 7. 5; purifies the 
army, 35; his defense when ac- 
cused of cruelty, v. 8. 2; re- 
fuses the sole command, vi. 1. 
19; consults Hercules, vi. 2. 15; 
aids the Arcadians, vi. 3.19; ex- 
horts the soldiers, vi. 5. 14; quells 
a tumult, vi. 6. 8; exhorts the 
soldiers to please Cleander, 12; 
soothes the rage of the soldiers 
against the Byzantines, vii. 1. 
22; bids farewell to the army, 
and goes off with Cleander, 40; 
returns at the solicitation of 
Anaxibius, vii. 2.8; Aristarchus 
seeks to make him prisoner, 14, 
16; goes to Seuthes, 17; from 
whom he brings proposals to the 
army, vii. 3. 3; offers himself 


δ18 


and his followers as a gift to Seu- 
thes at a banquet, 30; shows that 
he is not to blame because Seuthes 
withheld the soldiers’ pay, vii. 6. 
11; his bold reply to Medosades, 
vii. 7. 4; prevails on Seuthes to 
pay the soldiers, 21; sells his 
horse to get money for his journey, 
vii. 8. 2; captures Asidates, and 
zuriches himself, 23—An obser- 





INDEX. 


᾿ vation of Socrates to him, M. i. 
3..11. 

Xerxes defeated by the Greeks, iii. 
2.13; afterward built the cita- 
del and palace of Celzene, i. 2. 9. 


Z 


Zelarchus, a commissary, v. 7. 24, 
Zeuxis the painter, M. i. 4. 2: 


NOTANDA. 


On the sense of the phrase ὠναπτύσσειν τὸ κέρας, Anab. i. 10. 9, I 
might have expressed myself in the note with more decision. The 
meaning of the words is evidently similar to that of ἀναπτύσσοντας τὴν 
φάλαγγα, and ἀναπτυχϑείσης τῆς φάλαγγος, Cyrop, vil. 5. 3 and 5, where 
those expressions are fully explained by the context. A portion of the 
men were withdrawn from one or both wings of the φάλαγξ, or main 
body, and sent to the rear, making the line at once shorter and deeper. 
Thus the Greeks acted with regard to their wing; they either drew 
back the wing altogether, and formed it behind the main body, or drew 
back a portion of the men from the extremity of the wing, and formed 
them behind the front ranks of the wing, in order to make the wing it- 
self deeper and more compact.. I think the latter supposition, which 
confines ὠναπτύσσειν to τὸ κέρας, the more probable. The Greeks “put 
the river in their rear” by wheeling round. 





Of Professor Malden’s translation of παρὰ τὸν Φᾶσιν ποταμόν, “ along 
the river Phasis,” I was not aware, until I saw it mentioned by Mr. 
Ainsworth in ‘his Commentary, p. 226, or I should have adopted it. 





If the student should observe that the negative οὔκουν, in Kiihner’s 
text of the Memorabilia, is, in some few passages, not translated nega- 
tively, he must suppose that, in such cases, I thought a positive sense 
would be better. Editors vary, in many places, in their accentuation of 
this word. 


eh toage! 
aa poe th 


σις ἸΗ͂ 




















: 
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